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Socialist Modernization under the Leadership of the Communist Party of China

夏春涛:中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化

· · Sinicization of Marxism · People's Tribune · Academic Frontier, 2023, no. 8 · 25 min read

The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC points out: “Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization pursued under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. It contains elements that are common to the modernizations of all countries, but it is more characterized by features that are unique to the Chinese context.” This profoundly reveals the essential characteristics of Chinese-path modernization and clearly answers the major principled questions of who leads Chinese-path modernization and what path it takes.

党的二十大报告指出:“中国式现代化,是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化,既有各国现代化的共同特征,更有基于自己国情的中国特色。”这深刻揭示了中国式现代化的本质特征,鲜明回答了中国式现代化由谁领导、走什么道路的重大原则问题。

Chinese-path modernization is modernization under the leadership of the Communist Party of China

中国式现代化是中国共产党领导的现代化

Realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is the greatest dream of the Chinese nation since modern times. To achieve national rejuvenation, it was necessary to strive to catch up and change the backward situation, thereby realizing modernization. At that time, for a large Eastern country like China, which was relatively backward economically and culturally, achieving modernization was an entirely new课题 [n1], and its difficulty was beyond imagination. Before the birth of the Communist Party of China, all efforts and attempts ended in failure. That China cleared the obstacles to modernization construction, strode forward toward modernization, and achieved brilliant accomplishments all became a reality only under the leadership of the Party. Without the strong leadership of the Party, there would be no Chinese-path modernization—this is an indisputable historical conclusion.

实现中华民族伟大复兴是近代以来中华民族最伟大的梦想,要实现民族复兴,就必须奋起直追改变落后面貌,实现现代化。而在当时,中国这样一个经济文化比较落后的东方大国实现现代化是一个全新课题,其难度之大超乎想象,在中国共产党诞生之前,所有的努力与尝试均宣告失败。中国扫清现代化建设的障碍、阔步迈向现代化并取得辉煌成就,都是在党的领导下才得以成为现实。没有党的坚强领导,就没有中国式现代化,这是不可置疑的历史结论。

The Chinese nation created a brilliant history and splendid civilization in ancient times, making great contributions to the advancement of human civilization. With the rise of the Industrial Revolution in the West and its large-scale overseas colonial expansion, Chinese civilization, mainly in the form of agricultural civilization, gradually fell behind. Although the Qing Dynasty experienced the High Qing era [n2], it was already the afterglow of a setting sun. Beginning with the Opium War of 1840, China gradually degenerated into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The country was impoverished and weak, the national crisis intensified, and the people suffered deeply. In the short span of 40 years from 1860 to 1900, Beijing was twice trampled under the iron heel of foreign colonists. Under the national crisis, the broad masses of the people and countless people with lofty ideals rose up one after another, repeatedly resisting foreign aggression and fighting to the death, repeatedly searching and shouting; within the ruling class camp, some also began to seek a path of self-salvation. Learning from the West and striving to achieve national prosperity and military strength became a progressive ideological trend. For example, Hong Rengan, who presided over the later period of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom [n3], proposed the *New Administration* [n4] in 1859, frankly acknowledging China’s backward reality, advocating emulating the West by building railways, using steamships, and opening mines, proclaiming “to compete with the foreigners,” and calling for “taking advantage of this promising time to strive and take the lead for China.” Subsequently, the Westernization clique [n5] bureaucrats, under the banners of “self-strengthening” and “seeking wealth,” launched the Westernization Movement, successively establishing a number of military industries and civilian enterprises, founding new-style schools, and sending students abroad, introducing some new factors and new atmosphere into the backward and closed Chinese society. Later, Emperor Guangxu and the reformists attempted a reform [n6], trying to implement new policies at the level of culture and institutions. As the forerunner of China’s democratic revolution, Dr. Sun Yat-sen founded the Revive China Society [n7] in 1894, becoming the first person in modern times to explicitly raise the slogan “revitalize China.” Dr. Sun Yat-sen wrote *The International Development of China* [n8], outlining a grand blueprint for development, envisioning the construction of three world-class ports and the building of over 100,000 kilometers of railways. Even on his deathbed, he still murmured, “Peace, struggle, save China.”

中华民族曾在古代创造了辉煌历史和璀璨文明,对推动人类文明发展作出巨大贡献。随着西方兴起工业革命并大肆进行海外殖民扩张,以农业文明为主要形态的中华文明渐落下风。清代虽有康乾盛世,但已是落日余辉。以1840年鸦片战争为开端,中国逐步沦为半殖民地半封建社会,国家积贫积弱,民族危机加剧,人民苦难深重。在1860年至1900年的短短40年间,北京就曾两度遭受外国殖民者的铁蹄践踏。民族危机之下,广大民众和无数仁人志士纷纷投袂而起,一次次抵御外侮、血战到底,一次次苦苦求索、奔走呐喊;统治阶级阵营内部也开始寻求自救之道。向西方学习、努力实现富国强兵成为进步思想潮流。譬如,主持太平天国后期朝政的洪仁玕于1859年提出《资政新篇》,坦然承认中国落后的现实状况,主张效法西方修铁路、用汽轮、开矿山等,倡言“与番人并雄”,呼吁“乘此有为之日,奋为中地倡”。接着,洋务派官僚以“自强”“求富”相标榜发起洋务运动,陆续兴办一批军事工业和民用企业,并创办新式学堂、向海外派遣留学生等,使落后封闭的中国社会出现一些新因素新气象。再后来,光绪帝与维新派人士尝试变法,试图在文化制度等层面推行新政。作为中国民主革命先行者,孙中山先生于1894年创立兴中会,是明确提出“振兴中华”口号的近代第一人。孙中山先生撰写《建国方略》,勾勒出一幅宏伟的发展蓝图,设想建设三大世界级港口、修建十万多公里铁路等。直至弥留之际,他仍念念不忘“和平,奋斗,救中国”。

However, all of the above explorations and efforts ended in failure without exception. The defeat of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and the failure of the Boxer Rebellion [n9] showed that the peasant class was incapable of transcending its own limitations; the bankruptcy of the Westernization Movement showed that learning from the West only at the level of material equipment was unworkable; the premature end of the Hundred Days’ Reform showed that the forces of stubborn conservatism were exceptionally powerful, making even limited reforms difficult to implement; the failure of the Xinhai Revolution [n10], with “countless heads and countless blood, pitifully buying a false republic,” showed that the old democratic revolution had reached its end. The late Qing reformist thinker Tan Sitong once issued the lament, “Four hundred million people all shed tears; where in the world is the Divine Land?” [n11] The long night was dark, the future was bleak—where, after all, was China’s way out?

