Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang and Its Major Contemporary Significance

“Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.” [1]1 Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.” The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC states: “We will take forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation as the main thread and unswervingly follow the correct path of solving ethnic problems with Chinese characteristics.” [2]2 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022. As the founder of New China, Mao Zedong made pioneering explorations in governing Xinjiang, providing valuable guidance and inspiration for later generations in their work on Xinjiang.

“人们自己创造自己的历史，但是他们并不是随心所欲地创造，并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造，而是在直接碰到的、既定的、从过去承继下来的条件下创造。”党的二十大报告提出：“以铸牢中华民族共同体意识为主线，坚定不移走中国特色解决民族问题的正确道路。”作为新中国开创者，毛泽东对治理新疆作出了开创性探索，为后人开展治疆工作提供了宝贵的指导和启发。

Xinjiang has a special geographical location and natural endowments, and its governance has been an important task for successive central governments in Chinese history. In modern times, due to the invasion and infiltration of Western forces, combined with the intertwined political, cultural, and religious factors of Central Asia, the situation in Xinjiang has become more complex and severe. Proceeding from the fundamental principles of Marxism, Mao Zedong dialectically analyzed the principal contradictions in Xinjiang’s social governance, integrated the fine traditional Chinese culture, and formulated the main strategies for governing Xinjiang with profound historical thinking and precise problem awareness, making a great contribution to the political stability of New China. Against the historical backdrop of the “two overall situations,” [3]3 “Two overall situations” refers to the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the global changes unseen in a century. further inheriting and developing Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang is of great contemporary significance for forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation under the new circumstances and for promoting Xinjiang’s prosperity and stability.

新疆具有特殊的地理位置和自然禀赋，新疆治理是中国历代中央政府的一项重要工作。近代以来，由于西方势力入侵渗透，加之中亚盘根错节的政治、文化、宗教因素，新疆局势变得更加复杂严峻。毛泽东从马克思主义基本原理出发，辩证分析新疆社会治理中的主要矛盾，结合中华优秀传统文化，以深邃的历史思维和精确的问题意识制定了治理新疆的主要策略，为新中国的政治稳定作出巨大贡献。在“两个大局”的历史背景下，进一步继承和发展毛泽东治疆思想，对于新形势下铸牢中华民族共同体意识，推动新疆的繁荣稳定具有重大现实意义。

I. The Formation and Development of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

一、毛泽东治疆思想的形成与发展

As an important component of Mao Zedong Thought, Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang underwent a gradual process of formation. Although Mao never set foot in Xinjiang in his lifetime, he always paid special attention to it. From the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the War of Resistance Against Japan, and the War of Liberation to the period of socialist revolution and construction, Mao Zedong creatively proposed many strategies for solving Xinjiang’s problems, forming a scientific and systematic thought on governing Xinjiang.

作为毛泽东思想的重要组成部分，毛泽东治疆思想经历了逐步形成的过程。虽然毛一生没有去过新疆，但是毛泽东一直特别关注新疆。从土地革命战争时期、抗日战争时期、解放战争时期到社会主义革命和建设时期，毛泽东创造性地提出许多解决新疆问题的策略，形成了科学系统的治疆思想。

(I) Mao Zedong’s Preliminary Reflections on Ethnic Issues

（一）毛泽东对民族问题的初步思考

On December 1, 1920, in a letter to Cai Hesen, Mao Zedong proposed “helping Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet, and Qinghai achieve autonomy and self-determination.” [4]4 Cai Hesen (1895–1931) was an early leader of the CPC. This is Mao’s earliest discussion on Xinjiang, showing that he had begun to think about China’s ethnic issues with modern political thinking. In January 1929, the “Proclamation of the Fourth Army of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army” emphasized: “Unify China, the whole nation celebrates; the Manchus, Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans shall determine their own regulations.” [5]5 The Fourth Army of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army was the main force of the Red Army during the Chinese Civil War. Thus, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, initially proposed China’s future ethnic policy. Placing “unify China” before “determine their own regulations” contained the germ of the thought on regional ethnic autonomy, showing Mao Zedong’s further reflection on China’s ethnic issues. In January 1934, in a report to the Second National Congress of Soviets, Mao Zedong pointed out that China’s ethnic minorities “have always suffered exploitation and rule by Chinese feudal emperors and feudal warlords.” [6]6 The Second National Congress of Soviets was held in Ruijin, Jiangxi, in 1934. Mao believed that the ruling classes of ethnic minorities in places like Xinjiang directly capitulated to imperialism, causing colonization and even more brutal plunder of the working people. Although Mao’s thinking on Xinjiang during this period was influenced by the Soviet Union, two points in his discussions on Xinjiang at that time are noteworthy: first, from the very beginning, he consciously used Marxism to observe and handle issues in Xinjiang and other ethnic regions, showing the distinctive characteristics of Communists compared to their predecessors; second, the emphasis on “unify China” showed that the fine traditional Chinese culture profoundly influenced Mao Zedong’s thinking on Xinjiang. It was the combined force of these two aspects that drove the formation and development of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang.

1920年12月1日，毛泽东在致蔡和森的信中提出，要“帮助蒙古、新疆、西藏、青海自治自决”。这是毛泽东关于新疆的最早论述，显示出他开始以现代政治思维思考中国的民族问题。1929年1月，《中国工农红军第四军司令部布告》强调：“统一中华，举国称庆，满蒙回藏，章程自定。”由此，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人初步提出了中国今后的民族政策。将“统一中华”置于“章程自定”之前，蕴含民族区域自治思想的萌芽，显示出毛泽东对中国民族问题的进一步思考。1934年1月，在第二次全国苏维埃代表大会的报告中，毛泽东指出，我国少数民族“历来都受着中国封建皇帝与封建军阀的剥削和统治”。毛泽东认为，新疆等地少数民族的统治阶级直接投降于帝国主义，造成了殖民化和对劳动民众更加残酷的掠夺。虽然这一时期毛泽东关于新疆问题的思考受到苏联影响，但他当时关于新疆问题的论述有两点值得注意：第一，一开始就自觉以马克思主义来观察和处理新疆等民族地区问题，显示出共产党人不同于前人的特点；第二，对“统一中华”的强调，显示出中华优秀传统文化深刻影响了毛泽东对新疆问题的思考。正是这两个方面形成的合力，推动着毛泽东治疆思想形成和发展。

(II) The Formation of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

（二）毛泽东治疆思想的形成

From 1935 to 1949, Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang gradually took shape in the social practice of the Chinese Communist Party in solving ethnic issues. In December 1935, the Wayaobu Conference established the Party’s policy of forming an anti-Japanese united front, providing an important historical opportunity for Mao to propose the thought on regional ethnic autonomy. [7]7 The Wayaobu Conference was a meeting of the Politburo of the CPC held in Wayaobu, Shaanxi, in December 1935. In May 1936, Mao Zedong signed the “Declaration of the Chinese Soviet Central Government to the Hui People,” pointing out that Japanese imperialism “is now advancing towards Suiyuan, Ningxia, Gansu, and Xinjiang, destroying your foundation; the great calamity of annihilating your race has already arrived. … At this critical juncture of survival, we hope you will rise up immediately.” [8]8 The Hui people are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group in China. After the full outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Chinese Communist Party established an anti-Japanese national united front with the Xinjiang warlord Sheng Shicai, set up an Eighth Route Army office in Dihua, and Mao Zedong’s attention to Xinjiang increased day by day. [9]9 Sheng Shicai (1897–1970) was the warlord ruler of Xinjiang from 1933 to 1944. Dihua is the former name of Ürümqi. In February 1938, at Sheng Shicai’s invitation, the Central Committee of the CPC sent a large number of outstanding Communist Party members to Xinjiang, among whom Mao Zemin served as deputy director and acting director of the Department of Finance. [10]10 Mao Zemin (1896–1943) was Mao Zedong’s younger brother. In April 1938, to address Xinjiang’s economic depression and financial chaos, Mao Zemin wrote to Mao Zedong and others, reflecting on the situation in Xinjiang and requesting help from the Central Committee. Mao Zedong instructed: “Please have Comrade Chen Yun handle it for him; financial matters are of the utmost importance. Not only will it be good there, but it will also greatly help us in the future.” [11]11 Chen Yun (1905–1995) was a senior leader of the CPC. In the same year, the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party put forward the proposition of regional ethnic autonomy. At the end of 1938, on Mao Zedong’s suggestion, the Northwest Work Committee of the Central Committee of the CPC was established to handle ethnic issues in the five northwestern provinces. In December 1939, in “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party,” Mao Zedong used the expression “the various peoples of the Chinese nation” for the first time, pointing out that the Mongols, Hui, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Miao, like the Han, are all inseparable parts of the “Chinese nation,” emphasizing equal treatment of all ethnic minorities and uniting all ethnic minorities to resist Japanese imperialist aggression. [12]12 “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party” is a text written by Mao Zedong in 1939. The expression “the various peoples of the Chinese nation” was of great significance, meaning that Mao Zedong had gained a new understanding of the concept of the “Chinese nation” and China’s ethnic issues, and also meant that the Chinese Communist Party’s understanding of domestic ethnic issues had clearly diverged from that of the Soviet Union. In 1941, the “Program for the Administration of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region” stipulated the establishment of autonomous regions for the Mongols and Hui. Subsequently, a Hui autonomous township was established in Zhengning County, Guanzhong, and a Mongolian autonomous region was established in Chengchuan. In April 1945, at the Seventh National Congress of the CPC held in Yangjialing, Yan’an, Mao Zedong pointed out that it was necessary to “improve the treatment of domestic ethnic minorities and allow all ethnic minorities the right to national autonomy.” [13]13 The Seventh National Congress of the CPC was held in Yan’an from April to June 1945. After 1945, Zhou Enlai and others, on behalf of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, proposed the “Draft Program for Peaceful National Reconstruction,” which stated that in ethnic minority areas, the equal status and autonomy rights of all ethnic groups should be recognized. At this point, the Chinese Communist Party had clearly put forward a plan for regional ethnic autonomy. In May 1947, the Chinese Communist Party led and helped the Inner Mongolian people establish the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, the earliest large autonomous region established in China. The proposal and successful practice of the thought on regional ethnic autonomy marked the maturation of Mao Zedong’s ethnic thought.

