A Comparative Analysis of Mao Zedong’s and Deng Xiaoping’s Thought on Modernization

In the transformation of Chinese society, the modernization theories of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping possess significant theoretical importance and practical value. Although both theories serve the goal of steering Chinese society toward modernization, they emerged under different historical conditions and backgrounds, and thus have different theoretical footholds and starting points, which determines their distinct connotations and characteristics. Their theories aim to build a modernized China and to consolidate the ruling position of the Chinese Communist Party — this reflects a deep and intense sense of concern for the nation’s fate. Yet, due to differing historical conditions, the nature of this concern in the two modernization theories differs: the former is rooted in class struggle, attempting to advance modernization through class struggle; the latter is rooted in development, striving to advance modernization by developing the productive forces. Both theories seek to explore a theoretical model for China’s social progress. Because the former took the Soviet model as its teacher and did not fully break free from its limitations, while the latter, proceeding from China’s national conditions, boldly explored a new path and forged a Chinese-path modernization distinct from the Soviet model. Viewed from the height of the times, Mao Zedong’s and Deng Xiaoping’s modernization theories are both precious spiritual assets worthy of cherishing. From the perspective of inheritance and innovation, without the foundation of Mao Zedong’s exploratory work on modernization, the fruitful innovations of Deng Xiaoping’s modernization theory would not have emerged.

在中国社会变迁中，毛泽东邓小平的现代化理论具有重大的理论意义和实践价值。虽然他们的理论都是服务于中国社会向着现代化方向演进这个目标的，但是，由于它们产生于不同的时代条件，有着不同的历史背景，因而有着不同的理论立足点和起点，这就决定它们各有不同的内涵和特点；他们的理论是要建设一个现代化的中国，为着巩固中国共产党的执政地位，这是一种深厚而强烈的忧患意识，但由于所处的时代条件各异，两种现代化理论的忧患特质不同，前者立足于阶级斗争，试图以阶级斗争推进现代化，后者立足于发展，着力通过发展生产力来推进现代化；他们的理论都是要为中国社会进步探索出一种理论形态的模式，由于前者以苏联模式为师，未完全走出苏联模式的局限，后者从中国国情出发，大胆探索新道路，走出了一条有别于苏联模式的中国式现代化道路。站在时代的高度审视毛泽东邓小平现代化理论，它们都是值得珍视的宝贵的精神财富。在继承和创新的角度上讲，如果没有毛泽东现代化理论探索这个基础，就不会产生邓小平现代化理论创新的硕果。

In twentieth-century China, there were three historical figures of world-class influence: Sun Yat-sen, who buried China’s feudal monarchy; Mao Zedong, who founded New China; and Deng Xiaoping, who led the Chinese people onto the “Chinese-path modernization.” They labored diligently on the historical track of China’s modernization, and history selected these three as the coordinates of China’s modernization. Since Sun Yat-sen pursued a different modernization model (“Westernization”), which is not of the same category as the modernization referred to by Mao and Deng, this article will not discuss him. This article merely offers a brief comparison of Mao Zedong’s and Deng Xiaoping’s thought on modernization, for the purpose of seeking advice from fellow scholars.

在20世纪的中国，有三位世界级影响的历史人物：一位是葬送中国封建帝制的孙中山，一位是建立新中国的毛泽东，一位是领导中国人民走“中国式现代化道路”的邓小平。他们在中国现代化历史轨道上辛勤劳作，历史选择他们三位作为中国现代化的坐标。由于孙中山推行的是另一种现代化模式（“西化”），与毛、邓所谓的现代化不具有同类项意义，故本文不予讨论。本文仅就毛泽东邓小平的现代化思想略作比较，以就教同仁。

The “modernization” discussed in this article refers to the narrow concept of modernization recognized by academia, namely, the process by which backward countries adopt high-efficiency pathways, through planned economic and technological transformation and learning from advanced world practices, to drive broad social reforms, so as to rapidly catch up with advanced industrial countries and adapt to the modern world environment. Therefore, the assessment of Mao Zedong’s modernization thought and Deng Xiaoping’s modernization thought in this article is conducted from the perspective of this narrow concept of modernization.

本文所说的“现代化”，是学术界所认同的狭义现代化概念，即学术界所谓的落后国家采取高效率的途径，通过有计划地经济技术改造和学习世界先进，带动广泛的社会改革，以迅速赶上先进工业国和适应现代世界环境的发展过程。因此，本文所评估的毛泽东现代化思想、邓小平现代思想，是从狭义的现代化思想角度考量的。

I. The Same Goal, Different Starting Points

一、一样的目标，不同的起点

Mao Zedong’s modernization thought took shape in the later period of the surging New Democratic Revolution in China. At that time, the pro-British and pro-American political line pursued by the Chiang Kai-shek regime had failed, and the dream of bourgeois democracy had been shattered. In the short period after the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Kuomintang regime rapidly lost popular support, while the revolutionary forces led by the Chinese Communist Party were burgeoning and raging like a prairie fire. This presented a stark contrast in Chinese society at the time:

毛泽东的现代化思想，形成于如狂波巨澜般推进的中国新民主主义革命的后期。此时，蒋家王朝在中国推行的亲英美的政治路线失败了，资产阶级民主主义的梦幻破灭了。在抗战胜利后的很短时间内，国民党政权迅速丧失人心，中国共产党领导的革命力量方兴未艾，如火如荼。这在当时的中国社会恰成鲜明的对比：

The democratic figure Chu Anping wrote a commentary article in March 1947 that is quite typical. The article stated: “The support base of the current regime was originally urban citizens, including public servants, educators, intellectuals, and businesspeople. Now this group holds no goodwill toward the Nanjing regime. The Kuomintang’s hegemonic behavior and style have made liberal thinkers deeply disgusted; the meager treatment of public servants and educators since the end of the War of Resistance has caused them to lose all sincerity toward the current regime; government officials wallow in corruption and fraud, creating all kinds of obstacles that make businesspeople furious; the skyrocketing prices caused by fiscal and financial mismanagement and the unending civil war have filled urban citizens with complaints.” On the other hand, the Chinese Communist Party won the support and endorsement of more and more common people. The same democratic figure Chu Anping, who advocated the “middle road,” wrote in a commentary on the view of American diplomat William C. Bullitt, who advocated increased aid to China: “Has Mr. Bullitt ever considered under what circumstances the Communist Party has risen to its current position? In this author’s personal view, the corrupt rule of the Kuomintang is a main reason for the Communist Party’s development to today’s vast power. … If twenty years of rule had not been so corrupt and incompetent, how could it have caused the people to feel that the future is bleak and instead place their hopes in the Communist Party?”

民主人士储安平在1947年3月写过一篇时评文章，十分典型。文章写道：“现政权的支持层原是城市市民，包括公教人员、知识分子、工商界人士。现在这一批人，没有对南京政权有好感。国民党的霸道行为作风使自由思想分子深恶痛绝；抗战结束以来对公教人员刻薄待遇，使他们对现政权赤忱全失；政府官员沉溺于贪污作弊，他们进行种种刁难，使工商界人士怨气冲天；因财政金融失策以及内战不停而造成的物价暴涨，使城市市民怨声载道。”另一方面，中国共产党赢得了越来越多的老百姓的支持和拥护。同样是这位主张走“中间道路”的民主人士储安平，他在一篇评述美国外交官蒲立特主张增大对华援助的观点时，写道：“蒲立特先生有没有想到，共产党究竟是在怎样一个情形之下才提高到了今日所占有的地位的，根据本文作者个人的看法，国民党的腐败统治是造成共产党发展到今天这样庞大势力的一个主要原因。……假如二十年的统治，不是如此腐败无能，何以致使人民觉得前途茫茫，转而寄托希望于共产党？”

This enormous contrast is a true portrayal of the rapid collapse of the Kuomintang regime and the swift attainment of ruling status by the Communist Party in a short period. The decline of one regime and the rise of another naturally depend on the attitude of the people. This law was activated to an extreme degree in the transformation of China’s regime in the late 1940s. The American historian Suzanne Pepper commented incisively: “The Kuomintang government was very badly treated because of its habitual disregard for the demands and feelings of the people.”