然而,以上种种探索与努力无一不以失败告终。太平天国败亡、义和团运动失败,说明农民阶级无力超越自身局限;洋务运动破产,说明仅从器物层面学西方是行不通的;戊戌变法夭折,说明顽固势力异常强大,即便是有限的改良也难以实施;辛亥革命失败,“无量头颅无量血,可怜购得假共和”,说明旧民主主义革命已走到尽头。清末维新思想家谭嗣同曾发出“四万万人齐下泪,天涯何处是神州”的悲叹。长夜漫漫、前途茫茫,中国的出路究竟在哪里?

In the great awakening of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, and in the close integration of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese workers’ movement, the Communist Party of China emerged as the times required. The birth of the Communist Party of China was a momentous event that split heaven and earth. Once the Communist Party of China was born, it unswervingly established its original aspiration and founding mission of seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation, and unswervingly shouldered the heavy responsibility of exploring the path of modernization. All the struggles, sacrifices, and creations the Party has led the people in carrying out to date boil down to one theme: realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization. In summary, over the long and arduous years, the Party has led the people in cutting through brambles and thorns and carrying on the struggle, thereby opening up the broad prospects of Chinese-path modernization, producing extensive and profound impacts on China and the world.

在中国人民和中华民族的伟大觉醒中,在马克思列宁主义同中国工人运动的紧密结合中,中国共产党应运而生。中国产生了共产党,这是开天辟地的大事变。中国共产党一经诞生,就义无反顾地把为中国人民谋幸福、为中华民族谋复兴确立为自己的初心使命,义无反顾地担负起探索现代化道路的重任。党团结带领人民迄今进行的一切奋斗、牺牲和创造,归结起来就是一个主题:以中国式现代化实现中华民族伟大复兴。概括地说,在漫长峥嵘岁月中,党团结带领人民披荆斩棘、接续奋斗,由此开辟了中国式现代化的广阔前景,在中国乃至世界产生广泛而深远的影响。

During the period of the New Democratic Revolution [n12], there were still people in China who fantasized about changing China’s destiny through reform, proposing plans such as industrial salvation, educational salvation, and rural construction. While these plans had progressive significance, they ultimately treated the symptoms but not the root cause. In semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, without completing the historical task of opposing imperialism and feudalism, modernization construction was out of the question. At that time, only the Communist Party of China saw this historical logic, scientifically explained China’s social nature and its principal contradiction, and resolutely raised high the banner of the New Democratic Revolution. After 28 years of arduous revolutionary struggle, the Party led the people in overthrowing the three mountains [n13], establishing the People’s Republic of China where the people are the masters of the country, achieving national independence and the liberation of the people, and creating the fundamental social conditions for realizing modernization. On June 15, 1949, Comrade Mao Zedong solemnly declared at the preparatory meeting of the new Political Consultative Conference: “The Chinese people will see that, once China’s destiny is in the hands of the people, China will, like the sun rising in the east, illuminate the earth with its own brilliant radiance, swiftly cleanse the mire left behind by the reactionary government, heal the wounds of war, and build a new, strong, and truly People’s Republic of China.”

在新民主主义革命时期,国内仍有人幻想通过改良来改变中国命运,提出实业救国、教育救国、乡村建设等方案。这些方案固然有进步意义,但终究治标不治本。在半殖民地半封建社会的中国,不完成反帝反封建这一历史任务,现代化建设就无从谈起。当时只有中国共产党看清了这一历史逻辑,科学阐释了中国社会性质及其主要矛盾,毅然决然地高举起新民主主义革命大旗。经过28年艰苦卓绝的革命斗争,党领导人民推翻三座大山,建立了人民当家作主的中华人民共和国,实现民族独立、人民解放,为实现现代化创造了根本社会条件。1949年6月15日,毛泽东同志在新政治协商会议筹备会上庄严宣告:“中国人民将会看见,中国的命运一经操在人民自已的手里,中国就将如太阳升起在东方那样,以自己的辉煌的光焰普照大地,迅速地荡涤反动政府留下来的污泥浊水,治好战争的创伤,建设起一个崭新的强盛的名副其实的中华人民民主共和国。”

Taking the founding of New China as the starting point, the Communist Party of China began to lead modernization construction, thereby unveiling the prelude to Chinese-path modernization. The Party united and led the people in carrying out the socialist revolution, eliminating the system of exploitation that had persisted in China for several millennia, establishing the basic system of socialism, and realizing the most extensive and profound social transformation in the history of the Chinese nation. The Eighth National Congress of the CPC solemnly declared that China had fully established the socialist system and entered socialist society, and that the current main task was to transform China as quickly as possible from a backward agricultural country into an advanced socialist industrial country. Comrade Mao Zedong explicitly proposed at the first preparatory meeting of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC that it would take fifty to sixty years to catch up with and surpass the world’s most powerful capitalist country, namely the United States. Comrade Mao Zedong emphasized that surpassing the United States was not only possible but also entirely necessary and completely proper; if this were not the case, “then we will be expelled from the Earth’s roster of nations,” “then our Chinese nation will have failed to live up to its responsibility to all the nations of the world, and our contribution to humanity will be insignificant.” In May 1958, the second session of the Eighth National Congress of the CPC formally proposed the general line of “going all out, aiming high, and achieving greater, faster, better, and more economical results in building socialism,” resolving to catch up with and surpass Britain within 15 years. In December 1964, Comrade Zhou Enlai proposed at the first session of the Third National People’s Congress the historical task of realizing the “four modernizations” [n14], building China into a strong country with modern agriculture, modern industry, modern national defense, and modern science and technology. The Party led the people in striving vigorously, and despite experiencing twists and turns, still established an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system on the basis of a poor and blank foundation. The completion of the socialist revolution and the advancement of socialist construction laid the fundamental political premise and material foundation for modernization.