从1935年到1949年，毛泽东治疆思想在中国共产党解决民族问题的社会实践中逐步形成。1935年12月，瓦窑堡会议确定了中国共产党建立抗日统一战线的方针，为毛泽东提出民族区域自治思想提供了重要历史契机。1936年5月，毛泽东签署《中华苏维埃中央政府对回族人民的宣言》，指出日本帝国主义“现在更向着绥远、宁夏、甘肃、新疆前进，破坏你们的根本，灭亡你们种族的大祸，已经临头。……当此紧急存亡的关头，望即奋起”。抗日战争全面爆发后，中国共产党与新疆军阀盛世才建立抗日民族统一战线，在迪化成立了八路军办事处，毛泽东对新疆的关注日益增加。1938年2月，应盛世才邀请，中共中央派出大批优秀共产党员赴疆，其中毛泽民担任财政厅副厅长，并代理厅长。1938年4月，为解决新疆经凋敝蔽、财政混乱局面，毛泽民给毛泽东等人写信，反映新疆现状，请求中央帮助。毛泽东批示：“请陈云同志替他办，财政事情第一重要，不但那里好，将来也大有助于我们。”同年，党的第六届中央委员会第六次全体会议提出了民族区域自治的主张。1938年底，为处理西北五省民族问题，在毛泽东建议下，中共中央西北工作委员会成立。1939年12月，毛泽东在《中国革命和中国共产党》中首次使用“中华民族的各族人民”这一表述，指出蒙、回、藏、维、苗等和汉族一样，都是“中华民族”不可分割的部分，强调要平等对待各少数民族，联合所有少数民族反抗日本帝国主义侵略。“中华民族的各族人民”这一表述意义重大，意味着毛泽东对“中华民族”这一概念和中国的民族问题有了新认识，也意味着中国共产党对国内民族问题的认识与苏联有了明显分野。1941年，《陕甘宁边区施政纲领》规定建立蒙、回民族自治区。此后，分别在关中正宁县建立了回族自治乡，在城川建立了蒙古族自治区。1945年4月，在延安杨家岭召开的党的七大上，毛泽东指出，要“改善国内少数民族的待遇，允许各少数民族有民族自治的权利”。1945年以后，周恩来等代表中国共产党中央委员会提出《和平建国纲领草案》，指出在少数民族区域，应承认各民族的平等地位及自治权。至此，中国共产党明确提出了民族区域自治方案。1947年5月，中国共产党领导和帮助内蒙古人民建立了内蒙古自治区，这是中国最早建立的大自治区。民族区域自治思想的提出和成功实践，标志着毛泽东民族思想走向成熟。

(III) The Maturation and Perfection of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

（三）毛泽东治疆思想的成熟与完善

After the founding of New China, the Party and government continuously developed and perfected the policy of regional ethnic autonomy. Based on Chinese history, the lessons of the Soviet Union, and the practice of New China, Mao Zedong put forward a series of important ideas on governing Xinjiang, mainly including: achieving unity with the ethnic minorities of Xinjiang; building a “common political foundation” for ethnic minorities; establishing ethnic autonomous regions in Xinjiang and implementing regional ethnic autonomy; forming the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps to cultivate land and guard the frontiers; and so on. [14]14 The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps is a state-owned economic and paramilitary organization in Xinjiang. In 1954, the First National People’s Congress wrote the system of regional ethnic autonomy into the “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”: “The new constitution consciously differs from the Soviet constitution in another aspect: China has abandoned the hypothetical clause that ethnic minority regions can secede from the country.” [15]15 The First National People’s Congress was held in Beijing in 1954. On October 1, 1955, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was established, marking the maturation of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang. In his “Speech at the Celebration Meeting for the Establishment of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region,” Dong Biwu pointed out: “The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was established under the cordial concern of our great motherland and the great leader of all ethnic peoples, Chairman Mao Zedong.” [16]16 Dong Biwu (1886–1975) was a founding member of the CPC and a senior leader of the PRC.

新中国成立后，党和政府不断发展完善民族区域自治政策。毛泽东基于中国历史、苏联教训和新中国实践，提出了一系列关于新疆治理的重要思想，主要包括：搞好与新疆少数民族的团结；构建少数民族的“共同政治基础”；在新疆建立民族自治区，实行民族区域自治；组建新疆生产建设兵团屯垦戍边；等等。1954年，第一届全国人民代表大会将民族区域自治制度写入《中华人民共和国宪法》：“新宪法有意识地区别苏联宪法的另一个方面是，中国放弃了少数民族区域可以自决脱离国家的假设性条款。”1955年10月1日，新疆维吾尔自治区成立，标志着毛泽东治疆思想的成熟。董必武在《庆祝新疆维吾尔自治区成立大会上的讲话》中指出：“新疆维吾尔自治区，是在我们伟大的祖国和各民族人民伟大领袖毛泽东主席的亲切关怀下建立的。”

Thereafter, Mao Zedong integrated the Xinjiang issue with the overall situation of China’s socialist construction, putting forward important ideas such as actively assisting minority nationalities, establishing ethnic relations of “equality, unity, and mutual assistance,” advancing socialist transformation in Xinjiang “cautiously and steadily,” maintaining Xinjiang’s development and stability, and prioritizing economic work in Xinjiang. On February 27, 1957, Mao Zedong presided over the 11th Enlarged Session of the Supreme State Conference and delivered an important speech on “how to correctly handle contradictions among the people.” On the issue of minority nationalities, Mao Zedong clearly stated: “The key to this problem is to overcome Han chauvinism. Where local nationalism exists among minority nationalities, local nationalism should be overcome at the same time.” This indicates that Mao Zedong’s understanding of the ethnic issue in Xinjiang had further deepened. In 1962, the “Yili-Tacheng Incident” [17]17 The Yili-Tacheng Incident (伊塔事件) refers to a mass exodus of approximately 60,000 people, mainly of Kazakh and Uygur ethnicity, from the Yili and Tacheng regions of Xinjiang to the Soviet Union in 1962, triggered by Soviet instigation and local economic hardships. occurred in Xinjiang, shocking China and the world. In summarizing the lessons of this incident, the Party Central Committee pointed out: “Foreign instigators, bad elements, and counter-revolutionaries have been and are using the erroneous actions of certain individuals, even fabricating stories and spreading rumors to sow discord, to stir up ethnic discord, especially to incite minority nationalities against the Han nationality. We must heighten our vigilance against such vicious conspiracies and expose and crush them in a timely manner.” In September 1963, Mao Zedong issued important instructions, emphasizing that Xinjiang must strengthen the struggle against subversion and develop the economy. After decades of development, Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang gradually matured.

之后，毛泽东又将新疆问题与我国社会主义建设的大局结合起来，提出了积极帮助少数民族，建立“平等、团结、互助”的民族关系，“慎重稳进”推进新疆社会主义改造，维护新疆发展稳定，新疆经济工作第一位等重要思想。1957年2月27日，毛泽东主持召开最高国务会议第11次扩大会议，发表了关于“如何正确处理人民内部矛盾”重要讲话。关于少数民族问题，毛泽东明确指出：“这个问题的关键是克服大汉族主义。在存在有地方民族主义的少数民族中间，则应当同时克服地方民族主义。”这说明，毛泽东对于新疆民族问题的认识进一步深化。1962年，新疆发生了震惊中外的“伊塔事件”。党中央在总结此次事件的教训时指出：“外国煽惑分子、坏分子和反革命分子已经和正在利用某些个别人的错误行为，甚至无中生有和造谣惑众，挑拨离间民族团结，特别是煽动少数民族反对汉族。对这种恶毒的阴谋，我们必须提高警惕，及时加以揭露和粉碎。”1963年9月，毛泽东作出重要指示，强调新疆要加强反颠覆斗争，发展经济等。经过几十年发展，毛泽东治疆思想逐渐完善。

Mao Zedong pioneered a new model for solving ethnic problems in the Chinese nation. After the founding of New China, the central authorities’ strategy for governing Xinjiang was scientifically sound, with clear priorities, proper layout, and effective measures. Under the guidance of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang, Xinjiang enjoyed clean governance and social stability, truly realizing “ethnic unity as one family” and forging an unprecedentedly cohesive sense of community for the Chinese nation.

毛泽东开创了中华民族解决民族问题的新模式。新中国成立后，中央的治疆方略科学合理、重点突出、布局得当、措施有力。在毛泽东治疆思想指引下，新疆政治清明、社会稳定，真真切切实现了“民族团结一家亲”，锻造出空前凝聚的中华民族共同体意识。

II. Main Content of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

二、毛泽东治疆思想的主要内容

Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang is highly systematic, covering political, economic, cultural, and social fields.

毛泽东治疆思想具有高度的系统性，涉及政治、经济、文化、社会等领域。

(A) The Thought on Ethnic Equality and Ethnic Unity

（一）关于民族平等和民族团结的思想

Upholding ethnic equality is the cornerstone of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang. First, Mao Zedong thoroughly implemented Marxist ethnic theory, insisting on taking ethnic equality as the basic starting point for examining ethnic issues. Mao Zedong believed that all ethnic groups have equal rights with the Han nationality. “The Chinese people do not refer only to the Han nationality; all ethnic groups living within China’s borders are Chinese. We advocate mutual unity, mutual fraternity, and mutual cooperation among ethnic groups to jointly build the country.” In places where ethnic relations were very abnormal, it was necessary to resolutely oppose “two tendencies.” On March 16, 1953, Mao Zedong drafted an inner-Party directive for the Central Committee of the CPC, “Criticize Han Chauvinism,” clearly stating: “We must deeply criticize the serious Han chauvinist thinking that exists among many Party members and cadres.” Mao Zedong also emphasized: “We focus on opposing Han chauvinism, but local nationalism must also be opposed.” Second, in Mao Zedong’s view, “for hundreds of years, the various ethnic groups in China have been disunited,” and the fundamental reason was that ethnic struggle “is a question of class struggle.” The various estrangements among ethnic groups were created by reactionary rulers in history. In ancient times, all ethnic groups were exploited and oppressed by feudal emperors and the landlord class. In modern times, imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism became the “three big mountains” [18]18 “Three big mountains” (三座大山) is a standard Mao-era metaphor for the three oppressive forces that the CPC claimed weighed on the Chinese people before 1949: imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. pressing down on the heads of all Chinese people. The Han nationality and all minority nationalities were interdependent; this unity of fundamental interests was the basis for all ethnic groups to sympathize with each other and share a common hatred, and it was also the key to the CPC’s success in united front work. Therefore, after the founding of New China, Mao Zedong particularly emphasized ethnic equality. In April 1956, in his speech at the Enlarged Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee (“On the Ten Major Relationships”), Mao Zedong pointed out: “We must handle well the relationship between the Han nationality and the minority nationalities, consolidate the unity of all ethnic groups, and work together to build a great socialist motherland.” Third, Mao Zedong believed that upholding ethnic equality required fully respecting the religions and cultures of minority nationalities. On this, he stated: “The Communist Party adopts a policy of protecting religion; those who believe and those who do not, those who believe in this religion or that religion, are all protected, and their beliefs are respected. Today we adopt a policy of protecting religion, and in the future we will still adopt such a policy.” Mao Zedong’s thought on ethnic equality and ethnic unity laid the fundamental philosophical foundation for the CPC’s practice of governing Xinjiang.