这种巨大的反差，正是国民党政权在短期内迅速垮台，共产党迅速取得执政地位的真实写照。一个政权的衰亡与另一个政权的代兴，当然取决于民众的态度。这条定律在20世纪40年代后期中国政权的变迁中，被激活得无以复加。美国历史学家苏珊娜·佩珀一针见血地评论说：“国民党政府由于不顾民众要求与感情的惯常做法而受到很坏的对待。”

“The revolutionary situation is excellent, and getting better and better.” This was the historical environment in which Mao Zedong found himself. It is hardly surprising that deep in the thoughts of the revolutionary leader Mao Zedong, who possessed a poet’s romantic temperament, there was an intensely passionate and excited longing for the bright future of Chinese society.

“革命形势一片大好，越来越好。”这就是毛泽东所处的历史环境。具有诗人浪漫气质的革命领袖毛泽东的思想深处，无比热烈、无比激动地憧憬中国社会的美好前途，当然一点也不奇怪了。

At this historical starting point, Mao Zedong had three assessments of the direction of China’s modernization:

在这个历史起点上，毛泽东对中国现代化走向有三点估价：

1. “After the victory of the revolution, rapidly restore and develop production, deal with domestic and foreign imperialism, steadily transform China from an agricultural country into an industrial country, and build China into a great socialist country.” In the 1940s, equating industrialization with modernization was a global concept.

1.“在革命胜利以后，迅速地恢复和发展生产，对付里外的帝国主义，使中国稳步地由农业国转变为工业国，把中国建设成为一个伟大的社会主义国家。”在20世纪40年代，把工业化作为现代化，这是一种世界性的观念。

2. “Begin to undertake our construction work … If we are ignorant of production work, cannot quickly learn production work, cannot rapidly restore and develop production at least to achieve tangible results, first improve the lives of workers and then improve the lives of the general populace, then we will not be able to maintain our political power, we will not be able to stand firm, and we will fail.” After the victory of the revolution, the Party’s work focus shifted from the countryside to the cities, entering a stage where the cities lead the countryside. This meant that China’s modernization would be led by the Chinese Communist Party. The people are both the promoters and the beneficiaries of modernization; China’s modernization is both the foundation for the Communist Party to win governing legitimacy and the focal point for winning the people’s support.

2.“开始着手我们的建设事业，……如果我们在生产工作上无知，不能很快地学会生产工作，不能使生产事业至少能迅速地恢复和发展，获得确实的成绩，首先使工人生活有所改善，并使一般人民的生活有所改善，那我们就不能维持政权，我们就站不住脚，我们就要失败。”革命胜利后，共产党的工作重点由乡村转到城市，进入了由城市领导农村的阶段。这意味着中国的现代化要由中国共产党来领导。人民群众既是现代化的推进者，又是现代化的受惠者；中国现代化是共产党赢得执政资格的基点，又是赢得人民群众支持的焦点。

3. “We can learn what we did not know. We are not only good at destroying the old world, we are also good at building a new world. The Chinese people not only can live without begging from the imperialists, but will live better than the imperialist countries.” The Chinese Communist Party rapidly destroyed an old world, and Mao Zedong was optimistic and excited about this; regarding modernization construction, building a new world and a New China, Mao Zedong was equally optimistic and deeply believed that the speed would also be very fast. On the eve of the founding of the nation, Mao Zedong once thought that construction, compared to the rapidly advancing revolution at hand, “would require a long time and great effort.” However, after the founding of the nation, Mao Zedong quickly changed this view, believing that construction was much easier than revolution and therefore much faster. In 1960, in his *Reading Notes*, he specifically expressed a different opinion on Lenin’s thesis that “the more backward the country, the more difficult the transition from capitalism to socialism”: “In fact, the more economically backward a country is, the easier, not the more difficult, the transition from capitalism to socialism. The poorer people are, the more they want revolution. … In the East, countries like Russia and China were originally backward and poor, but now not only are their social systems far more advanced than those of the West, but the speed of development of their productive forces is also much faster. Looking at the history of the development of capitalist countries, it is also the case that the backward catch up with the advanced. For example, at the end of the 19th century, the United States surpassed Britain, and later, at the beginning of the 20th century, Germany surpassed Britain again.”

3.“我们能够学会我们原来不懂的东西。我们不但善于破坏一个旧世界，我们还将善于建设一个新世界。中国人民不但可以不要向帝国主义者讨乞也能活下去，而且还将活得比帝国主义国家要好些。”中国共产党迅速破坏了一个旧世界，对此，毛泽东是乐观的，兴奋的；搞现代化建设，建设一个新世界、新中国，毛泽东同样是乐观的，深信速度也将是很快的。在建国前夕，毛泽东一度认为建设同眼前迅速推进的革命相比而言，“则是需要很久的时间和要花费很大的气力”。但是，在建国后，毛泽东很快改变了这一看法，认为建设比革命容易得多，因而要快得多。1960年，他在《读书笔记》中专门就列宁的“国家愈落后，由资本主义过渡到社会主义就愈困难”这一论断提出了不同意见：“其实经济越落后，从资本主义过渡到社会主义愈容易，而不是愈困难。人越穷，越要革命。……在东方，像俄国和中国这样的国家，原来都是落后的，贫穷的，现在不仅社会制度比西方先进得多，而且生产力的发展速度也比他们快得多。就资本主义各国发展的历史来看，也是落后的赶过先进的，例如在19世纪末叶，美国超过英国，后来20世纪初德国又超过英国。”

As can be seen from the above, because Mao Zedong’s thought on modernization took shape under the historical conditions in which the Chinese revolution achieved comprehensive and rapid victory, such a historical starting point was inevitably deeply imprinted on Mao Zedong’s thought on modernization: first, the Kuomintang regime had collapsed, and the Western-style modernization it had promoted had failed, but after the Chinese Communist Party came to power, it must by no means abandon the effort toward modernization; it must take a new path — that is, the path of socialist modernization. Second, only socialist modernization can benefit the people; conversely, only then can the Chinese Communist Party, in governing, secure a deep mass base. After seizing political power, carrying out socialist modernization was consistent with the aspirations and demands of the people. Third, judging from the rapid victory of the Chinese revolution, the process of China’s socialist construction would also be rapid, even “accomplished in short order.” This was the extremely optimistic and fervent feeling Mao Zedong had toward China’s modernization at such a historical starting point. The subsequent twenty-seven years of development of Mao Zedong’s thought on modernization all took this feeling as their starting point, as their origin.