以新中国成立为起点,中国共产党开始领导现代化建设,由此揭开中国式现代化的序幕。党团结带领人民进行社会主义革命,消灭在中国延续几千年的剥削制度,确立社会主义基本制度,实现了中华民族有史以来最为广泛而深刻的社会变革。党的八大郑重宣布:我国已全面建立社会主义制度、进入社会主义社会,当前的主要任务是把我国尽快地从落后的农业国变为先进的社会主义工业国。毛泽东同志在党的八大预备会第一次会议上明确提出,要用五六十年时间赶上和超过世界上最强大的资本主义国家,就是美国。毛泽东同志强调,超过美国不仅有可能,而且完全有必要,完全应该;如果不是这样,“那就要从地球上开除你的球籍”“那我们中华民族就对不起全世界各民族,我们对人类的贡献就不大”。1958年5月,党的八大二次会议正式提出“鼓足干劲,力争上游,多快好省地建设社会主义”的总路线,决心用15年时间赶超英国。1964年12月,周恩来同志在第三届全国人民代表大会一次会议提出实现“四个现代化”的历史任务,把我国建设成具有现代农业、现代工业、现代国防和现代科学技术的强国。党带领人民奋发图强,虽经历曲折,依然在一穷二白的基础上建立起独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系。社会主义革命的完成和社会主义建设的推进,为现代化建设奠定了根本政治前提和物质基础。

Entering the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, the Party Central Committee made the historic decision to shift the focus of the work of the Party and the state to economic development and to implement reform and opening up. Keeping pace with the times became the most prominent hallmark of the new period. The Party vigorously promoted theoretical innovation, institutional innovation, cultural innovation and innovation in all other areas on the basis of practice, continuously opened up new prospects for opening up to the outside world, and infused contemporary China with vitality and dynamism. Our Party’s timetable and roadmap for modernization became increasingly clear, and modernization entered the fast track. Comrade Deng Xiaoping put forward the “three-step” development strategy for China’s modernization, stressing that “this is our ambition and aspiration” and “we must have this ambition and aspiration.” [15]15 Deng Xiaoping, “We Must Have an Ambition and Aspiration,” in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 251. In 1990, when meeting foreign guests, Comrade Deng Xiaoping solemnly stated: “After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, we concentrated our efforts on the four modernizations, with a view to rejuvenating the Chinese nation.” [16]16 Deng Xiaoping, “The Four Modernizations Are Aimed at Rejuvenating the Chinese Nation,” in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 357. Given that the time span for realizing the third-step strategic goal was as long as half a century, the Sixteenth National Congress of the Party put forward a connecting development goal — to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. The Eighteenth National Congress formally proposed the “Two Centenary Goals”: to complete the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, and to build China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Through reform and opening up, in the great historical process of initiating, upholding, defending and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, we overcame countless risks and challenges, achieved leapfrog development, rose to become the world’s second-largest economy in 2010, and transformed the people’s life from having inadequate food and clothing to being moderately prosperous overall and then to being moderately prosperous in all respects, thereby providing Chinese-path modernization with a new and vibrant institutional guarantee and the material conditions for rapid development.

进入改革开放和社会主义建设新时期,党中央作出把党和国家工作中心转移到经济建设上来、实行改革开放的历史性决策。与时俱进成为新时期最突出的标志。党大力推进实践基础上的理论创新、制度创新、文化创新以及其他各方面创新,不断打开对外开放新局面,使当代中国充满生机活力。我们党关于现代化建设的时间表、路线图越加明晰,现代化建设进入快车道。邓小平同志提出我国现代化建设“三步走”发展战略,强调“这就是我们的雄心壮志”“我们就是要有这个雄心壮志”。1990年会见外宾时,邓小平同志郑重表示:“党的十一届三中全会以后,我们集中力量搞四个现代化,着眼于振兴中华民族。”鉴于实现第三步战略目标的时间跨度长达半个世纪,党的十六大提出了一个承上启下的发展目标——在21世纪头20年全面建设小康社会。党的十八大正式提出“两个一百年”奋斗目标:在中国共产党成立一百年时全面建成小康社会,在新中国成立一百年时建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家。通过改革开放,在开创、坚持、捍卫、发展中国特色社会主义的伟大历史进程中,我们战胜无数风险挑战,实现跨越式发展,经济总量在2010年跃居世界第二,人民生活从温饱不足转为总体小康、奔向全面小康,进而为中国式现代化提供了充满新的活力的体制保证和快速发展的物质条件。

Since the Eighteenth National Congress, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era. The Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has taken a holistic approach to the strategic overall plan for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century, united and led the people in overcoming difficulties and forging ahead, defined the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan and the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, continuously achieved innovative breakthroughs in theory and practice, and successfully advanced and expanded Chinese-path modernization. This is prominently reflected in the following aspects. First, deepening understanding. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was established, achieving a new leap in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, and providing the fundamental guidance for Chinese-path modernization. The Twentieth National Congress summarized and put forward and deeply elaborated the theory of Chinese-path modernization, marking a major theoretical innovation of the Party and the latest major achievement of scientific socialism. On February 7, 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered an important speech at the opening ceremony of the seminar on studying and implementing the spirit of the Twentieth National Congress, profoundly expounding a series of major theoretical and practical issues concerning Chinese-path modernization, greatly enriching and developing the theory of Chinese-path modernization. Second, continuous improvement in strategy. A series of major strategies, such as the strategy of invigorating China through science and education, the strategy of strengthening the nation through human resources, and the rural revitalization strategy, were deeply implemented, providing solid strategic support for Chinese-path modernization. Third, continuous enrichment in practice. A series of transformative practices were advanced, a series of breakthrough progress was achieved, and a series of landmark results were obtained, promoting historic achievements and historic changes in the cause of the Party and the state, especially the realization of the first centenary goal as scheduled, the completion of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, the historic resolution of the problem of absolute poverty, thereby providing Chinese-path modernization with a more complete institutional guarantee, a more solid material foundation, and a more proactive spiritual strength. As General Secretary Xi Jinping stated at the beginning of his 2023 New Year message: “In 2022, we successfully convened the Twentieth National Congress, mapped out the grand blueprint for comprehensively building a modern socialist country and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, and sounded the clarion call for forging ahead on the new journey of the times.”