坚持民族平等，是毛泽东治疆思想的柱石。第一，毛泽东彻底贯彻马克思主义民族理论，坚持把民族平等作为考察民族问题的基本出发点。毛泽东认为，各民族与汉族有平等权利。“中国人并非只指汉族，居住在我国版图内的所有民族都是中国人。我们提倡民族互相团结、互相友爱、互相合作，共同建国。”在民族关系很不正常的地方，要坚决反对“两种倾向”。1953年3月16日，毛泽东为中共中央起草党内指示《批判大汉族主义》，明确指出：“必须深刻批评我们党内在很多党员和干部中存在着的严重的大汉族主义思想。”毛泽东还强调：“我们着重反对大汉族主义，地方民族主义也要反对。”第二，在毛泽东看来，“几百年来，中国各民族之间是不团结的”，根本原因就在于民族斗争“是一个阶级斗争问题”。各民族种种隔阂，是历史上反动统治者制造的。在古代，各民族都受到封建皇帝和地主阶级的剥削和压迫。到近代，帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义成了压在全体中国人民头上的“三座大山”。汉族和各少数民族本是相互依存，这种根本利益的一致性是各民族同病相怜、同仇敌忾的基础，也是中国共产党做好统一战线工作的关键。因此，新中国成立后，毛泽东特别强调民族平等。1956 年4月，毛泽东在中央政治局扩大会议上的讲话（《论十大关系》）中指出：“我们必须搞好汉族和少数民族的关系，巩固各民族的团结，来共同努力于建设伟大的社会主义祖国。”第三，毛泽东认为，坚持民族平等，要充分尊重少数民族的宗教和文化。对此，他指出：“共产党对宗教采取保护政策，信教的和不信教的，信这种教的或信别种教的，一律加以保护，尊重其信仰。今天对宗教采取保护政策，将来也仍然采取保护政策。”毛泽东关于民族平等和民族团结的思想，为中国共产党的治疆实践奠定了根本哲学基础。

(B) The Thought on Implementing Regional Ethnic Autonomy in Xinjiang

（二）关于在新疆实行民族区域自治的思想

Implementing regional ethnic autonomy in Xinjiang was the most significant decision in Mao Zedong’s strategy for governing Xinjiang. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, especially after the end of the Long March, Mao Zedong deeply pondered the issue of implementing regional ethnic autonomy in China’s minority nationality-concentrated areas. In October 1947, Mao Zedong drafted and issued the “Manifesto of the People’s Liberation Army,” which for the first time formally and publicly recognized the right of all minority nationalities within China’s borders to equal autonomy. In the same year, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region was established, serving as a pioneering exploration for continuing to implement regional ethnic autonomy. In September 1949, the “Common Program of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference,” formed at the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, stipulated: “In areas where minority nationalities are concentrated, regional autonomy of ethnic groups shall be implemented, and various ethnic autonomous organs shall be established according to the size of the minority population and the extent of the area.” On August 9, 1952, the “Outline for the Implementation of Regional Ethnic Autonomy of the People’s Republic of China” was promulgated and implemented, making clear provisions on important issues such as the establishment of ethnic autonomous localities, the composition of autonomous organs, and autonomous rights. On September 10, 1952, the First Second Session of the People’s Congress of All Ethnic Groups and All Circles in Xinjiang passed the “Outline for the Implementation of Regional Ethnic Autonomy of the People’s Republic of China,” formally announcing the establishment of the Xinjiang Regional Ethnic Autonomy Preparatory Committee. On October 1, 1955, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was established. Implementing regional ethnic autonomy in Xinjiang laid the fundamental political foundation for the long-term stability, peace, and prosperous development of the vast Xinjiang region, which accounts for one-sixth of China’s area. Xinjiang is an inseparable part of China. “The unity of the country, the unity of the people, and the unity of all ethnic groups within the country are the basic guarantees for the inevitable victory of our cause.” The implementation of regional ethnic autonomy greatly stimulated the patriotic enthusiasm of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang and promoted the development of various undertakings in Xinjiang. Liu Shaoqi believed: “In this way, we can eliminate the estrangement and discrimination among ethnic groups left over from history and continuously enhance mutual trust and unity among all ethnic groups.”

在新疆实行民族区域自治，这是毛泽东治疆方略的最重大决定。新民主主义革命时期，特别是在红军长征结束后，毛泽东就深入思考了在中国少数民族聚居区实行民族区域自治的问题。1947年10月，毛泽东起草签发《中国人民解放军宣言》，第一次正式公开承认中国境内各少数民族享有平等自治的权利。同年，内蒙古自治区成立，为继续实行民族区域自治作出了先行探索。1949年9月，中国人民政治协商会议第一届全体会议形成的《中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领》规定：“各少数民族聚居的地区，应实行民族的区域自治，按照民族聚居的人口多少和区域大小，分别建立各种民族自治机关。”1952年8月9日，《中华人民共和国民族区域自治实施纲要》公布施行，对民族自治地方的建立、自治机关的组成和自治权利等重要问题作出明确规定。1952年9月10日，新疆第一届第二次各族各界人民代表大会通过《中华人民共和国民族区域自治实施纲要》，正式宣布成立新疆民族区域自治筹备委员会。1955年10月1日，新疆维吾尔自治区成立。在新疆实行民族区域自治，这为占中国六分之一面积的新疆广大地区长治久安和繁荣发展打下了根本政治基础。新疆是中国不可分割的一部分。“国家的统一，人民的团结，国内各民族的团结，这是我们的事业必定要胜利的基本保证。”民族区域自治的实行，极大地激发了新疆各族人民的爱国热情，推动了新疆各项事业发展。刘少奇认为：“这样，就能够消灭历史上残留下来的民族间的隔阂和歧视，不断地增进各民族间的相互信任和团结。”

(C) The Thought on Promoting Social Reform in Xinjiang

（三）关于在新疆推进社会改革的思想

On December 17, 1949, the Xinjiang People’s Government was established. Under Mao Zedong’s directives, the Xinjiang People’s Government led the people of all ethnic groups in carrying out systematic democratic reforms, including land reform, abolition of the princely system, promotion of regional ethnic autonomy, and religious and cultural reforms. Land reform was the centerpiece of Xinjiang’s democratic reforms. Mao Zedong emphasized in the “CPC Central Committee Directive on the Xinjiang People’s Democratic Alliance and on Rent Reduction and Land Reform in Xinjiang”: “In carrying out social reforms in Xinjiang, it is necessary to adopt steady and cautious steps. This year, except for experimental rent reduction in a very few areas, generally no rent reduction should be carried out, but active preparations should be made to be able to carry out rent reduction or rent reduction in some areas after the autumn harvest next year. Apart from conducting general propaganda on rent reduction, the most important preparatory work is to train a large number of cadres from all ethnic groups.” On May 17, 1952, Mao Zedong also issued the “CPC Central Committee Directive on Certain Work Policies for Land Reform and the Three-Anti and Five-Anti Campaigns in Xinjiang,” [19]19 “Upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground” (守正创新, shouzheng chuangxin) is a key concept in contemporary Chinese political discourse, referring to the dialectical unity of maintaining the core tenets of Marxism and the Party’s basic line while innovating in response to new practical conditions. stressing: “In the agricultural areas of Xinjiang, carrying out land reform this year to eliminate the landlord class is a resolute revolutionary offensive that admits no wavering. However, in the concrete steps of implementing this offensive, one must be very prudent and guard against impatience; one must prepare sufficient strength and advance step by step in order to achieve complete victory. In carrying out social reforms in Xinjiang, it is entirely necessary to fully take into account ethnic and religious characteristics and consciously make some concessions on ethnic and religious issues in order to win the overall victory of social reform.” Under Mao Zedong’s directives, Xinjiang adopted policies such as retaining religious land and protecting democratic personages from all ethnic groups and walks of life. By the end of 1953, Xinjiang had successfully completed land reform; by 1959, it had also completed the socialist transformation of agriculture and animal husbandry. In the years that followed, the Party’s ethnic policies enjoyed the support of the people of all ethnic groups.

1949年12月17日，新疆人民政府成立。在毛泽东指示下，新疆人民政府领导各族人民开展了系统的民主改革，包括土地改革、废除王公制度、推进民族区域自治、宗教文化改革等。土地改革是新疆民主改革的中心。毛泽东在《中共中央关于新疆人民民主同盟和新疆减租土改问题的指示》中强调：“在新疆进行社会改革必须采取稳重和谨慎的步骤。在今年除在极少数地区进行试验性的减租外，一般不要进行减租，但应积极准备在明年秋后能进行减租或部分地区的减租。准备工作除进行一般的减租宣传外，最重要的就是大量训练各民族的干部。”1952年5月17日，毛泽东又签发《中共中央关于新疆土地改革和三反五反等若干工作方针问题的指示》，强调：“在新疆农业地区，今年实行土地改革，消灭地主阶级，这是一个坚决的革命的进攻，不容动摇。但在实行这个进攻的具体步骤上，必须十分慎重，切戒急躁，必须准备充足的力量，一步一步地去实行进攻，以便获得全胜。在新疆实行社会改革，充分地估计到民族和宗教的特点，有意识地在民族和宗教的问题上作一些让步，以换取整个社会改革的胜利，是完全必要的。”在毛泽东指示下，新疆采取保留宗教土地、保护各族各界民主人士等政策。到1953年底，新疆顺利完成土地改革；1959年，又完成农业和畜牧业社会主义改造。此后多年，党的民族政策受到各族人民拥护。