依上可见，由于毛泽东现代化思想形成于中国革命取得全面而迅速胜利的历史条件下，这样一个历史起点，必然深深地烙印在毛泽东现代化思想中：第一，国民党政权垮台了，他所推行的西式化现代化失败了，但是，中国共产党执政后，切不可放弃现代化的努力，一定要走新路；这就是社会主义现代化道路。第二，只有社会主义现代化才能造福于民；反过来，中国共产党执政，也才能获得深厚的群众基础。在取得政权后，搞社会主义现代化同人民群众的愿望与要求是一致的。第三，从中国革命的迅速胜利来看，中国社会主义建设事业的进程也将是迅速的，甚至是“速成”的。这就是毛泽东在这样一个历史起点上对中国现代化产生的一种十分乐观、十分热烈的感受。此后二十七年毛泽东现代化思想的发展，都以这种感受为起点，为原点。

Deng Xiaoping experienced the glory and joy of the founding of the Republic, but he also endured the soul-shaking events of the enlarged “Anti-Rightist” campaign and the sweeping-away-of-everything of the “Cultural Revolution.” [1]1 “Bombard the Headquarters—My Big-Character Poster” (炮打司令部——我的一张大字报) was a poster put up by Mao Zedong on August 5, 1966, during the early stage of the Cultural Revolution, which called for attacking alleged “capitalist roaders” within the Party leadership. China’s modernization suffered repeated setbacks and hardships — this was Deng Xiaoping’s greatest feeling after he returned to work in 1977. After his return, Deng Xiaoping said he had two choices: one was “to be an official,” the other was “to do things.” But out of loyalty to China’s modernization cause, he chose “to do things” and gave up “being an official.” This was his deepest feeling after experiencing the thirty years of the Republic’s history since its founding. This feeling was embedded in his understanding of China’s modernization:

邓小平感受过共和国成立时刻的辉煌与喜悦，更经受了“反右”扩大化的惊心动魄和“文化大革命”的横扫一切。中国现代化一波三折，历经艰难，这是邓小平在1977年复出后的最大感受。邓小平复出后说他自己有两种选择，一是“做官”，二是“做事”。但他出于对中国现代化事业的忠诚，他选择了“做事”，放弃了“做官”。这是他历经建国30年共和国历史后最深刻的感受。这种感受蕴含在他对中国现代化的认识中：

1. As soon as he returned to work, Deng Xiaoping pointed out that the actions of the “Gang of Four” violated the principles of socialism and the goals of China’s modernization. [2]2 The Third Plenary Session refers to the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in December 1978, which marked the beginning of the reform and opening-up era. “To build our country into a powerful, modern socialist country is the great historical mission of our people.” “The actions of the ‘Gang of Four’ have taught us from the negative side that, under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, if we do not carry out modernization, if the level of science and technology is not raised, if the social productive forces are not developed, if the country’s strength is not enhanced, and if the people’s material and cultural life is not improved, then our socialist political and economic systems cannot be fully consolidated, and our country’s security will have no reliable guarantee. The more modernized our agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology become, the stronger our strength will be in combating forces that undermine socialism, and the more our socialist system will win the support of the people. Only by building our country into a powerful, modern socialist country can we more effectively consolidate the socialist system, resist the aggression and subversion of foreign invaders, and also more reliably create, step by step, the material conditions to advance toward the great ideal of communism.” After the founding of New China, the fundamental goal of the Chinese Communist Party was to build a powerful, modern socialist country and thereby consolidate its ruling position.

1.邓小平复出后就指出，“四人帮”的所作所为，违背了社会主义原则，违背了中国现代化目标。“把我们的国家建设成为社会主义的现代化强国，是我国人民肩负的伟大历史使命。”“‘四人帮’的所作所为，从反面使我们认识到，在无产阶级专政的条件下，不搞现代化，科学技术水平不提高，社会生产力不发达，国家的实力得不到加强，人民的物质文化生活得不到改善，那末，我们的社会主义政治制度和经济制度就不能充分巩固，我们国家的安全就没有可靠的保障。我们的农业、工业、国防和科学技术越是现代化，我们同破坏社会主义的势力作斗争就越加有力量，我们的社会主义制度就越加得到人民的拥护。把我们的国家建设成为社会主义的现代化强国，才能更有效地巩固社会主义制度，对付外国侵略者的侵略和颠覆；也才能比较有保证地逐步创造物质条件，向共产主义的伟大理想前进。”新中国成立后，中国共产党的根本目标，就是建设社会主义现代化的强国，并以此巩固自己的执政地位。

2. After the founding of the country, we committed the “Left” error that lasted twenty years, causing catastrophic consequences for China’s modernization. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “In the second half of 1957, we launched the Anti-Rightist struggle politically. The Anti-Rightist struggle was necessary at the time, but it was enlarged, the scope of attack was too broad, and this was wrong. Then came the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and the People’s Commune movement in 1958, which completely violated objective reality, with people letting their heads get hot and wanting ultra-high-speed development. Starting from the second half of 1957, we actually deviated from the line of the Eighth National Congress. This ‘Left’ deviation lasted until 1976, a period of almost a full twenty years.” [3]3 Deng Xiaoping, “Excerpts from Talks in Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Shanghai,” January 18–February 21, 1992, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3. The twenty-year “Left” error delayed China’s modernization process. “From 1957 onward, we lost twenty years, and those twenty years were precisely a period of vigorous development in the world — this is very regrettable.”

2.建国后，我们犯了长达20年的“左”的错误，对中国现代化建设造成了灾难性后果。邓小平指出：“一九五七年下半年，我们在政治上开展了反右派斗争，当时反右是必要的，但扩大化了，打击面太大了，这是错误的。接着就是一九五八年的‘大跃进’和人民公社运动，完全违背客观实际情况，头脑发热，想超高速发展。从一九五七年下半年开始，实际上违背了八大的路线，这一‘左’，直到一九七六年，时间之长，差不多整整二十年。”长达20年“左”的错误，延误了中国现代化进程。“我们从一九五七年以后，耽误了二十年，而这二十年又是世界蓬勃发展的时期，这是非常可惜的。”

3. We must build socialism starting from China’s national conditions and overcome the “Left” error. “Our modernization drive must proceed from China’s actual conditions. Whether in revolution or in construction, we must learn from and draw on the experience of foreign countries. But copying foreign experience and foreign models blindly has never succeeded. We have had many lessons in this regard. Integrating the universal truth of Marxism with China’s concrete reality, taking our own path, and building socialism with Chinese characteristics — this is the basic conclusion we have drawn from summing up our long historical experience.” Carrying out socialist modernization is the basic line and must be adhered to over the long term. “We have only been building socialism for a few decades and are still in the primary stage. Consolidating and developing the socialist system will require a very long historical stage, requiring the unremitting efforts of several, a dozen, or even several dozen generations. We must never be careless.”

3.要从中国的国情出发建设社会主义，克服“左”的错误。“我们的现代化建设，必须从中国的实际出发。无论是革命还是建设，都要注意学习和借鉴外国经验。但是，照抄照搬别国经验、别国模式，从来不能得到成功。这方面我们有过不少教训。把马克思主义的普遍真理同我国的具体实际结合起来，走自己的道路，建设有中国特色的社会主义，这就是我们总结长期历史经验得出的基本结论。”搞社会主义现代化建设是基本路线，必须长期坚持。“我们搞社会主义才几十年，还处在初级阶段。巩固和发展社会主义制度，还需要一个很长的历史阶段，需要我们几代人、十几代人甚至几十代人坚持不懈地努力奋斗，决不能掉以轻心。”

As can be seen from the above, because Deng Xiaoping’s thought on modernization took shape after the “Cultural Revolution,” under the historical conditions in which China had suffered the twenty-year “Left” error, this

依上可见，由于邓小平现代化思想形成于“文革”之后，形成在中国历经长达20年“左”的错误的历史条件下，这就成为邓小平现代化思想的历史起点：第一，必须坚持不懈地搞现代化建设，必须排除一切干扰，尤其是“左”和右的干扰破坏。第二，社会主义现代化是人民群众的根本利益，也是共产党执政后必须坚持的基本路线，离开了这条基本路线，共产党就不能巩固执政地位。第三，现代化建设必须立足于自己的国情，中国的现代化是一个漫长而艰难的历史性过程，发展慢了不行，但急躁不得。这样，邓小平的现代化思想循着一条理性的、稳健的、现实的路径而延伸，而展开。长期的“左”的灾难是邓小平现代化理论的起点，也是邓小平现代化理论发展的原点。因为对新中国成立后的30年历史的感受，邓小平现代化理论的沉重感、沧桑感、务实感就显得十分浓郁，十分强烈。

Although Mao Zedong’s theory of modernization and Deng Xiaoping’s theory of modernization have different historical conditions and temporal backgrounds, the goals they pursued were the same: to build a modernized powerful country, to build a modernized state that benefits hundreds of millions of people. However, precisely because they were situated in different historical conditions and temporal backgrounds — such as the rapid advance of the New Democratic Revolution and the long-term rampant spread of “Left” errors — they had different perceptions of society and different understandings of the era. Consequently, the historical starting points that underpinned their modernization theories were markedly different, and thus their content differed greatly.