党的十八大以来,中国特色社会主义进入新时代。以习近平同志为核心的党中央统筹把握中华民族伟大复兴战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局,团结带领人民攻坚克难、砥砺前行,明确“五位一体”总体布局和“四个全面”战略布局,不断实现理论和实践上的创新突破,成功推进和拓展了中国式现代化。这突出体现在以下几个方面。一是在认识上不断深化。创立了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想,实现了马克思主义中国化新的飞跃,为中国式现代化提供了根本遵循。党的二十大概括提出并深入阐释中国式现代化理论,标志着党的重大理论创新,是科学社会主义的最新重大成果。2023年2月7日,习近平总书记在学习贯彻党的二十大精神研讨班开班式上发表重要讲话,深刻阐述了中国式现代化的一系列重大理论和实践问题,极大丰富和发展了中国式现代化理论。二是在战略上不断完善。深入实施科教兴国战略、人才强国战略、乡村振兴战略等一系列重大战略,为中国式现代化提供了坚实战略支撑。三是在实践上不断丰富。推进一系列变革性实践、实现一系列突破性进展、取得一系列标志性成果,推动党和国家事业取得历史性成就、发生历史性变革,特别是如期实现第一个百年奋斗目标,全面建成小康社会,历史性地解决了绝对贫困问题,进而为中国式现代化提供了更为完善的制度保证、更为坚实的物质基础、更为主动的精神力量。正如习近平总书记发表2023年新年贺词的开篇:“2022年,我们胜利召开党的二十大,擘画了全面建设社会主义现代化国家、以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟蓝图,吹响了奋进新征程的时代号角。”

“For the sake of sacrifice, we dare to make the sun and moon shine in a new sky.” [17]17 A couplet from Mao Zedong’s poem “To Comrade Zhou Enlai, on the Occasion of the Completion of the Shaoshan Hydropower Station” (1959), expressing revolutionary heroism and sacrifice. Comrade Fang Zhimin, a martyr, wrote in his prison essay “Lovely China” his firm belief that the new China would take on a completely new look: “…by then, there will be vigorous creation everywhere, rapid progress everywhere, songs of joy will replace lamentations, smiling faces will replace tearful faces, affluence will replace poverty, health will replace disease, wisdom will replace ignorance, fraternity will replace hatred…” [18]18 Fang Zhimin (1899–1935), a leader of the Chinese Communist Party and the Red Army, was captured and executed by the Kuomintang. “Lovely China” is his famous prison essay. What can comfort the martyrs is that, through the relay of efforts and struggles by generation after generation, the Chinese nation, which has endured hardships in modern times, is advancing triumphantly on the path of modernization, ushering in a great leap from standing up and growing prosperous to becoming strong.

“为有牺牲多壮志,敢教日月换新天。”方志敏烈士在狱中写就的《可爱的中国》一文中坚信新中国会面貌一新:“……到那时,到处都是活跃的创造,到处都是日新月异的进步,欢歌将代替了悲叹,笑脸将代替了哭脸,富裕将代替了贫穷,康健将代替了疾病,智慧将代替了愚昧,友爱将代替了仇恨……”可以告慰先烈的是,经过一代代人薪火相传接力奋斗,近代以来历经磨难的中华民族在现代化大道上高歌猛进,迎来从站起来、富起来到强起来的伟大飞跃。

“At sunrise, river flowers are redder than fire; in spring, river waters are as green as blue.” [19]19 A line from the Tang dynasty poet Bai Juyi’s poem “Recalling Jiangnan,” used here to evoke the flourishing and vibrant state of the Party and the nation. Our Party was born amidst domestic and foreign crises, grew up amidst hardships, and strengthened itself by overcoming difficulties. It has always maintained its lofty integrity, enterprising spirit, and vigorous vitality, united and led the people in unremitting exploration and struggle, and made great contributions to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This magnificent and unforgettable history fully demonstrates that the Communist Party of China is the guide and backbone of Chinese-path modernization; without the strong leadership of the Party, there would be no Chinese-path modernization; to continue advancing Chinese-path modernization, we must unswervingly uphold the Party’s leadership. In a word, the Party’s leadership is the greatest advantage of Chinese-path modernization and determines the fundamental nature of Chinese-path modernization. The Party’s leadership position is not “self-proclaimed,” but a conclusion of history and a choice of the people.

“日出江花红胜火,春来江水绿如蓝。”我们党在内忧外患中诞生,在历经磨难中成长,在攻坚克难中壮大,始终保持着浩然正气、奋进锐气、蓬勃朝气,团结带领人民不懈探索奋斗,为中华民族伟大复兴立下丰功伟绩。这段波澜壮阔、令人刻骨铭心的历史充分说明:中国共产党是中国式现代化的领路人和主心骨,没有党的坚强领导,就没有中国式现代化;继续推进中国式现代化,必须坚定不移地坚持党的领导。一言以蔽之,党的领导是中国式现代化的最大优势,决定中国式现代化的根本性质。党的领导地位不是“自封”的,而是历史的结论、人民的选择。

Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization.