(4) The Thought on Implementing Military Reclamation in Xinjiang

（四）关于在新疆实行屯垦的思想

On February 1, 1952, Mao Zedong signed the “Order of the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Central People’s Government,” converting some troops into production units. “You have in the past been a battle-hardened, highly organized, and disciplined combat force… Now you can put away your weapons of combat and take up the weapons of production and construction. When the motherland has affairs that require your summoning, I will order you to take up the weapons of combat again to defend the motherland.” In May 1953, the Xinjiang Military Region reorganized the troops stationed in Xinjiang into national defense forces and production forces, with the majority of the Second, Sixth, and Fifth Armies and the entire 22nd Corps incorporated into the production forces, tasked with military reclamation and border defense. In October 1954, the central government ordered the majority of the Second and Sixth Armies, the majority of the Fifth Army, and the entire 22nd Corps of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army stationed in Xinjiang to be collectively demobilized and transferred to local civilian work, leaving the national defense forces sequence, to form the “Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army.” [20]20 The Fifth Central Conference on Ethnic Work was held in Beijing in August 2021. [21] “Three mountains” refers to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which were the targets of the Chinese revolution led by the CPC. [22] The “Yili-Tacheng Incident” refers to the mass exodus of approximately 60,000 people, mainly of Kazakh and Uygur ethnicity, from Xinjiang’s Yili and Tacheng regions to the Soviet Union in 1962, triggered by Soviet agitation and economic hardship. From then on, in the struggle against the long-standing “three forces” [21]21 “Nine Provinces” (九州) is a classical Chinese term for the entire realm of China. in Xinjiang, the Corps has always prioritized quelling riots and emergencies, becoming the “stabilizing anchor” of Xinjiang society. The Corps has also played a major role in improving Xinjiang’s living environment, military reclamation and border defense, and supporting local construction. Zhou Enlai summarized the Corps’ role as: “preparing for battle and border defense, production and construction, ethnic unity, hard struggle, striving for revolution, and forging ahead courageously.” From the late 1950s to the early 1960s, the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations led to changes in the situation in Xinjiang, which borders the Soviet Union. From April to May 1962, manipulated by the Soviet Union, the counter-revolutionary “Yili-Tacheng Incident” [22]22 This phrase is a classical allusion from the *Book of Rites* (《礼记·王制》), referring to a principle of governance that respects local customs while maintaining unified political control. occurred in Xinjiang, involving some border residents fleeing abroad, looting, and destruction. Consequently, opposing the aggressive Soviet Union, opposing ethnic separatism, and maintaining stability in Xinjiang became the prominent tasks of that period. After careful consideration, the Party Central Committee deemed it very appropriate to dispatch the Production and Construction Corps to handle the issue. The Corps deployed over 17,000 cadres and workers to the area to maintain public order, implementing “substitute farming, substitute herding, and substitute management,” quickly stabilizing the situation.

1952年2月1日，毛泽东签署《中央人民政府革命军事委员会命令》，将部分部队改编为生产部队。“你们过去曾是久经锻炼的有高度组织性纪律性的战斗队伍……你们现在可以把战斗的武器保存起来，拿起生产建设的武器。当祖国有事需要召唤你们的时候，我将命令你们重新拿起战斗的武器，捍卫祖国。”1953年5月，新疆军区将驻疆部队分别整编为国防军和生产军，其中第二、六、五军大部和二十二兵团全部编入生产部队，担负屯垦戍边任务。1954年10月，中央政府命令驻新疆的中国人民解放军第二和第六军大部、第五军大部、第二十二兵团全部集体就地转业，脱离国防部队序列，组建“中国人民解放军新疆军区生产建设兵团”。从此，在与新疆长期存在的“三股势力”的斗争中，兵团始终将平息暴乱及突发事件放在首要位置，成为新疆社会的“定海神针”。在改善新疆生存环境、屯垦戍边、支援地方建设等方面，兵团也发挥了重大作用。周恩来把兵团的作用概括为，“备战边防，生产建设，民族团结，艰苦奋斗，努力革命，奋勇前进”。20世纪50年代末至60年代初，中苏关系恶化，导致与苏联接壤的新疆局势发生变化。1962年4月到5月，在苏联操纵下，新疆发生部分边民外逃、打砸抢的反革命“伊塔事件”。由此，反对咄咄逼人的苏联、反对民族分裂、维护新疆稳定成为该时期突出工作。党中央经过慎重考虑，认为派遣生产建设兵团去处理问题非常适宜。兵团巡视调遣1.7万余名干部和职工奔赴当地，维护社会治安，实行“代耕、代牧、代管”，很快稳定住了局势。

(5) The Thought on Relying Closely on the People of All Ethnic Groups to Do All Work in Xinjiang Well

（五）要紧紧依靠各族人民做好新疆各项工作的思想

Relying closely on the people of Xinjiang was the key to the practical success of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang. As early as 1934, Mao Zedong pointed out that, on the one hand, “many domestic minority nationalities, such as the Mongolians, Tibetans, Koreans, Annamese, Miao, Li, and others, have historically been subjected to exploitation and rule by Chinese feudal emperors and feudal warlords”; on the other hand, the ruling classes within the minority nationalities themselves “colluded with British and Japanese imperialism and the Kuomintang warlords, causing the broad masses of the laboring people of these nationalities to suffer even more severe oppression and exploitation.” Mao Zedong believed: “This is the essence of the past and present life of the minority nationalities.” That is to say, imperialism and feudalism were the chief culprits of the suffering of China’s minority nationalities in modern times. The ruling classes within the minority nationalities, colluding with imperialism and feudalism, inflicted even greater disasters on the broad masses of the minority nationality people. Therefore, Mao Zedong believed that uniting the laboring people among the minority nationalities to oppose imperialism, feudal warlords, and comprador elements within the minority nationalities, and utilizing the peaceful aspirations of the people in northern Xinjiang, were important strategies for our united front work to achieve the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang. In September 1944, Ahmetjan Qasimi and others launched an armed uprising and established a provisional revolutionary government. Mao Zedong highly praised this, stating, “The struggle of the people of the three districts of Yili, Tacheng, and Altay is an important contribution to the liberation of the whole of Xinjiang and the liberation of the whole of China.” On August 18, 1949, in his capacity as the director of the Preparatory Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Mao Zedong sent a telegram to Ahmetjan Qasimi, then leader of the autonomous regional government of the Three Districts, inviting the Three Districts to send five representatives to participate in the National People’s Political Consultative Conference. The plane carrying these five representatives unfortunately crashed, and Mao Zedong wrote an epitaph and a message of condolence for them. Subsequently, the Three Districts sent a delegation led by Saifuddin Azizi to attend the conference. This event was of great significance, ushering in a historical era in which the people of the Three Districts, together with other parts of Xinjiang, would “strive together to build a new, people’s democratic Xinjiang.” In September 1949, the CPC Central Committee issued the “CPC Central Committee Directive on the Peaceful Resolution of the Xinjiang Issue.” Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized the need to resolve the Xinjiang issue peacefully and to strengthen the close cooperation between our Party and the Uyghur people. In the 1950s, Kurban Tulum, a poor peasant from Yutian County in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, “rode a donkey to Beijing to see Chairman Mao,” causing a strong nationwide reaction. On January 13, 2017, Xi Jinping replied to a letter from Kurban Tulum

紧紧依靠新疆人民，这是毛泽东治疆思想在实践上取得成功的关键。早在1934年，毛泽东就指出，一方面，“国内的许多少数民族如蒙古人、西藏人、高丽人、安南人、苗人、黎人等等，历来都受着中国封建皇帝与封建军阀的剥削和统治”；另一方面，少数民族自己内部的统治阶级，“与英日帝国主义及国民党军阀相结合，使这些民族的广大劳苦民众遭受更加厉害的压迫与剥削”。毛泽东认为：“这是少数民族过去与现在生活的实质。”也就是说，帝国主义和封建主义是近代以来中国少数民族遭受苦难的罪魁祸首。少数民族内部的统治阶级与帝国主义和封建主义勾结，对广大少数民族人民群众造成了更加严重的灾难。因此，毛泽东认为，联合少数民族中的劳动人民反对帝国主义、封建军阀和少数民族内部买办分子，利用新疆北部人民的和平愿望，这是我们开展统一战线工作以实现新疆和平解放的重要策略。1944年9月，阿合买提江等人发动武装起义并成立革命临时政府。对此，毛泽东给予高度评价，“伊犁、塔城、阿山三区人民的奋斗，对于全新疆的解放和全中国的解放，是一个重要的贡献”。1949年8月18日，毛泽东以中国人民政治协商会议筹备会主任的名义，给时任三区人民自治区域领导人阿合买提江发电报，邀请三区派五名代表参加全国人民政治协商会议。这五名代表乘坐的飞机不幸失事，毛泽东为此写了碑文和唁电。之后，三区又派出以赛福鼎为首的代表团参加会议。此事意义重大，开启了三区人民同新疆其他地区一道“为共同建设人民民主的新新疆而奋斗”的历史时代。1949年9月，中共中央做出《中共中央关于和平解决新疆问题的指示》。毛泽东反复强调，要和平解决新疆问题，要加强我们党与维吾尔族的紧密合作。20世纪50年代，新疆维吾尔自治区于田县的贫农库尔班·吐鲁木“骑着毛驴上北京看望毛主席”，在全国引起强烈反响。2017年1月13日，习近平给库尔班·吐鲁木的长女托乎提汗·库尔班回信，又让我们重温了这段红色经典故事和民族团结佳话。

III. Distinctive Features of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

三、毛泽东治疆思想的鲜明特征

Mao Zedong integrated Marxist ethnic theory with China’s concrete realities to resolve Xinjiang’s ethnic issues, thereby enriching and developing Marxist ethnic theory. This is mainly manifested in the following three aspects:

毛泽东把马克思主义民族理论同中国具体实际结合起来以解决新疆民族问题，丰富和发展了马克思主义民族理论，主要表现在以下三方面：

(1) Adhering to a Marxist View of Ethnicity as the Foundation for Upholding Fundamental Principles and Breaking New Ground [19]19 “Upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground” (守正创新, shouzheng chuangxin) is a key concept in contemporary Chinese political discourse, referring to the dialectical unity of maintaining the core tenets of Marxism and the Party’s basic line while innovating in response to new practical conditions.