毛泽东的现代化理论、邓小平的现代化理论尽管有不同的历史条件、时代背景，但是他们所追求的目标是一样的：建设一个现代化的强国，建设一个造福于亿万人民的现代化国家。但是，正是由于他们处于不同的历史条件和时代背景，如新民主主义革命迅速推进、长期的“左”的错误泛滥成灾，他们就对社会有着不同的感受，对时代有着不同的体认，于是支撑他们现代化理论的历史起点就表现得明显不同，因而内涵就有很大的差异。

II. The Same Sense of Urgency, Different Interpretations

二、一样的忧患，不同的解读

Mature and farsighted statesmen always harbor a sense of urgency about their times. In “times of chaos and urgency,” the core concern is how to seize state power and attain ruling status; in “times of governance and urgency,” the core concern is how to consolidate state power and maintain ruling status over the long term. Liu Bang, the founding emperor of the Western Han dynasty, and his minister Lu Jia discussed “winning the empire on horseback” versus “governing the empire on horseback”; Li Shimin, the founding emperor of the Tang dynasty, and his minister Feng Deyi discussed “which is harder, winning the empire or securing the empire.” Both discussions reflect the sense of urgency of the supreme decision-makers and supreme rulers. Maintaining a constant sense of urgency is both an important element of Chinese cultural tradition and an inevitable requirement of the political situation and the advance of the times.

作为成熟的和有远见的政治家，总是有一份时代的忧患。“乱世忧患”，核心是如何夺取政权，取得执政地位；“治世忧患”，核心是如何巩固政权，长期保持执政地位。西汉开国皇帝刘邦与大臣陆贾有“马上得天下”与“马上治天下”的讨论，大唐开国皇帝李世民与大臣封德彝有“打天下与守天下孰难”的讨论，都映现出最高决策者、最高执政者的忧患意识。始终保持忧患意识，既是中华文化传统的重要内容，又是政治形势与时代前进的必然要求。

The leaders of the Communist Party of China are no exception. Historians describe the twenty

中国共产党的领袖也不能例外。历史学家把二十八年的新民主主义革命的历程称为“腥风血雨”“浴血奋战”，概括了激烈的社会阶级斗争的内容与程度。毛泽东正是从血与火的洗礼中走出来的伟大领袖。如何捍卫新民主主义革命的胜利果实？如何巩固共产党执政的政权？这是毛泽东在推进中国现代化时始终重点考虑的头等大事。

During the long years of revolutionary war, Mao Zedong developed a sharp eye for class struggle, a distinctive method of class analysis, and a mindset fixed on class struggle. The ups and downs of domestic class struggle in the early years of the People’s Republic, together with the international trends of the Soviet de-Stalinization movement and Khrushchev’s reforms, the Eastern European events (the Poznań Uprising, the Hungarian Revolution and the Prague Spring) and the attempts at reform in Eastern Europe, all deeply attracted Mao’s attention and drew his gaze and thoughts. The four characters “class struggle” (阶级斗争) became the basis and benchmark by which Mao judged the international and domestic social situation and political direction. To be sure, modernization had to be carried out, but class struggle was the primary and urgent contradiction. This is the ideological truth behind Mao’s alteration of the analysis and judgment of the principal social contradiction made at the Eighth National Congress.

在长期的革命战争年代，毛泽东形成了敏锐的阶级斗争眼光，独特的阶级分析方法和着眼于阶级斗争的思维定式。建国初期国内阶级斗争的起伏和国际上苏联非斯大林运动与赫鲁晓夫改革、东欧事件（波兹南事件、匈牙利事件和布拉格之春）与东欧改革尝试的新动向，都深深地吸引了毛泽东，牵引着毛泽东的视线和思绪。“阶级斗争”四个字，成为毛泽东判断国际国内社会形势与政治走向的依据和标杆。固然要搞现代化，但是，阶级斗争却是首要的紧要的矛盾。这就是毛泽东改变“八大”对社会主要矛盾分析与判断的思想真实。

1. In September 1956, the Chinese Communist Party convened its Eighth National Congress. The congress scientifically analyzed the international and domestic situation and made a scientific analysis and judgment of the principal domestic contradiction: after the New Democratic Revolution, the socialist system had been basically established in our country, although we still had to fight for the liberation of Taiwan, for the complete completion of the socialist transformation, the final elimination of the exploiting system, and the continued mopping up of counterrevolutionary remnants; however, the principal domestic contradiction was no longer the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, but rather the contradiction between the people’s demand for rapid economic and cultural development and the current inability of the economy and culture to meet that demand; the main task of the people throughout the country was to concentrate their strength on developing the social productive forces, achieving national industrialization, and satisfying the people’s economic and cultural needs. Although class struggle still existed and the people’s democratic dictatorship had to be strengthened, its fundamental purpose was already to protect and develop the productive forces under the new relations of production. However, half a year later, Mao Zedong had formed a new judgment on the situation and contradictions in Chinese society: “In our country, the struggle to consolidate the socialist system, the struggle over which will win out, socialism or capitalism, will still take a very long historical period.” On the one hand, we had the socialist modernization ideal and goal: “We will surely build a socialist country with modern industry, modern agriculture, and modern science and culture.” On the other hand, the question of which would “win and which would lose,” capitalism or socialism, had not yet been resolved; therefore, “to persist in the socialist revolution on the economic front, we must also carry out constant and arduous socialist revolutionary struggle and socialist education on the political and ideological fronts.” This was an examination of the consolidation of socialism and the question of modernization from the perspective of class struggle.

1.1956年9月，中国共产党召开了第八次全国代表大会。大会科学分析了国际国内形势，对国内主要矛盾进行了科学分析和判断：新民主主义革命后，社会主义制度在我国已经基本建立起来了，尽管我们还必须为解放台湾，为彻底完成社会主义改造、最后消灭剥削制度和继续肃清反革命残余势力而斗争；但是，国内的主要矛盾，已经不再是无产阶级和资产阶级的矛盾，而是人民对于经济文化迅速发展的需要同当前经济文化不能满足人民需要的状况之间的矛盾；全国人民的主要任务是集中力量发展社会生产力，实现国家工业化，满足人民的经济文化需要。虽然还有阶级斗争，还要加强人民民主专政，但其根本目的已经是在新的生产关系下面保护和发展生产力。但是，半年以后，毛泽东对中国社会的形势和矛盾就有了新判断：“在我国，巩固社会主义制度的斗争，社会主义和资本主义谁战胜谁的斗争，还要经过一个很长的历史时期。”一方面是我们有社会主义现代化的理想和目标，“我们一定会建设一个具有现代工业、现代农业和现代科学文化的社会主义国家”；一方面是资本主义同社会主义究竟“谁胜谁负”的问题还没有解决，因此，“坚持经济战线上的社会主义革命，还必须在政治路线和思想路线上，进行经常的、艰苦的社会主义革命斗争和社会主义教育”。这是从阶级斗争视野下审视社会主义巩固与现代化发展问题。

2. By October 1957, Mao Zedong believed that over the previous year, the relatively relaxed class struggle had become relatively tense again. Because we had “consciously” relaxed class struggle, the phenomenon of “the tree desires stillness but the wind will not cease” (树欲静而风不止) had appeared: “the bourgeoisie, bourgeois intellectuals, landlords and rich peasants, and a part of the well-to-do middle peasants launched an attack on us.” Therefore, Mao Zedong resolutely negated the Eighth Congress’s determination of the principal social contradiction and redefined it: “The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the contradiction between the socialist road and the capitalist road—there is no doubt that this is the principal contradiction in our society at present. … Now it is the socialist revolution; the edge of the revolution is directed against the bourgeoisie, and at the same time it changes the system of small-scale production, that is, it realizes cooperativization. The principal contradiction is between socialism and capitalism, between collectivism and individualism; to put it summarily, it is the contradiction between the two roads of socialism and capitalism. The resolution of the Eighth Congress did not raise this question. The Eighth Congress resolution had a passage that said the principal contradiction was between the advanced socialist system and the backward social productive forces. This formulation is incorrect.”