中国式现代化是社会主义现代化

The capitalist countries of Europe and America took the lead in achieving modernization, thereby dominating the world’s modernization path and controlling the world’s modernization theory for a period of time. After the rise of the world socialist movement and the birth of the Soviet Union, the world’s first socialist state, the status and authority of these European and American countries began to be challenged, and socialist modernization became a new choice. According to the Marxist theory of the “five forms of society,” socialism is the primary stage of communism, which, compared with capitalist society, is more developed in terms of economy, science and technology, and embodies fairness and justice, and is committed to eliminating exploitation and eradicating polarization. However, determined by its specific national conditions, Russia was “the weakest link in the chain of imperialism,” and the Soviet Union, established on the basis of Russia, was relatively backward in development. China at the same time was even more backward, in a state of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society; New China “leaped over” the stage of capitalist development, transitioning directly from a new democratic society to a socialist society. Therefore, in terms of modernization, the Soviet Union and China, as large socialist countries, both had low starting points and started late, and initially did not possess a comparative advantage over the European and American countries, especially China. China has always held high the banner of socialism, and after the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, it still “clung to the green mountain and would not let go,” [20]20 A line from the Qing dynasty poet Zheng Xie’s poem “Bamboo in the Rock,” symbolizing unwavering resolve in the face of adversity. creatively embarked on and continuously expanded the new path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, created a new form of human civilization through Chinese-path modernization, and made the world pattern show a trend of “the East rising and the West falling.” This history is earth-shaking and deeply moving, leaving endless thoughts and profound inspiration for people today.

欧美资本主义国家率先走向现代化,由此在一段时间内主导着世界现代化道路,掌控着世界现代化理论。世界社会主义运动兴起、世界上第一个社会主义国家苏联诞生后,欧美国家的这种地位和权威开始受到挑战,社会主义现代化成为一种新的选择。按照马克思主义的“五种社会形态”理论,社会主义是共产主义的初级阶段,与资本主义社会相比,在经济、科技等方面更加发达,且体现公平正义,致力于消灭剥削、消除两极分化。不过,由具体国情所决定,俄国是“帝国主义链条上最薄弱的一环”,在俄国基础上建立的苏联发展相对滞后。同时期的中国则更为落后,处于半殖民地半封建社会的状态;新中国“跨越”资本主义发展阶段,从新民主主义社会直接过渡到社会主义社会。因此,在现代化建设上,苏、中作为社会主义大国,均起点低、起步晚,起初并不具备对欧美国家的比较优势,中国尤甚。中国始终高举社会主义大旗,在苏东剧变后依旧“咬定青山不放松”,创造性地走出并不断拓展中国特色社会主义这条新路,以中国式现代化创造了人类文明新形态,使世界格局呈现“东升西降”趋势。这段历史感天动地、可歌可泣,留给今人无尽的思考和深刻启迪。

Poverty and backwardness, together with a huge population, were the basic conditions of modern China. Had China taken the capitalist road, it would inevitably have triggered severe polarization and led to intense social upheaval. Dr. Sun Yat-sen was aware of this. At first, Dr. Sun greatly admired the strength of the Western countries, but during his exile in Europe he saw and heard enough to become deeply worried about the ills of capitalist society. In the inaugural statement of the *People’s Journal* (《民报》), the organ of the Tongmenghui, in 1905, he lamented that “Europe and America are strong, yet their people are truly distressed,” and argued that China should not follow in their footsteps. He therefore proposed absorbing socialist elements to check the maladies of capitalist society, advocating “accomplishing the political revolution and the social revolution in one single stroke.” This was also the origin of the New Three Principles of the People. Modern China could not take the capitalist road, and objectively it was also impassable. After the fall of the Qing dynasty, in the early years of the Republic of China, there was a serious attempt to transplant Western political institutions: a parliament was set up, multi-party elections were held, but the result was chaos. Song Jiaoren, who advocated a responsible cabinet, was assassinated; then came Yuan Shikai’s proclamation of himself as emperor, Zhang Xun’s restoration of the monarchy, and Cao Kun’s bribery in the presidential election. China sank into warlord warfare and fragmentation. Looking at the external environment, the Western powers were also extremely unwilling to see China become strong and prosperous through modernization. In the late Qing and early Republican periods, Chinese intellectual circles greatly admired Japan, which had been quite successful in learning from the West, and a wave of study in Japan arose, yet Japan inflicted enormous harm on China in modern times. China was a victor in both world wars, yet on both occasions it lost the dignity of a victor to varying degrees and unfortunately became a victim of great-power political games and the division of spoils. Comrade Mao Zedong put his finger on the point: “The aggression of the imperialist powers shattered the Chinese people’s illusions about learning from the West. It was very strange: why did the teachers always bully their students? The Chinese learned a great deal from the West, but it would not work; their ideals could never be realized. Many struggles, including the Revolution of 1911, a nationwide movement, all failed.” In the 1990s, some people denied all violent revolutions and proposed “farewell to revolution,” as if China, as long as it engaged in reform and took the Western road, could smoothly achieve modernization, and that even the New Democratic Revolution led by the Communist Party of China was “superfluous.” This is utterly wrong. China, in a state of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, first had to achieve national independence and the liberation of the people—that is, to oppose imperialism and feudalism—before it could undertake construction. Without the victory of the New Democratic Revolution, China would not have had the prerequisite conditions for modernization. As the saying goes, “With the skin gone, what can the hair adhere to?” [21]21 A classical Chinese idiom from the *Zuo Commentary* (《左传》), meaning that when the fundamental condition is lost, what depends on it cannot survive.

一穷二白、人口众多是近代中国的基本国情。倘若中国走资本主义道路,势必会引发严重的两极分化,导致社会剧烈动荡。孙中山先生便是意识到了这一点。孙中山先生起初十分羡慕西方国家之强盛,但在流亡欧洲时耳闻目睹,不禁对资本主义社会的弊端深感忧虑。在1905年同盟会机关报《民报》发刊词中,他慨叹“欧美强矣,其民实困”,认为中国不能步其后尘,故欲吸收社会主义元素来遏制资本主义社会的弊病,倡言“举政治革命、社会革命毕其功于一役”,这也是新三民主义的源起。近代中国不能走资本主义道路,客观上也走不通。清朝覆灭后,民国初年曾煞有介事地移植西方政治制度,设国会、搞多党竞选,结果却是乱象环生:主张成立责任内阁的宋教仁遭暗杀,接着发生袁世凯称帝、张勋复辟帝制、曹锟贿选,中国陷入军阀混战、四分五裂的境地。从外部环境看,西方列强也极不情愿看到中国通过现代化富强起来。在清末民初,中国知识界很推崇学西方颇有成效的日本,兴起赴日本留学热潮,而日本却在近代给中国造成了巨大伤害。中国在两次世界大战中都是战胜国,但两次都不同程度地失去战胜国的体面,不幸沦为大国政治搏弈和利益瓜分的牺牲品。毛泽东同志就此一针见血指出:“帝国主义的侵略打破了中国人学西方的迷梦。很奇怪,为什么先生老是侵略学生呢?中国人向西方学得很不少,但是行不通,理想总是不能实现。多次奋斗,包括辛亥革命那样全国规模的运动,都失败了。”20世纪90年代,有人否定一切暴力革命,提出“告别革命”,似乎中国只要搞改良、走西方道路,就可以顺理成章地实现现代化,包括中国共产党领导的新民主主义革命均属“多余”。此言实大谬不然。处于半殖民地半封建社会状态的中国,首先必须实现民族独立和人民解放,即反帝反封建,然后才能搞建设。没有新民主主义革命的胜利,中国就不具备建设现代化的前提条件,正所谓“皮之不存,毛将焉附”。