（一）坚持以马克思主义民族观为基础守正创新

Xi Jinping pointed out at the Fifth Central Conference on Ethnic Work: “Looking back at the Party’s century-long history, the greatest achievement of the Party’s ethnic work is that it has found a correct path for solving ethnic problems with Chinese characteristics.” [20]20 The Fifth Central Conference on Ethnic Work was held in Beijing in August 2021. [21] “Three mountains” refers to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which were the targets of the Chinese revolution led by the CPC. [22] The “Yili-Tacheng Incident” refers to the mass exodus of approximately 60,000 people, mainly of Kazakh and Uygur ethnicity, from Xinjiang’s Yili and Tacheng regions to the Soviet Union in 1962, triggered by Soviet agitation and economic hardship. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, closely integrated Marxist-Leninist ethnic theory with China’s concrete reality, upheld fundamental principles and broke new ground, and formed a socialist ethnic theory with Chinese characteristics. Mao Zedong creatively applied historical materialism and class analysis to dissecting China’s ethnic problems, proposing that “nation” is a historical category comprising two parts: “one part is the upper strata, the exploiting classes, a minority; these people can speak and organize governments, but they cannot fight wars, till the land, or work in factories”; the other part, which constitutes over ninety percent of the nation’s population, “is the workers, peasants, and petty bourgeoisie; without these people, a nation cannot be formed.” Mao Zedong adhered to the principle of ethnic equality, proceeded from the common interests of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, advocated ethnic friendship and unity, and held that the Han nationality should help minority nationalities develop their economic and cultural undertakings. Although Mao Zedong’s thinking on ethnic issues was once influenced by the Soviet Union, he did not blindly follow the Soviet Union but continuously innovated in light of China’s concrete reality. Marx and Engels advocated national self-determination to oppose imperialist colonial oppression; Lenin endorsed national self-determination and pursued socialist national federation on the basis of national self-determination. After the October Revolution, the Soviet Russian government was once extremely cautious in handling ethnic issues, adopting measures such as granting local ethnic autonomy and promoting “indigenization” to ease ethnic tensions. However, after Stalin came to power, “Great Russian chauvinism” began to rise. Mao Zedong keenly observed this. In 1953, during the preparations for the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, he instructed that Han chauvinism be criticized. When the Central Committee of the CPC discussed “The Main Experience Summary of the Party’s Work among Minority Nationalities in the Past Few Years,” someone proposed that the Soviet Union called some backward non-Russian nationalities that had not passed through the capitalist stage “tribes” and only called more developed nationalities such as the Russians and Belarusians “nations.” Mao Zedong pointed out: “Scientific analysis is permissible, but politically there should be no distinction between which is a nation and which is a tribe or clan.” This shows that Mao Zedong’s analysis and understanding of China’s ethnic problems differed essentially from the Soviet Union’s at a very early stage. In 1956, Mao Zedong explicitly stated in “On the Ten Major Relationships”: In the Soviet Union, the relationship between the Russian nationality and minority nationalities is very abnormal; we should learn this lesson. He repeatedly stressed the need to oppose “Han chauvinism.” In the 1990s, the Soviet Union suddenly disintegrated, splitting into more than a dozen countries. The reasons for the Soviet Union’s collapse are complex, but Russian chauvinism clearly played an important role. This shows that Mao Zedong’s judgment on Soviet ethnic relations was keen and profound.

习近平在第五次中央民族工作会议上指出：“回顾党的百年历程，党的民族工作取得的最大成就，就是走出了一条中国特色解决民族问题的正确道路。”以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，把马克思列宁主义民族理论与中国具体实际紧密结合，守正创新，形成了有中国特色的社会主义民族理论。毛泽东创造性地把唯物史观和阶级分析法应用于剖析中国民族问题，提出“民族”是个历史范畴，包括两部分人：“一部分是上层、剥削阶级、少数，这部分人可以讲话，组织政府，但是不能打仗、耕田、在工厂做工”；另一部分即占民族人口的百分之九十以上，“是工人、农民、小资产阶级，没有这些人就不能组成为民族”。毛泽东坚持民族平等原则，从新疆各民族共同利益出发，主张各民族友好团结并且汉族要帮助少数民族发展经济文化事业。虽然毛泽东关于民族问题的思考曾受苏联影响，但是他并没有跟在苏联后面亦步亦趋，而是结合中国具体实际不断创新。马克思、恩格斯提倡民族自决以反对帝国主义殖民的压迫；列宁赞同民族自决，并追求民族自决基础上的社会主义民族联合。十月革命后，苏俄政府在处理民族问题上一度极为谨慎，采取赋予各地民族自治权和推行“本土化”等措施缓和民族矛盾。但是，斯大林执政后，“大俄罗斯主义”开始抬头。毛泽东敏锐地观察到了这一点。1953年，新疆维吾尔自治区筹备期间，他指示要批判大汉族主义。中共中央在讨论《关于过去几年内党在少数民族中进行工作的主要经验总结》时有人提出，苏联把一些落后的、没有经过资本主义阶段的非俄罗斯民族称为“部族”，只把那些比较发展的民族如俄罗斯、白俄罗斯等称为“民族”。毛泽东指出：“科学地分析是可以的，但政治上不要去区别哪个是民族，哪个是部族或部落。”这说明，毛泽东对中国民族问题的分析和认识，很早就与苏联有本质不同。1956年，毛泽东在《论十大关系》中明确指出：在苏联，俄罗斯民族和少数民族的关系很不正常，我们应当接受这个教训。他多次强调要反对“大汉族主义”。20世纪90年代，苏联轰然解体，分裂为十几个国家。苏联解体的原因很复杂，但俄罗斯民族的沙文主义显然起了重要作用。由此可见，毛泽东对苏联民族关系的判断是敏锐而深刻的。

(II) Analyzing and Solving the Problem of Governing Xinjiang with a High Degree of Dialectical Thinking

（二）以高度的辩证思维分析解决治疆问题

Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang possesses a high degree of dialectical character, manifested in four aspects.

毛泽东的治疆思想具有高度的辩证性，体现为四方面。

First, grasping the principal contradiction and persisting in keeping pace with the times. Adopting targeted strategies based on the characteristics of different historical periods to solve key problems—this is an important reason for the practical success of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang. Before 1949, Mao Zedong’s focus on Xinjiang was mainly on how to do a good job of united front work, that is, uniting all ethnic groups in Xinjiang to jointly overthrow the three mountains [21]21 “Nine Provinces” (九州) is a classical Chinese term for the entire realm of China. weighing down on the Chinese people. From 1949 to 1963, Mao Zedong’s focus on Xinjiang was mainly on how to advance social reform and economic development in Xinjiang. After the “Yili-Tacheng Incident,” [22]22 This phrase is a classical allusion from the *Book of Rites* (《礼记·王制》), referring to a principle of governance that respects local customs while maintaining unified political control. Mao Zedong placed greater emphasis on maintaining stability in Xinjiang and opposing ethnic separatism.

第一，抓住主要矛盾，坚持与时俱进。根据不同历史时期特点采取有针对性策略以解决关键问题，这是毛泽东治疆思想在实践上取得成功的重要原因。1949年以前，毛泽东对新疆的关注点主要是如何做好统一战线工作，也即团结新疆各民族共同推翻压在中国人民头上的三座大山。1949年到1963年，毛泽东对新疆的关注主要在于如何推进新疆的社会改革和经济发展。“伊塔事件”后，毛泽东更加重视维护新疆稳定、反对民族分裂工作。

Second, being vigilant against secondary contradictions and striving to nip problems in the bud. When discussing opposing narrow nationalist tendencies, Mao Zedong believed the main task was to oppose “Han chauvinism.” Local nationalism should also be opposed, although Mao Zedong thought “that is generally not the focus.” It can be seen that Mao Zedong did not neglect secondary contradictions. In 1952, on the issue of naming the autonomous region “Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region” or “Xinjiang Autonomous Region,” Mao Zedong initially “instructed not to add ‘Uygur’ as the ethnic name, only using the name ‘Xinjiang Autonomous Region’”; only after several twists and turns did he agree to add “Uygur,” reflecting Mao Zedong’s vigilance against ethnic separatism. In April 1955, the “CPC Central Committee’s Comment on the Report of the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau on the Name Issue of Implementing Ethnic Regional Autonomy in Xinjiang” stressed the need to prevent and overcome the tendency of great nationalism among Uygur cadres.

第二，警惕次要矛盾，力求防微杜渐。谈到反对狭隘民族主义倾向时，毛泽东认为主要是反对“大汉族主义”。地方民族主义也要反对，虽然毛泽东认为“那一般地不是重点”。可见，毛泽东并未忽视次要矛盾。1952年，在将自治区命名为“新疆维吾尔自治区”还是“新疆自治区”的问题上，毛泽东一开始“指示不加‘维吾尔’族名，只用‘新疆自治区’的名称”，几经周折才同意了增加“维吾尔”，这反映出毛泽东对民族分裂主义有所警觉。1955年4月，《中共中央对新疆分局关于新疆实行民族区域自治名称问题报告的批语》强调，要防止和克服维吾尔族干部中的大民族主义思想倾向。

Third, adhering to the principle of the uneven development of contradictions and persisting in proceeding step by step. Mao Zedong believed that the development of things is always uneven, and that in minority nationality areas such as Xinjiang, social reform and land reform must be carried out, but given Xinjiang’s complex ethnic and religious character, the reform methods of the interior could not be simply applied to Xinjiang. At the Third Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Social reform in minority nationality areas is a major matter and must be handled with caution. We must on no account be impatient; impatience will cause trouble. If conditions are not ripe, reform cannot be carried out. If one condition is ripe but others are not, major reform should not be carried out either.” When establishing the autonomous region, the CPC Central Committee determined the work policy of “cautious and steady progress, active preparation, and gradual implementation.” From September 1949, when the Kuomintang Xinjiang garrison commander Tao Zhiyue and Xinjiang provincial government chairman Bao Erhan respectively telegraphed their uprising and Xinjiang was peacefully liberated, to September 13, 1955, when the 21st Session of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress approved the establishment of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, it took six years. During this period, on September 10, 1952, Xinjiang established the Preparatory Committee for Ethnic Regional Autonomy; in 1953, the preparatory committee drafted the “Draft Plan for the Implementation of Ethnic Regional Autonomy in Xinjiang.” The CPC Central Committee instructed that after the basic conclusion of land reform in Xinjiang, ethnic regional autonomy should first be implemented in the compact communities of minority nationalities other than the Uygurs, to gain some experience, and then regional autonomy should be prepared for on this basis.