2.到了1957年10月，毛泽东认为，一年以来，比较和缓的阶级斗争又变得比较紧张起来，由于我们“有意识”地缓和一下阶级斗争，于是出现了“树欲静而风不止”的现象，“资产阶级、资产阶级知识分子、地主富农以及一部分富裕中农，就向我们进攻”。因此，毛泽东毅然否定了“八大”对中国社会主要矛盾的判定，并对此重新界定：“无产阶级和资产阶级的矛盾，社会主义道路和资本主义道路的矛盾，毫无疑问，这是当前我国社会的主要矛盾。……现在是社会主义革命，革命的锋芒是对着资产阶级，同时变更小生产制度即实现合作化，主要矛盾就是社会主义和资本主义，集体主义和个人主义，概括地说，就是社会主义和资本主义两条道路的矛盾。‘八大’的决议没有提这个问题。‘八大’决议有这么一段，讲主要矛盾是先进的社会主义制度同落后的社会生产力之间的矛盾。这种提法是不对的。”

3. Because of Mao’s judgment on social contradictions, he formed the conclusion that classes and class struggle existed within the Communist Party. On the eve of the founding of the People’s Republic, Mao had estimated that the bourgeoisie would launch an attack on us with sugar-coated bullets; but after the mid-1950s, Mao increasingly and seriously overestimated the attack of the bourgeoisie within the socialist regime on the proletariat, believing that the bourgeoisie had already infiltrated the Communist Party and formed “persons in power taking the capitalist road,” who appeared in the form of a political clique. Therefore, Mao launched the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” under the rallying call of “Bombard the Headquarters—My Big-Character Poster.” [1]1 “Bombard the Headquarters—My Big-Character Poster” (炮打司令部——我的一张大字报) was a poster put up by Mao Zedong on August 5, 1966, during the early stage of the Cultural Revolution, which called for attacking alleged “capitalist roaders” within the Party leadership. At the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee held in September 1962, Mao delivered a speech “on the question of class, situation, contradiction, and inner-Party unity,” in which he expanded and absolutized class struggle that existed only within a certain scope, asserting that throughout the entire historical stage of socialism, the bourgeoisie would exist and there would be the danger of capitalist restoration. The communiqué of the Tenth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee pointed out: “Throughout the entire historical period of the proletarian revolution and the proletarian dictatorship, throughout the entire historical period of the transition from capitalism to communism (a period that will last for decades or even longer), there exists class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, and there exists the struggle between the two roads of socialism and capitalism. … This class struggle will inevitably be reflected within the Party.” On August 7, 1965, when Mao posted that famous “big-character poster,” how severe was his judgment on the two lines and two classes within the Party, and how intense was his anger born of anxiety! The poster read: “How well written are the nation’s first Marxist-Leninist big-character poster and the commentary of the People’s Daily commentator! Comrades, please read this poster and this commentary again. Yet in the past fifty-odd days, some leading comrades from the central to the local levels have acted in the opposite way, standing on the reactionary bourgeois stand, exercising bourgeois dictatorship, suppressing the proletariat’s vigorous ‘Cultural Revolution’ movement, turning right and wrong upside down, confounding black and white, encircling and suppressing the revolutionaries, stifling different opinions, practicing white terror, and feeling quite pleased with themselves. How poisonous they are, to boost the arrogance of the bourgeoisie and deflate the morale of the proletariat!”

3.由于毛泽东对社会矛盾的判断，导致他形成共产党内存在阶级和阶级斗争的论断。在建国前夕，毛泽东估计道，资产阶级会用糖衣裹着的炮弹向我们发起进攻；但是，在50年代中期以后，毛泽东越来严重地估计了社会主义政权内资产阶级向无产阶级的进攻，认为资产阶级已经打进共产党内部，形成了“走资本主义道路的当权派”，这些当权派，以一种政治集团的形式出现。所以，毛泽东发动“无产阶级文化大革命”是以《炮打司令部——我的一张大字报》为号召的。在1962年9月召开的八届十中全会上，毛泽东作了“关于阶级、形势、矛盾和党内团结问题”的讲话，把一定范围内存在的阶级斗争作了扩大化和绝对化的论述，断言在整个社会主义历史阶段中，资产阶级都将存在，并有资本主义复辟的危险。八届十中全会公报指出：“在无产阶级革命和无产阶级专政的整个历史时期，在由资本主义过渡到共产主义的整个历史时期（这个时期需要几十年，甚至更多的时间）存在着无产阶级和资产阶级之间的阶级斗争，存在着社会主义和资本主义这两条道路的斗争。……这种阶级斗争，不可避免地要反映到党内。”1965年8月7日，毛泽东在贴出那张著名的“大字报”的时候，他对党内两条路线、两个阶级斗争的判断，多么严峻，由忧患而产生的气愤，又是何等强烈！“大字报”写道：“全国第一张马列主义的大字报和人民日报评论员的评论写得何等好呵！请同志们重读一遍这张大字报和这个评论。可是在50多天里，从中央到地方的某些领导同志，却反其道而行之，站在反动的资产阶级立场上，实行资产阶级专政，将无产阶级轰轰烈烈的‘文化大革命’运动打下去，颠倒是非，混淆黑白，围剿革命派，压制不同意见，实行白色恐怖，自以为得意，长资产阶级的威风，灭无产阶级的志气，又何其毒也！”

Deng Xiaoping experienced China’s New Democratic Revolution and was an important member of the first generation of collective leadership of the Chinese Communist Party; naturally, he cherished the precious fruits of the Chinese revolution. Therefore, in Deng Xiaoping’s theory of modernization, “what is socialism and how to build socialism” became the theme and soul of Deng Xiaoping’s sense of anxiety. Mao Zedong promoted China’s modernization through the method of class struggle, but fell into the mire of “Left” deviation; Deng Xiaoping, from the perspective of developing the productive forces, pondered the path of China’s modernization and gained a completely new horizon.

邓小平经历了中国新民主主义革命，是中国共产党第一代领导集体中的重要成员，当然珍视中国革命的宝贵成果。因此，在邓小平现代理论中，“什么是社会主义以及如何建设社会主义”，就成为邓小平忧患意识的主题和灵魂。毛泽东通过阶级斗争方式来推动中国现代化，结果陷入了“左”的泥淖；邓小平从发展生产力的角度来思考中国现代化出路，获得了一片崭新天地。

1. To resolve the anxiety of the era, the most important thing was to answer the question “what is socialism and how to build socialism.” Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “What is socialism and how to build socialism,” “among our many experiences and lessons, the most important one is to get this question clear.” Drawing lessons from historical experience allowed the sense of anxiety to be constructed on a scientific foundation. Deng Xiaoping said: “Comrade Mao Zedong was a great leader; the Chinese revolution achieved success under his leadership. However, he had a major shortcoming, which was neglecting to develop the social productive forces. It is not that he did not want to develop the productive forces, but the methods were not all correct; for example, launching the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and the people’s communes did not act in accordance with the laws of social and economic development.” Therefore, he said, “The primary task of socialism is to develop the productive forces, and gradually raise the people’s material and cultural living standards. The experience of the twenty years from 1958 to 1978 tells us: poverty is not socialism; socialism must eliminate poverty. Not developing the productive forces, not raising the people’s living standards, cannot be said to meet the requirements of socialism.”