Perhaps someone will ask: after the victory of the New Democratic Revolution, why did China not make up for the missing stage of capitalism, and why did it still choose socialism? In fact, this was the Party’s established plan. According to Comrade Mao Zedong’s theory of New Democracy, the Chinese revolution proceeded in two steps: first, the New Democratic Revolution, and then the socialist revolution. Through taking over the assets of imperialist enterprises in China, confiscating bureaucrat-capital, and establishing a socialist state-owned economy, and especially through basically completing the socialist transformation of the private ownership of the means of production, the share of socialist elements in China’s economy rose continuously. Therefore, the future of New China was inevitably socialism, not capitalism. It was absolutely impossible and absolutely impermissible, against the background of public ownership becoming the dominant trend, to turn back the wheel of history and veer toward capitalism. The comprehensive establishment of the socialist system was an epoch-making event in Chinese history. The Revolution of 1911 ended the feudal monarchical autocracy that had lasted for several thousand years in China, but it failed to change China’s semi-colonial and semi-feudal social character. With the founding of New China, the people finally became masters of the country politically; however, at that time the remnants of the old China’s exploiting systems and exploiting classes had not yet been cleaned up, including the fact that land reform had not yet been carried out in the newly liberated areas. Through the socialist transformation, the elimination of the system of class exploitation that had lasted for several thousand years in China, and the establishment of the basic socialist economic system, the people also became masters of the country economically. This solved, at the institutional level, the question of which road China would take in the future, provided an institutional guarantee for China to avoid major class-antagonistic disturbances and turmoil in the future, and established the advantages of the socialist system, such as coordinating the whole country as a single chessboard and concentrating resources to accomplish major tasks.

或许还有人问,在新民主主义革命胜利后,中国何以不补上资本主义这一课,为何仍选择了社会主义?其实,这是我们党的既定部署。按照毛泽东同志的新民主主义理论,中国革命分两步走,先进行新民主主义革命,再进行社会主义革命。通过接收帝国主义在华资产、没收官僚资本、组建社会主义性质的国营经济,特别是通过基本完成对生产资料私有制的社会主义改造,社会主义成分在新中国经济中所占的比重持续上升。因此,新中国的前途必然是社会主义,而不是资本主义。我们绝无可能、也绝对不能在公有制经济占主体成为大趋势的背景下开历史倒车,倒向资本主义。全面建立社会主义制度是中国历史上具有划时代意义的一件大事。辛亥革命结束了在中国延续几千年的封建君主专制制度,但未能改变中国半殖民地半封建的社会性质。新中国成立,人民终于在政治上翻身做了主人,然而,当时旧中国残余的剥削制度、剥削阶级尚未清理干净,包括新解放区尚未进行土地改革。通过社会主义改造、消灭在中国延续几千年的阶级剥削制度,建立社会主义基本经济制度,人民又在经济上翻身做了主人。这就从制度层面解决了中国今后走什么路的问题,为我国今后避免出现大的阶级对抗性的纷扰动荡提供了制度保障,确立了全国一盘棋、集中力量办大事等社会主义制度优势。

Building socialist modernization in a large Eastern country like China, which had skipped the stage of capitalist development and whose level of social productive forces was extremely backward, was a completely new课题 [22]22 The Chinese term *keti* (课题) literally means “research topic” or “task,” but here it refers to a new and challenging problem requiring solution. without a ready-made answer. Not taking the Western capitalist road, not copying the Soviet model, the modernization of New China could only be to take its own road and advance through exploration. In order to narrow the gap with the Western developed countries as quickly as possible and catch up with all speed, the Second Session of the Eighth National Congress of the Party put forward the general line for socialist construction. The Party led the people in arduous pioneering work, set off a wave of comprehensive socialist construction, and achieved great construction achievements. However, due to impatience and rash advance, which violated objective economic laws, we also experienced twists and turns in our exploration, and even, as the “Left” errors in guiding ideology developed, brought about ten years of internal turmoil, with disastrous consequences. “Past experience, if not forgotten, is a guide for the future.” [23]23 A classical Chinese saying from the *Strategies of the Warring States* (《战国策》), often used to emphasize learning from past mistakes. Precisely because of this mirror, the Party was exceptionally sober and resolute when it later explored a new path, deeply realizing that the old road of closed-door rigidity could not be taken, nor would it lead anywhere. It was precisely on the basis of a high degree of vigilance against the harm of “Left” errors that the Fourteenth National Congress of the Party, when amending the Party Constitution, conspicuously stressed: “Oppose all ‘Left’ and Right erroneous tendencies; be vigilant against the Right, but mainly guard against the ‘Left.’”