第三，根据矛盾不平衡性原理，坚持循序渐进。毛泽东认为，事物发展都是不平衡的，在新疆等少数民族地区必须开展社会改革和土地改革，但是鉴于新疆复杂的民族性和宗教性，不能简单把内地的改革方法应用于新疆。在党的七届三中全会上，毛泽东指出：“少数民族地区的社会改革，是一件重大的事情，必须谨慎对待。我们无论如何不能急躁，急了会出毛病。条件不成熟，不能进行改革。一个条件成熟了，其他条件不成熟，也不要进行重大的改革。”在成立自治区时，中共中央确定了“慎重稳进，积极准备，逐步推行”的工作方针。从1949年9月国民党新疆警备司令陶峙岳、新疆省政府主席包尔汉分别通电起义、新疆和平解放，到1955年9月13日全国人民代表大会常务委员会第二十一次会议批准成立新疆维吾尔自治区，历时六年。在这期间，1952年9月10日，新疆成立民族区域自治筹备委员会；1953年，筹委会拟定了《新疆民族区域自治实施计划草案》。中共中央指示，在新疆土改基本结束后，先从维吾尔族以外其他少数民族聚居区推行民族区域自治，取得一些经验，之后再据此筹建区域自治。

Fourth, adhering to the combination of principle and flexibility. Mao Zedong believed that social reform in Xinjiang should combine principle with flexibility. For example, on the issue of religion, on the one hand, the principle of separation of politics and religion should be adhered to; on the other hand, religious activities that do not harm politics could be handled flexibly and changed slowly. On December 27, 1949, the CPC Central Committee Xinjiang Sub-Bureau issued the “Regulations on Several Issues in Party Building.” Following Mao Zedong’s instructions, Liu Shaoqi pointed out in the “CPC Central Committee’s Reply to the Northwest Bureau and the Xinjiang Sub-Bureau on Agreeing to the Regulations on Party Building in Xinjiang”: The sentence “Other ethnic groups who believe in religion must also renounce their religious belief before being allowed to join the Party” should be changed to “Other ethnic groups, as long as they acknowledge their belief in communism and are willing to strive for the realization of the Party’s program, shall be allowed to join the Party.” This regulation was implemented until the first half of 1958.

第四，坚持原则性与灵活性相结合。毛泽东认为，新疆的社会改革要把原则性与灵活性结合起来，如在宗教问题上，一方面坚持政教分离的原则，另一方面对于不损害政治的宗教活动可灵活处理，慢慢改变。1949年12月27日，中共中央新疆分局发出《关于建党中几个问题的规定》。根据毛泽东指示，刘少奇在《中共中央关于同意新疆建党问题的规定给西北局并新疆分局的批复》中指出：“其他各族信仰宗教者，亦须放弃其宗教信仰后，方准其入党”一句应改为“其他各族只要其承认信仰共产主义愿为实现党的纲领而奋斗，即准其入党”。这一规定一直执行到1958年上半年。

(III) Consciously Applying the Wisdom of Fine Traditional Chinese Culture to Contemplate Strategies for Governing Xinjiang

（三）自觉运用中华优秀传统文化智慧思考治疆策略

Xi Jinping pointed out: “The fine traditional Chinese culture nurtured over more than 5,000 years of civilization development, and the revolutionary culture and advanced socialist culture nurtured in the great struggles of the Party and the people, embody the deepest spiritual pursuits of the Chinese nation and represent the unique spiritual identity of the Chinese nation.” Mao Zedong Thought “achieved the optimal integration of the soul of Marxism with the root of fine traditional Chinese culture.” This is mainly manifested in the following three aspects in Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang.

习近平指出：“在5000多年文明发展中孕育的中华优秀传统文化，在党和人民伟大斗争中孕育的革命文化和社会主义先进文化，积淀着中华民族最深层的精神追求，代表着中华民族独特的精神标识。”毛泽东思想“实现了马克思主义之魂与中华优秀传统文化之根的最佳结合”。这在毛泽东治疆思想中主要体现为以下三方面。

First, promoting the idea of ethnic equality of “all under heaven as one family.” Marxism emphasizes ethnic equality, and Chinese culture also advocates “when the great Way prevails, the world is for all,” and upholds “harmony among all nations and mutual assistance.” Mao Zedong integrated Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture, carried ethnic equality through to the end, and on this basis pondered ethnic issues, making great contributions to solving the Xinjiang problem and ensuring Xinjiang’s long-term stability and security.

一是弘扬四海一家的民族平等思想。马克思主义强调民族平等，中华文化也倡导“大道之行，天下为公”，主张“协和万邦，和衷共济”。毛泽东融会贯通马克思主义和中华优秀传统文化，把各民族平等贯彻到底，并在此基础上思考民族问题，为解决新疆问题和保证新疆长治久安作出了伟大贡献。

Second, implementing the system of regional ethnic autonomy. Not adopting a federal system, but implementing a system of regional ethnic autonomy in minority areas – this was Mao Zedong’s great creative integration of Marxist ethnic theory with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture, manifesting distinct Chinese characteristics. Proceeding from the basic Marxist principle that all ethnic groups are equal, and on the premise of ensuring political unity, implementing regional autonomy for minority ethnic groups satisfied the desire of minority peoples to be masters of their own affairs while also upholding China’s historical tradition of “the Nine Provinces being interconnected and pluralistic yet integrated.” [21]21 “Nine Provinces” (九州) is a classical Chinese term for the entire realm of China. This embodies the governance wisdom of respecting differences, “governing according to local customs,” and “adjusting their teachings without altering their customs, and unifying their governance without changing their suitability.” [22]22 This phrase is a classical allusion from the *Book of Rites* (《礼记·王制》), referring to a principle of governance that respects local customs while maintaining unified political control. In January 1940, Mao Zedong clearly stated in *On New Democracy*: “This new-democratic republic also differs from the Soviet-type, proletarian-dictatorship, socialist republic.” The “one entity with pluralism” unitary state model is conducive both to the unity of all ethnic groups and the consolidation of national unity, and to common prosperity and development. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and the subsequent disintegration of some federal states fully demonstrate the high scientific nature of the system of regional ethnic autonomy.

二是实行民族区域自治制度。不搞联邦制，而是在少数民族地区实行民族区域自治制度，这是毛泽东把马克思主义民族理论同中国具体实际和中华优秀传统文化相结合的伟大创举，体现出鲜明的中国特色。从各民族一律平等这一马克思主义基本原理出发，在确保政治统一的前提下，实行少数民族区域自治，既满足了少数民族人民当家作主愿望，又维护了中国“九州共贯、多元一体”的历史传统。这包含着尊重差异、“因俗而治”“修其教不易其俗，齐其政不易其宜”的治理智慧。1940年1月，毛泽东在《新民主主义论》中明确指出：“这种新民主主义共和国，也和苏联式的、无产阶级专政的、社会主义的共和国相区别。”“一体多元”的单一制国家模式，既有利于各民族团结，巩固国家统一，又有利于共同繁荣发展。20世纪90年代苏联解体以及之后一些联邦制国家分崩离析，充分说明了民族区域自治制度具有高度科学性。

Third, inheriting the thinking on stationing troops to open up wasteland. Since the Han Dynasty began stationing troops and farming in the Western Regions in 101 BCE, successive central governments of China have regarded stationing troops to open up wasteland as an important means of maintaining stability in Xinjiang. The establishment of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps was a major strategy by the Party Central Committee with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core at the time, applying traditional wisdom to strengthen national border governance. It was a strategic layout for governing the country and ensuring security, and the most powerful measure for maintaining stability in Xinjiang and opposing ethnic separatism.

三是继承了屯垦思想。自公元前101年汉朝开始在西域驻兵屯田，中国历代中央政府均把驻兵屯田作为维护新疆稳定的重要手段。组建新疆生产建设兵团，这是当时以毛泽东同志为核心的党中央运用传统智慧强化国家边疆治理的重要方略，是治国安邦的战略布局，是维护新疆稳定、反对民族分裂的最有力举措。

In summary, integrating the basic principles of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture to govern Xinjiang was an important characteristic of Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang. On this, Mao Zedong said: “Our nation has a history of several thousand years, has its characteristics, and has many precious things. Regarding these, we are still primary school students. Today’s China is a development from historical China; we are Marxist historical materialists, and we should not cut off history. From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should sum up and inherit this precious legacy.”

概言之，把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化结合起来治理新疆，这是毛泽东治疆思想的一个重要特点。对此，毛泽东说：“我们这个民族有数千年的历史，有它的特点，有它的许多珍贵品。对于这些，我们还是小学生。今天的中国是历史的中国的一个发展；我们是马克思主义的历史主义者，我们不应当割断历史。从孔夫子到孙中山，我们应当给以总结，承继这一份珍贵的遗产。”

IV. The Contemporary Significance of Mao Zedong’s Thought on Governing Xinjiang

四、毛泽东治疆思想的现实意义

Carrying forward Mao Zedong’s thought on governing Xinjiang has major contemporary significance for forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation under new historical conditions, constructing a modern regional governance model with Chinese characteristics for ethnic affairs, and achieving long-term stability, security, and prosperous development in Xinjiang.

发扬毛泽东治疆思想，对于在新的历史条件下铸牢中华民族共同体意识、构建中国特色的现代化民族区域治理模式、实现新疆的长治久安和繁荣发展具有重大现实意义。

(I) Firmly Establish the Idea of Ethnic Equality

（一）要牢牢树立民族平等思想

“In all work, adhere to the policy of ethnic equality and ethnic unity.” Mao Zedong pointed out: “Relations between the Han and minority ethnic groups must be handled well,” emphasizing that “constant attention must be paid to examining the relations between the Han and minority ethnic groups.” Adhering to the principle of ethnic equality was the foundation of Mao’s ethnic work, and it is also the primary ideological basis for our construction of a scientific and complete theoretical system for the community of the Chinese nation. Specifically, this mainly includes the following two aspects.

“一切工作中要坚持民族平等和民族团结政策。”毛泽东指出，“必须搞好汉族和少数民族的关系”，强调“要对汉族和少数民族的关系经常注意检查”。坚持民族平等原则，这是毛泽东民族工作的根本，也是我们构建科学完备的中华民族共同体理论体系的首要思想基础。具体言之，主要包括以下两方面。

First, resolutely oppose Han chauvinism and local ethnic nationalism. Mao Zedong believed that ethnic inequality is reflected both in Han chauvinism and in local ethnic nationalism. Overall, after peaceful liberation, Xinjiang implemented a thorough policy of ethnic equality unprecedented in Chinese history. However, it is undeniable that, to this day, tendencies toward Han chauvinism still exist to a certain extent, hindering the progress of ethnic work. At the same time, the violent terrorist incidents in Xinjiang in recent years show that a very small number of people still harbor stubborn tendencies toward local ethnic nationalism. We must oppose Han chauvinism, and at the same time resolutely oppose local ethnic nationalism.