1.要解证时代忧患，最重要的是回答“什么是社会主义，如何建设社会主义”的问题。邓小平指出：“什么是社会主义，如何建设社会主义”，“我们的经验教训有许多条，最重要的一条，就是要搞清楚这个问题”。从历史经验中总结教训，使忧患意识建构在科学的支点上。邓小平说：“毛泽东同志是伟大的领袖，中国革命是在他的领导下取得成功的。然而他有一个重大的缺点，就是忽视发展社会生产力。不是说他不想发展生产力，但方法不都是对头的，例如搞‘大跃进’、人民公社，就没有按照社会经济发展的规律办事。”因此，他说，“社会主义的首要任务是发展生产力，逐步提高人民的物质和文化生活水平。从一九五八年到一九七八年这二十年的经验告诉我们：贫穷不是社会主义，社会主义要消灭贫穷。不发展生产力，不提高人民的生活水平，不能说是符合社会主义要求的。”

2. To engage in modernization, one must firmly grasp development; only by never loosening one’s grip on development can the people obtain more material and cultural benefits, can the superiority of socialism be greatly manifested, and can the people support and uphold the ruling position of the Communist Party. Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “If we did not adhere to socialism, implement reform and opening up, develop the economy, and improve people’s livelihoods, we would be headed for a dead end. The basic line must be upheld for a hundred years, with no wavering. Only by adhering to this line will the people believe in you and support you. Whoever tries to change the line, principles, and policies adopted since the Third Plenary Session [2]2 The Third Plenary Session refers to the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in December 1978, which marked the beginning of the reform and opening-up era. will be opposed by the people and will be overthrown.” [3]3 Deng Xiaoping, “Excerpts from Talks in Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Shanghai,” January 18–February 21, 1992, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3. Thus, the real danger lies in not adhering to socialism and not implementing reform and opening up; the real worry arises from not developing the economy and not improving people’s livelihoods.

2.搞现代化建设，就必须狠抓发展；只有扭住发展不放松，人民群众才能获得更多的物质、文化实惠，社会主义优越性才能得到极大体现，人民群众才能拥护和支持共产党的执政地位。邓小平指出，“不坚持社会主义，不改革开放，不发展经济，不改善人民生活，只能是死路一条。基本路线要管一百年，动摇不得。只有坚持这条路线，人民才会相信你，拥护你。谁要改变三中全会以来的路线、方针、政策，老百姓不答应，谁就会被打倒。”原来，真正的危险来自于不坚持社会主义，不改革开放；真正的忧患产生于不发展经济，不改善人民生活。

3. The inability to let go and take bold steps in development is key to being bound by the old concept of the “two-line struggle” [4]4 The “two-line struggle” refers to the Mao-era political framework of struggle between a “proletarian” (socialist) line and a “bourgeois” (capitalist) line within the Party and society. and failing to break free from the mindset of “socialism versus capitalism.” In essence, it means failing to establish a correct view of development and a scientific standard of evaluation. Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “The reason some people are hesitant to take bold steps in reform and opening up, and dare not venture forward, is that they fear too many capitalist elements will emerge and that China will take the capitalist road. The crux of the issue is whether something is ‘socialist’ or ‘capitalist.’ The criterion for judgment should be whether it is conducive to developing the productive forces of a socialist society, whether it is conducive to enhancing the comprehensive national strength of a socialist country, and whether it is conducive to improving the people’s standard of living.” [5]5 Deng Xiaoping, “Excerpts from Talks in Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Shanghai,” January 18–February 21, 1992, in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3. This cleared the fog to reveal the sky, broke the ice to set sail for distant voyages.

3.在发展上放不开手脚，迈不开步子，关键是被“两条道路斗争”旧观念束缚了思想，没有从“姓社姓资”的思维定式中解放出来，实质是没有树立正确的发展观和科学的评价标准。邓小平指出，“改革开放迈不开步子，不敢闯，就是怕资本主义的东西多了，走了资本主义道路。要害是姓‘资’还是姓‘社’的问题。判断的标准，应该主要看是否有利于发展社会主义社会的生产力，是否有利于增强社会主义国家的综合国力，是否有利于提高人民的生活水平。”这就拨开迷雾见晓天，打破坚冰去远航。

In summary, although Mao Zedong set the strategic goal of modernization, because he placed the focus of his concerns on class struggle, his guiding ideology and actions for pursuing modernization deviated from the grand objective. In contrast, Deng Xiaoping placed the focus of his concerns on development, so his guiding ideology and actions for pursuing modernization closely adhered to the theme and were able to continuously approach the goal. Different interpretations gave rise to their different political thoughts and social practices.

总之，虽然毛泽东确定了现代化的战略目标，但是，由于毛泽东把忧患的重点放在阶级斗争上，因而他谋求现代化的指导思想及行为就偏离了远大目标；与毛泽东不同的是，邓小平将忧患的重点放在发展上，因而他谋求现代化的指导思想和行为就紧扣主题，能够不断接近目标。不同的解读，造就了他们不同的政治思想和社会实践。

III. The Same Exploration, Different Choices

三、一样的探索，不同的选择

With the victory of the Chinese revolution, a new socialist China emerged before the world. Building socialism and achieving modernization in a backward, large Eastern country was an unprecedented new undertaking. How to proceed? This was a major issue requiring the dedicated exploration of leaders like Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.

随着中国革命取得胜利，一个社会主义的新中国展现在世人的面前。在一个落后的东方大国搞社会主义，建设现代化，是一项前无古人的崭新事业。如何走？这是需要毛泽东、邓小平这样的领袖人物倾心探索的重大问题。

During the revolutionary war years, Mao Zedong was already contemplating the major relationship between revolution and construction. In the Jinggangshan Revolutionary Base Area, [6]6 The Jinggangshan Revolutionary Base Area, established in 1927 in the mountains on the border of Jiangxi and Hunan provinces, was the first rural revolutionary base of the Chinese Communist Party. Mao Zedong articulated a brilliant idea: “At the present stage, economic construction must revolve around the central task of revolutionary war. Revolutionary war is the current central task, and economic construction serves it, revolves around it, and is subordinate to it. … Only after the civil war is concluded can it be said, and should it be said, that economic construction becomes the center of all tasks.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Our Economic Policy,” August 1933, in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 1. This is the idea of revolution first, construction later. This idea influenced the 1950s. In the early 1950s, while reading the Soviet textbook *Political Economy*, Mao Zedong, stepping back from China and from the perspective of the laws of world historical development, elaborated on this earlier difficulty. He said, “From world history, the bourgeois revolution and the establishment of the bourgeois state did not occur after the Industrial Revolution, but before it. They first changed the superstructure, established the state apparatus, then changed the relations of production. Once the relations of production were well established and on track, they opened the way for the development of the productive forces. Of course, revolution in the sphere of relations of production is caused by the development of the productive forces; but the great development of the productive forces always occurs after the change in relations of production. First, create public opinion, seize state power, then solve the problem of ownership, and then vigorously develop the productive forces—this is also a general law.” [8]8 Mao Zedong, “Reading Notes on the Soviet Textbook *Political Economy*,” 1959–1960, in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, vol. 8. He also pointed out, “All revolutionary history proves that it is not necessary to have fully developed new productive forces first before transforming backward relations of production. Our revolution began with propagating Marxism-Leninism, which was to create new social public opinion to carry out the revolution. After overthrowing the backward superstructure in the revolution, the old relations of production could be eliminated. Once the old relations of production were eliminated and new ones established, this opened the way for the development of new social productive forces, and then large-scale technological revolution could be undertaken to vigorously develop social productive forces.” [9]9 Ibid. He also believed that while developing the productive forces, it was also necessary to continue transforming the relations of production and carrying out ideological transformation. After twenty years of thought and exploration, Mao Zedong formed the idea of revolution first, construction later, and carrying out construction while simultaneously transforming the relations of production.