在中国这样一个跨越资本主义发展阶段、社会生产力水平十分落后的东方大国建设社会主义现代化是一个崭新课题,没有现成答案。不走西方资本主义道路,不照搬照抄苏联模式,新中国的现代化建设必然是走自己的路,在摸索中前进。为尽快缩小中国与西方发达国家的差距,奋起直追,党的八大二次会议提出社会主义建设总路线。党带领人民筚路蓝缕,掀起全面建设社会主义的热潮,并取得伟大建设成就。但由于急躁冒进,违背客观经济规律,我们在探索中也经历了曲折,乃至随着指导思想上“左”的错误发展,酿成十年内乱,造成灾难性后果。“前事不忘,后事之师。”正因为有这面镜子,党在随后探索新路时才格外清醒和坚定,深刻认识到封闭僵化的老路不能走,也走不通。正是基于对“左”的危害的高度警醒,党的十四大在修改党章时引人注目地强调:“反对一切‘左’的和右的错误倾向,要警惕右,但主要是防止‘左’”。

Marked by the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Party, China entered a new historical period of reform and opening up and embarked on a new journey of socialist modernization. Advancing through exploration under the new circumstances was extremely difficult and extraordinary. On the one hand, to narrow the gap with the Western developed countries, it was necessary to take economic construction as the central task and adhere to reform and opening up; it was no longer possible to “take class struggle as the key link,” nor to stick to old conventions and build behind closed doors. On the other hand, implementing reform and opening up had to adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles; [24]24 The Four Cardinal Principles are: upholding the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. reform must never be turned into a “change of direction,” nor opening up into wholesale Westernization. With an open mind, we actively learned from and drew on all beneficial achievements of human civilization, but we never followed behind others mechanically. The Twelfth National Congress of the Party loudly proclaimed taking our own road and building socialism with Chinese characteristics. Socialism with Chinese characteristics became the theme of all the Party’s theory and practice since reform and opening up. The Thirteenth National Congress of the Party formally established “one central task and two basic points” [25]25 “One central task” refers to economic construction; “two basic points” refer to adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles and adhering to reform and opening up. as the Party’s basic line for the primary stage of socialism, providing the fundamental guidance for China’s modernization along the socialist direction.

以党的十一届三中全会为标志,我国进入改革开放历史新时期,踏上社会主义现代化建设新征程。在新形势下探索前进极为不易、极不平凡。一方面,要缩小与西方发达国家的差距,就必须以经济建设为中心,坚持改革开放,不能再“以阶级斗争为纲”,不能墨守陈规、关起门来搞建设;另一方面,实行改革开放必须坚持四项基本原则,绝不能把改革变成“改向”、把对外开放变成搞全盘西化。我们以开放的胸怀,积极学习借鉴人类文明的一切有益成果,但绝不跟在别人后面亦步亦趋。党的十二大响亮提出走自己的路、建设有中国特色的社会主义。中国特色社会主义成为改革开放以来党的全部理论和实践的主题。党的十三大正式将“一个中心、两个基本点”确立为党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线,为我国沿着社会主义方向进行现代化建设提供了根本遵循。

From a macro perspective, the Party has led the people in a relay of exploration and strenuous advance, and running through it are three core concepts: socialism with Chinese characteristics, the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and socialist modernization (i.e., Chinese-path modernization). How should we understand the relationship among these three concepts? They form a closely linked whole. The report to the Eighteenth National Congress of the Party clearly pointed out: “In building socialism with Chinese characteristics, the general basis is the primary stage of socialism, the general layout is the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan, and the general task is to achieve socialist modernization and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” That is to say, socialism with Chinese characteristics is the path; achieving socialist modernization and achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation are both the general task; achieving socialist modernization means achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The report to the Twentieth National Congress of the Party continued to use the formulation “socialism with Chinese characteristics is the essential path to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” while also declaring “advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation on all fronts through Chinese-path modernization,” highlighting the landmark significance of achieving Chinese-path modernization for achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

从大局看,党带领人民接力探索砥砺前行,贯穿其中的是三个核心概念:中国特色社会主义,中华民族伟大复兴,社会主义现代化(即中国式现代化)。如何理解这三个概念之间的关系?这三者是一个紧密关联的整体。党的十八大报告明确指出:“建设中国特色社会主义,总依据是社会主义初级阶段,总布局是五位一体,总任务是实现社会主义现代化和中华民族伟大复兴。”也就是说,中国特色社会主义是路径,实现社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴同为总任务;实现社会主义现代化,即实现了中华民族伟大复兴。党的二十大报告沿用“中国特色社会主义是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路”这一表述,同时又宣称“以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴”,突出了实现中国式现代化对实现中华民族伟大复兴的标志性意义。

Regarding modernization, there have long been debates and vague understandings within China, with noise and discordant voices appearing from time to time. Some people stir up disputes over whether something is “socialist” or “capitalist,” erroneously believing that reform and opening up means “introducing and developing capitalism.” Others frequently speak of “social transformation” and boast of “aligning with international standards,” unaware that Chinese and Western modernization are fundamentally different and cannot be accepted without discrimination. Still worse, some blindly admire Western modernization theories, absurdly equate “wholesale Westernization” with modernization, and openly question or deny the Party’s leadership and the socialist path. Some Westerners deliberately confuse the issue and maliciously attack China’s political system. The report to the 20th

围绕现代化建设,国内长期存在着论争和模糊认识,不时出现噪音杂音。有人挑起姓“资”姓“社”之争,错误地认为改革开放就是“引进和发展资本主义”。也有人动辄大谈“社会转型”、标榜“与国际接轨”,孰不知中西方现代化有着本质区别,不能不加辨别。更有甚者,有人盲目推崇西方现代化理论,荒谬地将“全盘西化”等同于现代化,公然质疑、否定党的领导和社会主义道路。有些西方人则有意混淆视听,恶意攻击我国政治制度。党的二十大报告正本清源,澄清了这一重大理论问题,强调“中国式现代化,是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化”,并条分缕析,概括了中国式现代化五个方面的中国特色。具体地说,人口规模巨大是我国一大基本国情,因而我国现代化的艰巨性、复杂性前所未有,发展途径和推进方式也必然具有自己的特点;全体人民共同富裕、物质文明和精神文明相协调、人与自然和谐共生、走和平发展道路这四条,均顺应了国情,同时也是社会主义的本质要求。譬如,两极分化是资本主义国家与生俱来、无法驱除的梦魇,是西方社会近年来乱象丛生、内卷严重的根源所在。而共同富裕是中国特色社会主义的本质要求,“共享”是新时代五大新发展理念之一。以实现第一个百年奋斗目标为例,我们由此实现了小康这个中华民族的千年梦想,历史性地解决了绝对贫困问题。因此我们可以自豪地说,中国式现代化是全体人民共同富裕的现代化。再如,西方现代化历程有极不光彩的一面,如早先进行血腥的海外殖民掠夺。20世纪给人类带来空前劫难的两次世界大战,都是由西方国家挑起的。美国等西方国家至今仍大搞霸权主义,恃强凌弱。而社会主义中国始终致力于维护世界和平、促进共同发展,中国式现代化是走和平发展道路的现代化,以中国的新发展为世界提供新机遇。总之,中西方现代化有相同、相近之处,更存在根本区别。“雄关漫道真如铁,而今迈步从头越。”社会主义为中国现代化建设指明了方向,是我们党感召、凝聚人民的一面光辉旗帜,是创造发展奇迹的一面光辉旗帜。