第一，坚决反对大汉族主义和地方民族主义。毛泽东认为，民族不平等，既反映为大汉族主义，也反映为地方民族主义。总体上看，和平解放后，新疆推行了中国历史上从未有过的彻底的民族平等政策，但不可否认，直到今天，大汉族主义倾向还在一定程度上存在，阻碍了民族工作的开展；同时，新疆前几年发生的暴恐事件，表明极少数人还有着顽固的地方民族主义倾向。我们必须反对大汉族主义，同时要坚决反对地方民族主义。

Second, adhere to measuring with one yardstick. For a long period, in the practice of governing Xinjiang, for example, when handling crimes such as corruption, public security offenses, and ethnic separatism, we often treated minority ethnic groups and Han people differently. The starting point of this policy was good – to maintain ethnic unity – but the objective result often ran counter to the intention, more or less causing suspicion between ethnic groups and increasing ethnic contradictions. Accommodation and compromise are themselves a form of inequality. Overemphasizing ethnic differences, “plurality,” and special interests, rather than emphasizing the commonality, “integration,” and common interests of the Chinese nation, is also a form of inequality in practice. It is detrimental both to the self-respect and self-confidence of minority ethnic groups and to the establishment of a “sense of community” among Han cadres and the masses. “If the heart is supremely just, the people will be united.” [23]23 This is a classical Chinese saying, often attributed to the Tang dynasty politician Zhang Jiuling (张九龄), meaning that if those in authority are perfectly impartial, the people will be united in harmony. Adhering to ethnic equality, adhering to law-based governance and law-based governance of Xinjiang, and treating all ethnic groups equally – this is the fundamental solution.

第二，坚持一把尺子量到底。很长一段时期内，我们在治疆实践中，例如处理贪腐、治安、民族分裂等犯罪事件，往往区别对待少数民族和汉族。这种政策的出发点是好的，是为了维护民族团结，但是客观结果却往往事与愿违，或多或少引起民族间猜忌，加大了民族矛盾。迁就和妥协，本身就是一种不平等。过于强调民族差异、“多元”性、特殊利益，而不是强调中华民族的共性、“一体”性、共同利益，实际上也是一种不平等，既不利于少数民族的自尊自信，也不利于汉族干部和群众树立“共同体意识”。心苟至公，人将大同。坚持民族平等，坚持依法治国，依法治疆，对各民族一视同仁，才是治本之策。

(II) Make Xinjiang’s Security and Stability the Primary Goal of Work

（二）要把新疆的安全稳定作为工作首要目标

Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “Stability in Xinjiang is the overall situation; without stability, nothing can be accomplished.” Xi Jinping emphasized that social stability and lasting peace in Xinjiang concern the overall situation of national reform, development, and stability; concern national unification, ethnic unity, and national security; and concern the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Xinjiang holds an important and special position in the overall work of the Party and the state. First, Xinjiang accounts for about one-sixth of China’s land area, is rich in resources, and is an important strategic resource reserve area for Chinese-path modernization. Second, Xinjiang is located at the strategic hub of the Silk Road Economic Belt; whether Xinjiang is stable or not concerns the success or failure of the Belt and Road Initiative. Third, Xinjiang is located in the center of the Eurasian continent and has been a meeting and collision point of four major civilizations since ancient times. Xinjiang is both China’s “strategic rear area” and the frontline of China’s anti-secession struggle. Since modern times, the infiltration of the three forces [24]24 “Three forces” (三股势力) is a standard Chinese political term referring to ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and terrorism. has directly made Xinjiang the frontline of China’s anti-secession and anti-terrorism struggle. Furthermore, interference by imperialism and Western anti-China forces has made the issue of security and stability in Xinjiang even more severe.

邓小平指出：“新疆稳定是大局，不稳定一切事情都办不成。”习近平强调，新疆社会稳定和长治久安，关系全国改革发展稳定大局，关系祖国统一、民族团结、国家安全，关系中华民族伟大复兴。新疆在党和国家工作全局中具有重要特殊地位。第一，新疆占我国六分之一左右的国土面积，资源丰富，是中国式现代化建设的重要战略资源储备区。第二，新疆位处丝绸之路经济带要冲，新疆稳定与否事关“一带一路”建设成败。第三，新疆位处亚欧大陆的中心地带，自古以来就是四大文明的交汇碰撞区。新疆既是我国的“战略大后方”，又是我国反分裂斗争的前沿。近代以来，三股势力的渗透，直接导致新疆成为我国反分裂反恐怖斗争的前沿阵地。此外，帝国主义、西方反华势力对新疆的干涉，使得新疆的安全稳定问题变得更为严峻。

Mao Zedong believed that China’s minority ethnic problems were mainly caused by class struggle and interference from foreign forces. Therefore, uniting the people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang and forming a united front with them was the key to solving the ethnic problem. Today, we must focus on the long-term interests of the Chinese nation, place the governance of Xinjiang within the context of the “two overall situations,” [25]25 “Two overall situations” (两个大局) refers to the domestic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the international overall situation of changes unseen in a century. plan for the long term, consolidate the foundation, and establish lasting peace. The establishment of the socialist system has, to a certain extent, resolved the historical problem of class struggle affecting Xinjiang’s long-term stability. However, the influence of foreign anti-China forces has always existed. In recent years, the United States and the West have continuously fabricated lies in an attempt to destroy the hard-won stability in Xinjiang. We must take a long-term view and insist on addressing both symptoms and root causes. Regarding the “symptoms,” we must maintain high pressure on the “three forces,” take preventive measures, strike as soon as they emerge, completely eliminate them, and show no mercy. Regarding the “root causes,” as Mao Zedong pointed out, we must adhere to ethnic equality, improve ethnic unity, strengthen education on national identity and Chinese national identity, and use the method of “removing the firewood from under the cauldron” [26]26 “Removing the firewood from under the cauldron” (釜底抽薪) is a Chinese idiom meaning to take drastic measures to deal with a problem at its root cause. to eliminate the soil for “pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism” [27]27 “Pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism” (双泛思想) are ideologies that the Chinese government identifies as ideological sources of separatism in Xinjiang. thinking. Only then can we “be strong enough to defeat any imperialist aggression and build our motherland into a prosperous and strong country.”

毛泽东认为，中国少数民族问题主要是由阶级斗争和外国势力干涉造成的，因此，团结新疆各族人民，与他们结成统一战线，是解决民族问题的关键。今天，我们必须着眼中华民族的千秋大计，把新疆治理放入“两个大局”，谋长远、固根本、建久安。社会主义制度的建立，一定程度上解决了阶级斗争这一影响着新疆长治久安的历史问题，但是，外国反华势力的影响一直存在。近年来，美西方不断编造谎言，企图破坏新疆来之不易的稳定。我们要着眼长远，坚持标本兼治。于“标”，务必对“三股势力”保持高压，防微杜渐，露头就打，彻底清零，绝不手软；于“本”，正如毛泽东指出的，坚持民族平等，搞好民族团结，加强国家认同感教育和中华民族认同感教育，以“釜底抽薪”的方式消除“双泛”思想的土壤，如此，“足以战胜任何帝国主义的侵略，并且把我们的祖国建设成为繁荣强盛的国家”。

(III) Effectively Forge a Strong Sense of Community for the Chinese Nation

（三）要切实铸牢中华民族共同体意识

In August 2023, when listening to reports in Xinjiang, Xi Jinping emphasized that forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is the main line of the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era, and also the main line of all work in ethnic regions. The work of forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation must be grasped firmly. Forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is the foundation for Xinjiang’s long-term stability. Even in its weakest periods, the Chinese nation did not disintegrate, relying on the common concept that the territory cannot be divided, the nation cannot be scattered, and civilization cannot be severed.

2023年8月，习近平在新疆听取汇报时强调，铸牢中华民族共同体意识是新时代党的民族工作的主线,也是民族地区各项工作的主线。要把铸牢中华民族共同体意识工作抓实。铸牢中华民族共同体意识，这是新疆长治久安的根本。中华民族即使在最孱弱时期也没有分崩离析，靠的就是国土不可分、民族不可散、文明不可断的共同理念。

First, insist on using “winning hearts and minds” as an important means of carrying out ethnic work in Xinjiang. The country is the people; people’s support is the greatest politics. Throughout his life, Mao Zedong always regarded ideological and political work, and “winning the hearts and minds” of the minority ethnic masses, as the primary choice for solving the problem of governing Xinjiang. Before the liberation of Xinjiang, Mao Zedong insisted that liberating Xinjiang should rely mainly on political solutions, supplemented by military ones. After the liberation of Xinjiang, Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized the need to improve relations among all ethnic groups and increase exchanges between them. Therefore, in carrying out work in Xinjiang today, we cannot simply rely on force. If we integrate with the minority ethnic groups in Xinjiang and win their hearts, work will be easier to carry out. Conversely, good intentions may often lead to bad outcomes.

第一，坚持把“交心”作为开展新疆民族工作的重要手段。江山就是人民，人心是最大的政治。毛泽东一生始终把思想政治工作，把与少数民族人民群众“交心”作为解决新疆治理问题的首选。在解放新疆以前，毛泽东就坚持解放新疆要以政治解决为主、军事解决为辅。新疆解放后，毛泽东又反复强调要搞好各民族间的关系，增加民族间的交流。因此，在今天开展新疆工作，也不能简单地依靠强力。与新疆各少数民族打成一片，交好心，工作开展起来就容易，反之，往往会好心办坏事。

Second, further strengthen the ideological and political education of young students and ethnic minority cadres. Whether Xinjiang can achieve lasting peace and order hinges on whether a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation can be forged; whether a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation can be forged hinges on ideological and political education; ideological and political education hinges on the youth and on ethnic minority cadres. The hope of the nation lies in the youth, and ethnic minority cadres are an important bridge and bond. In this regard, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era must be used to forge the soul of the young people and to unite the hearts and minds of ethnic minority cadres, thereby consolidating the contemporary common spiritual home of the Chinese nation.

第二，进一步加强青年学生和少数民族干部的思想政治教育。新疆能否实现长治久安，关键在能否铸牢中华民族共同体意识；能否铸牢中华民族共同体意识，关键在思想政治教育；思想政治教育，关键在青年，在少数民族干部。国家的希望在于青年，少数民族干部是重要桥梁和纽带。对此，必须用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为青年人铸魂，为少数民族干部凝心，筑牢当代中华民族共有精神家园。

Third, strengthen education on fine traditional Chinese culture. Fine traditional Chinese culture is the characteristic of the “Chinese” aspect of the sense of community for the Chinese nation; it is the “root” and “soul” of the Chinese nation. [28]28 “Three regions and three prefectures” (三区三州) refers to a group of deeply impoverished areas in China designated for targeted poverty alleviation, including Tibet, southern Xinjiang, and parts of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan. Among the “Five Identifications,” the key is cultural identification; education on Marxism and on fine traditional Chinese culture must be strengthened. [29] Given the current situation in ethnic minority regions, the need to strengthen education on fine traditional Chinese culture is even more urgent.