在革命战争年代，毛泽东就思考着革命和建设这个重大关系问题。在井冈山革命根据地，毛泽东就说过一条闪光的思想：“在现在的阶段上，经济建设必须是环绕着革命战争这个中心任务的。革命战争是当前的中心任务，经济建设事业是为着它的，是环绕着它的，是服从于它的。……只有在国内战争完结之后，才说得上也才应该说以经济建设为一切任务的中心。”这就是先革命后建设的思想。这个思想，一直影响到50年代。毛泽东在50年代初期读苏联《政治经济学》教科书时，跳出中国，从世界历史发展的规律性角度，阐发了早先的这个难点。他说，从世界的历史来看，资产阶级革命，资产阶级建立自己的国家也不是在工业革命之后，而是在工业革命以前，也是先把上层建筑改变了，有了国家机器，然后改变生产关系，生产关系搞好了，走上轨道了，也就为生产力的发展开辟了道路。当然，生产关系领域里的革命，是由生产力的发展所引起的；但是，生产力的大发展总是在生产关系改变之后。首先是造舆论，夺取政权，然后才解决所有制问题，再大力发展生产力，这也是一般规律。他还指出，一切革命的历史都证明，并不是先有充分发展的新生产力，然后才能改造落后的生产关系。我们的革命开始于宣传马列主义，这就是要造新的社会舆论，以推行革命，在革命中推翻落后的上层建筑以后，方可消灭旧的生产关系。旧的生产关系被消灭了，新的生产关系建立起来了，这就为新的社会生产力的发展开辟了道路，于是就可以大搞技术革命，大力发展社会生产力。他还认为，在发展生产力的同时，还要继续进行生产关系的改造，进行思想改造。经过20年的思考和探索，毛泽东形成了先革命后建设，边建设边进行生产关系改造的思想。

With this ideological foundation, in choosing a model for the path of development, the requirements were: first, it must be socialist; second, it must have taken the revolutionary path; third, it must be a country that continuously transforms and adjusts its relations of production. The country that met these conditions was, of course, the Soviet Union. Thus, at the moment of victory in the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong clearly stated: We lean to one side. Which side? The Soviet Union! “‘You lean to one side.’ Precisely so. Leaning to one side is what forty years of experience of Sun Yat-sen and twenty-eight years of experience of the Communist Party have taught us, that to achieve victory and consolidate victory, we must lean to one side. Accumulating forty and twenty-eight years of experience, the Chinese people either lean to the side of imperialism or to the side of socialism, with no exception. Sitting on the fence is impossible, and there is no third road.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” June 30, 1949, in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 4. Leaning to the socialist Soviet Union meant, as an important criterion, learning from the Soviet Union and taking the Soviet path. In the mid-1950s, Mao Zedong also said, “The Soviet Union’s construction experience is relatively complete.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “On the Ten Major Relationships,” April 25, 1956, in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 5. Although “complete” here implied correctly recognizing and paying attention to the lessons from Soviet socialist construction, within the original system, shortcomings could be recognized and noted but could not be fundamentally eliminated—this was determined by the system.

有了这个思想基础，在选择发展道路的模式问题上，一要是社会主义的，二要是走了革命道路的，三要是在生产关系上不断进行改造和调整的国家。符合这个条件的，当然就是苏联。于是，在中国革命胜利之际，毛泽东明确表态：我们一边倒。倒向何方？苏联！“‘你们一边倒。’正是这样。一边倒，是孙中山的四十年经验和共产党的二十八年经验教给我们的，深知欲达到胜利和巩固胜利，必须一边倒。积四十年和二十八年的经验，中国人民不是倒向帝国主义一边，就是倒向社会主义一边，绝无例外。骑墙是不行的，第三条道路是没有的。”倒向社会主义的苏联，一条重要的标准，就是学习苏联，走苏联的道路。在50年代中期，毛泽东还说过：“苏联的建设经验是比较完全的。”虽然这里所说的“完全”，包含着要正确认识苏联社会主义建设中的教训，注意吸取，但是，在原有的体制内虽然能够认识并予注意，但却不能从根本上消除不足，这是由体制决定的。

It was under the political guiding ideology of “leaning to one side” and “learning from the Soviet Union” that we established a Soviet-style socialist construction system. Although Mao Zedong had his own explorations and summaries, such as the documents *On the Ten Major Relationships* and *On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People*, and made theoretical innovations, their influence was limited compared to institutional and systemic innovation. Mao Zedong’s originality on the path of socialist modernization appears much less impressive compared to his achievements in exploring the Chinese revolutionary path. Mao Zedong’s exploration of the Chinese revolution’s path of encircling the cities from the countryside and finally seizing national victory was the product of combining the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. It possessed the innovativeness of a theoretical system and was a classic work of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. [12]12 “Adapting Marxism to the Chinese context” (马克思主义中国化) is the official term for the process of applying Marxist theory to China’s specific historical and practical conditions. In contrast, Mao Zedong’s exploration of the path of Chinese socialist construction, due to the influence of the Soviet model, limited his vision and constrained his creativity. On this issue, following the beaten track outweighed original creation, and copying outweighed adaptation. It was precisely because of this copying that the problems that emerged in Soviet construction also appeared in China. The main content and characteristics of this Soviet construction model were: a highly centralized planned economic system and a corresponding highly centralized political system. This system was formed under special international circumstances. It was suitable for the extensive economic development of the early stage of socialist industrialization but was not suitable for changed circumstances and conditions. As the international situation eased, the new technological revolution emerged, and the mode of modern economic growth transformed, it increasingly lost its vitality, became rigid, and increasingly hindered the development of social productive forces. Due to the system’s own limitations and defects, it inevitably led to excessive concentration of power in national political life, the prevalence of personality cults and arbitrary decision-making, serious bureaucratism, severe damage to socialist democracy and the legal system, and slow progress in science, technology, and culture.