第三，加强中华优秀传统文化教育。中华优秀传统文化是中华民族共同体意识“中华”之特征所在，是中华民族的“根”和“魂”。“五个认同”中的关键是文化认同，要加强马克思主义教育、中华优秀传统文化教育。就少数民族地区现状而言，加强中华优秀传统文化教育的需要更加迫切。

Fourth, promote extensive exchanges, interactions, and integration among all ethnic groups. Ethnic estrangement must be prevented; personnel and cultural exchanges between the interior and Xinjiang must be strengthened; a mixed-residence model for all ethnic groups must be accelerated; and the scale and intensity of interior-based education for Xinjiang students must be increased. For example, some schools, in order to assist ethnic minority regions such as Xinjiang, once specially established “Xinjiang classes” and “Tibet classes.” [30] This practice, while appearing to be special treatment or preferential care, is in fact detrimental to exchanges and integration among students of different ethnicities and to the formation of a pluralistic and integrated ethnic structure.

第四，要促进各民族广泛交往交流交融。要防止民族隔阂，加强内地与新疆的人员和文化交流，加快形成各民族混居模式，加大内地培养新疆学生的力度和规模等。例如，一些学校为帮助新疆等少数民族地区，曾经专门设立“新疆班”“西藏班”，这种做法看似特殊对待、优先照顾，实际上不利于各民族学生交往交融，不利于形成多元一体的民族格局。

(4) Further strengthen the construction of the XPCC [31]

（四）要进一步加强兵团建设

From April 27 to 30, 2014, during his inspection of Xinjiang, Xi Jinping pointed out: “Establishing the XPCC in Xinjiang, which

2014年4月27日至30日，习近平在视察新疆时指出：“在新疆组建担负屯垦戍边使命的兵团，是党中央治国安邦的战略布局，是强化边疆治理的重要方略。新形势下，兵团工作只能加强，不能削弱。”从西汉武帝元封六年（公元前105年）赤谷屯田戍边开始，历经东汉、魏、晋、南北朝、隋、唐、元、明、清、中华民国，新疆屯垦戍边事业源远流长。组建新疆生产兵团，这是毛泽东借鉴中国古代屯田制，将马克思主义基本原理与中国具体实际，与中华优秀传统文化相结合的伟大创举，对于稳定新疆、维护国家边防安全发挥了巨大历史作用。邓小平指出，兵团“是稳定新疆的核心”。历史反复告诫我们，屯垦戍边是治理边疆的“千古之策”，屯垦兴则西域兴、屯垦废则西域乱。入疆部队一开始就“不与民争利”，往往在寸草不生的盐碱地屯垦。由于面对着非常恶劣的自然条件，承担着十分繁重的社会责任，新疆生产建设兵团在支援新疆经济社会发展的过程中困难重重。对此，我们必须坚定不移地壮大兵团综合实力，提高兵团维稳戍边能力，促进兵地融合发展。

(5) We must vigorously assist Xinjiang in developing its economy and culture

（五）要大力援助新疆发展经济和文化

Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “We must raise their living standards so that they advance together with us. When the economic problem is not solved for a single day, the national problem will not be solved

邓小平指出：“要提高其生活水平，与我们一道前进。当经济问题一天未解决，民族问题即未能解决。”习近平指出：“发展是解决民族地区各种问题的总钥匙。”我们必须深刻理解铸牢中华民族共同体意识与中国式现代化建设的辩证关系。一方面，铸牢中华民族共同体意识，是新疆推进中国式现代化建设的重要思想保障；没有共同的精神家园，就不可能有新疆各项工作的顺利开展。另一方面，只有大力发展新疆经济，才能推动新疆政治、社会、文化、生态的全面发展，从根本上改变新疆的落后面貌，实现标本兼治。1956年，毛泽东在《论十大关系》中明确指出：建设社会主义必须根据实际情况来制定方针。正是在区域经济协调发展思想指导下，党中央才制定了一系列支援新疆发展政策措施，正式拉开了援疆工作序幕。总体上看，与全国大部分省份相比，新疆目前还相对落后，因此，只有大力开展援疆工作，不断提升广大人民的获得感、幸福感、安全感，才能从根本上保证新疆长治久安。

First, assistance to Xinjiang must be sincere and wholehearted. Mao Zedong stressed: “We must sincerely and actively help the minority nationalities develop their economic and cultural construction.” All minority nationality regions must also “strive to produce, improve their own material life; and on this basis, step by step raise their own cultural level.” We must never think that the Han nationality “has helped the minority nationalities a little and therefore thinks highly of itself” or that “only the Han nationality has helped the minority nationalities, and the minority nationalities have not helped the Han nationality.” Since the founding of New China, the Party Central Committee has introduced many policies to support Xinjiang’s development, which have won genuine recognition from the people of Xinjiang: “The people of Xinjiang all regard Chairman Mao Zedong and the Communist Party as their liberators and saviors.” Xinjiang has made and continues to make irreplaceable contributions to the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must resolutely resist erroneous ideas such as “the theory that aid to Xinjiang consists of small favors exchanged for stability” and “the theory that resource development offsets the achievements of aid to Xinjiang.”

第一，援助新疆必须真心实意。毛泽东强调：“我们要诚心诚意地积极帮助少数民族发展经济建设和文化建设。”各少数民族地区也要“努力生产，改善自己的物质生活；并在这个基础之上，一步一步地提高自己的文化水平”。我们绝不能认为汉族“帮助了一点少数民族，就自以为了不起”或者“只有汉族帮助了少数民族，少数民族没有帮助汉族”。新中国成立以来，党中央出台很多政策支持新疆发展，得到了新疆人民真心认可，“新疆人民都把毛泽东主席和共产党看成他们的解放者和救星”。新疆已经并继续为中国特色社会主义事业作出无可取代的贡献，必须坚决抵制“援疆小恩小惠换取稳定论”“资源开发抵消援疆成就论”等错误思想。

Second, firmly grasp the resource endowment and geographical advantages to help Xinjiang develop its economy. Xinjiang possesses abundant natural resources, which requires us to make industrial assistance to Xinjiang a priority, identify the focal point for economic construction, and promote the upgrading and development of Xinjiang’s industries. Xinjiang is located at the heart of the Eurasian continent and is an important node of the “Silk Road.” The complication of the situation in the Middle East has further highlighted Xinjiang’s geographical advantages. Only by firmly grasping the resource endowment and geographical advantages can we stimulate Xinjiang’s endogenous momentum, transform “blood transfusion” into “blood production,” and blaze a path suited to Xinjiang’s development.

第二，牢牢把握资源禀赋和区位优势帮助新疆发展经济。新疆拥有丰富的自然资源，要求我们必须把产业援疆作为重点，找准经济建设发力点，推动新疆产业升级发展。新疆地处亚欧大陆核心，是“丝绸之路”的重要节点。中东局势复杂化，进一步凸显了新疆的区位优势。只有牢牢把握资源禀赋和区位优势，才能激发新疆的内生动力，变“输血”变成“造血”，走出一条适合新疆发展的道路。

Third, help Xinjiang carry out social construction. Compared with the interior, Xinjiang not only lags behind in economic development but also urgently needs to strengthen social construction. For example, the idea of male superiority and female inferiority has long existed in Xinjiang, with the vast majority of women confined to the home. At one time, under the influence of religious extremism, women in rural southern Xinjiang could not even show their faces in public. To this day, feudal ideas such as “male chauvinism” still stubbornly persist in the minds of some people. In addition, whether in terms of teachers’ teaching level or students’ comprehensive quality, there is a certain gap between Xinjiang and the interior. In this regard, we must increase the intensity of educational assistance to Xinjiang, especially increasing the intensity of training for Xinjiang’s teachers, making sustained and unremitting efforts.

第三，要帮助新疆开展社会建设。和内地相比，新疆不仅经济发展滞后，而且社会建设亟须加强。例如，新疆长期存在着男尊女卑思想，广大女性被束缚在家庭之中。曾几何时，在宗教极端主义影响下，南疆农村女性甚至不能抛头露面。时至今日，“大男子主义”等封建思想仍然顽固地存在于一些人的头脑中。此外，无论在教师教学水平，还是学生的综合素质方面，新疆都与内地存在一定差距。对此，我们必须加大对新疆的教育援助力度，特别是加大对新疆教师的培养力度，绵绵用力，久久为功。

Fourth, the policy of assisting Xinjiang must be particularly tilted toward the southern Xinjiang region. Southern Xinjiang was long listed among the country’s “three regions and three prefectures” [28]28 “Three regions and three prefectures” (三区三州) refers to a group of deeply impoverished areas in China designated for targeted poverty alleviation, including Tibet, southern Xinjiang, and parts of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan. of deep poverty and was also a hard-hit area for violent and terrorist activities. A stable southern Xinjiang must first be a prosperous and developing southern Xinjiang. Therefore, it is necessary to further increase the intensity of assistance to southern Xinjiang, gradually narrowing the development gap between southern Xinjiang and northern Xinjiang and the country as a whole.

第四，援疆政策要特别向南疆地区倾斜。南疆曾长期名列全国“三区三州”深度贫困地区，也是暴恐活动的重灾区。一个稳定的南疆，首先必须是一个繁荣发展的南疆。因此，必须进一步加大对南疆的援助力度，逐渐缩小南疆与北疆和全国的发展差距。

Fifth, we must establish the idea of long-term assistance. Mao Zedong said that the development of things is always unbalanced, and therefore there is a demand for balance. There is a factual gap in development between Xinjiang and the interior. We must firmly establish the consciousness of the Chinese national community and ensure that Xinjiang and other regions do not fall behind on the great path of Chinese-path modernization. Assisting Xinjiang is bound to be a long-term task, and we must have a full understanding of this.

第五，必须树立长期援助的思想。毛泽东说，事物的发展总是不平衡的，因此有平衡的要求。新疆与内地的发展在事实上存在差距，我们必须牢牢树立中华民族共同体意识，确保新疆等地区在中国式现代化建设的大道上不掉队。援助新疆必然是一项长期任务，我们对此要有充分认识。

(Author: Associate Professor, School of Marxism, Jiaxing University, Zhejiang Province)

（作者：浙江嘉兴大学马克思主义学院副教授）

Online editor: You Heng

网络编辑：有恒