正是在“一边倒”和“学习苏联”的政治指导思想支配下，我们建立了一个苏联式的社会主义建设体制。虽然毛泽东有自己的探索和总结，如《论十大关系》《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》等文献，有理论上的创新，但是，相对于制度创新、体制创新而言，它们的影响又是有限的。毛泽东在社会主义现代化道路上的独创性，相对于他对中国革命道路探索的成就来讲，显得逊色许多。毛泽东对于中国革命以农村包围城市，最后夺取全国胜利的道路探索，是马克思主义普遍真理同中国革命具体实践相结合的产物，具有理论体系的创新性，是马克思主义中国化的经典之作；而毛泽东对于中国社会主义建设道路的探索，由于受到苏联模式的影响，局限了他的视野，束缚了他的创造性，在这个问题上，沿袭大于独创，照搬大于改作。正是由于照搬，苏联建设中出现的问题，在中国也同样产生了。这条苏联建设模式的主要内容和特征是：高度集中的计划经济体制以及相适应的高度集权的政治体制。这种体制是在特殊的国际环境中形成的，它适应于社会主义工业化初期粗放式的经济发展，却不适合于变化了的形势和条件。随着国际局势的缓和，新科技革命的兴起，现代经济增长方式发生转变，它就日益丧失活力，显得僵化，日益阻碍社会生产力的发展。由于体制自身的局限性和缺陷，它必然造成国家政治生活中权力过分集中，个人迷信和专断作风盛行，官僚主义严重，社会主义民主和法制遭到严重破坏，科技进步与文化发展缓慢，等等。

Unlike Mao Zedong, who explored within the framework of the Soviet model, Deng Xiaoping advocated institutional innovation and systemic innovation. This is reform. Deng Xiaoping “treated reform as a kind of revolution.” Since it is a revolution, it is not about making minor repairs and patches to the original system, but about carrying out the self-improvement of the socialist system, undertaking systemic transformation and institutional innovation, stepping out of the original framework, blazing a new path, and blazing a good path. It means stepping out of the Soviet model and taking a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

与毛泽东在苏联模式的框框内探索不同，邓小平主张进行制度创新、体制创新。这就是改革。邓小平“把改革当作一种革命”。既然是革命，就不是对原有体制进行细枝末节的修修补补，而是进行社会主义制度的自我完善，进行体制转换和制度创新，走出原有的框框，走出一条新路，走出一条好路。从苏联模式中走出来，走一条中国特色的社会主义道路。

1. This path is a broad avenue that integrates the universal truth of Marxism with China’s socialist practice, is grounded in China’s national conditions, and is a Chinese-path modernization. Shortly after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee [13]13 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, held in December 1978, is a landmark meeting that initiated the policy of reform and opening up., Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “In the past, when we carried out the democratic revolution, we had to suit it to China’s conditions and take the path of encircling the cities from the countryside that Comrade Mao Zedong opened up. Now, when we engage in construction, we must also suit it to China’s conditions and blaze a Chinese-path modernization road.” He stressed that “Chinese-path modernization must proceed from China’s own characteristics.”

1.这条道路是马克思主义普遍真理同中国社会主义实践相结合的康庄大道，是立足于中国国情的，是一条中国式的现代化之路。十一届三中全会召开不久，邓小平就指出：“过去搞民主革命，要适合中国情况，走毛泽东同志开辟的农村包围城市的道路。现在搞建设，也要适合中国情况，走出一条中国式的现代化道路。”他强调说，“中国式的现代化，必须从中国的特点出发”。

2. This path must have a global vision and a global perspective, draw on the strengths of the world, embody Chinese characteristics, and form a most vibrant and best system. At the beginning of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping said with great foresight, “Our system will improve day by day; it will absorb the progressive factors we can absorb from all countries of the world and become the best system in the world.” To this end, “we must boldly absorb and draw upon all the achievements of civilization created by human society, and absorb and draw upon all advanced modes of operation and management methods that reflect the laws of modern社会化生产 [14]14 The Chinese term “社会化生产” (socialized production) refers to production carried out on a large scale with a high degree of social division of labor, a concept derived from Marx’s analysis of capitalist industry. from all countries in the world today, including the developed capitalist countries.”

2.这条道路必须是有世界胸怀和世界眼光的，博取世界之长，体现中国特色，形成一个富有生机活力的最好的制度。在改革开放之初，邓小平就高瞻远瞩地说，“我们的制度将一天天完善起来，它将吸收我们可以从世界各国吸收的进步因素，成为世界上最好的制度”。为此，“就必须大胆吸收和借鉴人类社会创造的一切文明成果，吸收借鉴当今世界各国包括资本主义发达国家一切反映现代社会化生产规律的先进经营方式、管理方式”。

3. To break through the original model, establish a new system full of vitality through reform, and “take a new path,” the most essential thing is to vigorously develop social productive forces and give full play to the superiority of socialism. When expounding his theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “The most fundamental task in the socialist stage is to develop the productive forces. The superiority of socialism is ultimately to be reflected in its productive forces developing faster and at a higher level than those of capitalism, and on the basis of developing the productive forces, to continuously improve the people’s material and cultural life. If we have had shortcomings since the founding of the People’s Republic, it is that we have somewhat neglected the development of the productive forces. Socialism must eliminate poverty. Poverty is not socialism, still less communism.” To constantly change the relations of production while departing from the development of the productive forces, and to engage in the “expansion of class struggle,” can only result in futile折腾 [15]15 The Chinese term “折腾” (zheteng) means to cause trouble, waste energy, or engage in futile, disruptive activity, often implying policy instability or ill-conceived campaigns., harming the people’s strength and national power, and falling into the predicament of a poverty-stricken socialism.

3.突破原有模式，通过改革建立充满生机活力的新体制，“走上新的道路”，最本质的东西是大力发展社会生产力，极大地发挥社会主义的优越性。邓小平在阐述他的中国特色社会主义理论时，指出，“社会主义阶段的最根本的任务就是发展生产力，社会主义的优越性归根到底要体现在它的生产力比资本主义发展得更快一些、更高一些，并且在发展生产力的基础上不断改善人民的物质文化生活。如果说我们建国以后有缺点，那就是对发展生产力有某种忽略。社会主义要消灭贫穷。贫穷不是社会主义，更不是共产主义。”离开生产力的发展来不断变更生产关系，“阶级斗争扩大化”的结果，只能穷折腾，伤害民力国力，陷入贫穷的社会主义困境。

The starting point determines the destination [16]16 This is a translation of the Chinese idiom “出发点决定归宿” (chufadian jueding guisu), meaning that the initial premise or starting point determines the final outcome or destination.. Starting from an existing model, one can only modify the model, not change it; starting from problems, dissecting problems, summarizing and refining them, one can arrive at entirely new understandings. Deng Xiaoping’s theory of modernization is a brand-new theory of modernization that conforms to the direction of progress of the times, a theory of modernization capable of effectively guiding the practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and it possesses the capacity for self-renewal to keep pace with the times. The secret of its charm lies precisely here.

出发点决定归宿。从已有的模式出发，只能改造模式，而不能改变模式；从问题出发，解剖问题，总结提炼，就能得出全新的认识。邓小平现代化理论，是一种崭新的合乎时代进步方向的现代化理论，是一种能够有力地指导中国特色社会主义实践的现代化理论，并且有与时俱进的自我更新能力，其魅力的奥秘就在这里。

Although Mao Zedong’s theory of modernization contains many thought-provoking lessons in its exploration, it is, after all, a profound textbook that inspires the thinking of those who come after, a reliable starting point for people to undertake new explorations, enter new realms, and create new achievements. Therefore, it is equally a valuable spiritual treasure worthy of being cherished. In this sense, without the foundation of Mao Zedong’s exploration of the theory of modernization, there would be no fruitful results of Deng Xiaoping’s theoretical innovation!

尽管毛泽东现代化理论在探索中有许多发人深思的教训，但它毕竟是启来者之思的深刻教材，是人们进行新探索，进入新境界，创造新成果的可靠起点。因此，它同样是值得珍视的宝贵的精神财富。在这个意义上说，没有毛泽东现代化理论的探索这个基础，就没有邓小平现代化理论创新的硕果！

(Author’s brief introduction: Zhang Yanguo, President of Nanchang Normal University, second-level professor, doctoral supervisor, postdoctoral co-supervisor, chief expert of major projects of the National Social Science Fund, national leading talent in philosophy and social sciences under the National “Ten Thousand Talents Plan” [17]17 The National “Ten Thousand Talents Plan” is a major national talent program in China aimed at cultivating and supporting high-level talents in various fields, including philosophy and social sciences.)

（作者简介：张艳国，南昌师范学院校长、二级教授、博导、博士后合作导师，国家社会科学基金重大项目首席专家，国家“万人计划”全国哲学社会科学领军人才）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心