In summary, on the basis of long-term exploration and practice since the founding of New China, especially since reform and opening up, and through theoretical and practical innovation and breakthroughs in the New Era, our Party has successfully advanced and expanded Chinese-path modernization. This is the main thread of the evolution of Chinese-path modernization. At bottom, the path to realizing Chinese-path modernization is neither the closed and rigid old road nor the heretical road of changing the banner, but the new road of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization led by the Party, not any other kind of modernization. History irrefutably proves that only socialism can save China, and only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China.

概括地说,在新中国成立特别是改革开放以来长期探索和实践基础上,经过新时代以来在理论和实践上的创新突破,我们党成功推进和拓展了中国式现代化。这便是中国式现代化发展演变的主要线索。说到底,中国式现代化的实现路径既不是封闭僵化的老路,也不是改旗易帜的邪路,而是中国特色社会主义这条新路。中国式现代化是党领导的社会主义现代化,而不是别的什么现代化。历史无可辩驳地证明,只有社会主义才能救中国,只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国。

Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization led by the Communist Party of China

中国式现代化是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化

Party leadership and taking the socialist road are integrated and inseparable: under the Party's leadership, the socialist road will inevitably be taken unswervingly; taking the socialist road requires unwaveringly upholding Party leadership. To sum up, as emphasized in the report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization led by the Communist Party of China. In carrying out modernization in China, it is necessary to uphold Party leadership and to adhere to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This is fully consistent with the essence of the Four Cardinal Principles, which are the foundation of the nation, and constitutes the fundamental guideline for us to continue advancing Chinese-path modernization. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC, when elaborating on the essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization and the major principles that must be grasped in building a modern socialist country in all respects, both emphasize these two points. The first two essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization are, respectively, upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China and upholding socialism with Chinese characteristics, which first and clearly answer the two core questions of who leads Chinese-path modernization and what path to take. The first two of the five major principles that must be grasped in building a modern socialist country in all respects are also upholding and strengthening the Party's overall leadership and upholding the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, again emphasizing these two points. This shows the extreme importance of these two principles.

党的领导与走社会主义道路是互为一体、不可分割的:在党的领导下,必然会坚定不移地走社会主义道路;走社会主义道路,必须毫不动摇地坚持党的领导。归纳起来就是党的二十大报告中强调的,中国式现代化是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化。在中国搞现代化建设,必须坚持党的领导,必须坚持走中国特色社会主义道路。这与作为立国之本的四项基本原则的要义完全一致,是我们继续推进中国式现代化的根本遵循。党的二十大报告在阐述中国式现代化的本质要求、全面建设社会主义现代化国家必须把握的重大原则时,都着重强调了这两点。中国式现代化的本质要求前两条分别是坚持中国共产党领导、坚持中国特色社会主义,首先鲜明回答了中国式现代化由谁领导、走什么道路这两大核心问题。全面建设社会主义现代化国家必须把握五个重大原则前两条也是坚持和加强党的全面领导、坚持中国特色社会主义道路,还是强调这两条内容。由此可见这两大原则的极端重要性。

History is the best textbook. In carrying out modernization in China, it is necessary to uphold Party leadership and to adhere to the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This embodies a correct view of history. This is a major cognitive achievement obtained by our Party in leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country through countless hardships and at great cost during long-term exploration and practice. It must be doubly cherished, unswervingly upheld, and continuously expanded and deepened. General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered an important speech on February 7, 2023, at the opening ceremony of a study session on the spirit of the 20th National Congress of the CPC attended by principal leading officials at the provincial and ministerial levels, providing a profound exposition on this. General Secretary Xi Jinping analyzed and pointed out:

历史是最好的教科书。在中国搞现代化建设,必须坚持党的领导,必须坚持走中国特色社会主义道路。这体现了正确历史观。这是我们党领导全国各族人民在长期探索和实践中历经千辛万苦、付出巨大代价取得的重大认识成果,必须倍加珍惜、始终坚持、不断拓展和深化。习近平总书记2023年2月7日在学习贯彻党的二十大精神研讨班开班式上发表重要讲话,对此作了深刻阐述。习近平总书记分析指出:“党的领导直接关系中国式现代化的根本方向、前途命运、最终成败。党的领导决定中国式现代化的根本性质,只有毫不动摇坚持党的领导,中国式现代化才能前景光明、繁荣兴盛;否则就会偏离航向、丧失灵魂,甚至犯颠覆性错误。党的领导确保中国式现代化锚定奋斗目标行稳致远,我们党的奋斗目标一以贯之,一代一代地接力推进,取得了举世瞩目、彪炳史册的辉煌业绩。党的领导激发了建设中国式现代化的强劲动力,我们党勇于改革创新,不断破除各方面体制机制弊端,为中国式现代化注入不竭动力。党的领导凝聚建设中国式现代化的磅礴力量,我们党坚持党的群众路线,坚持以人民为中心的发展思想,发展全过程人民民主,充分激发全体人民的主人翁精神。”习近平总书记强调:“中国式现代化既有各国现代化的共同特征,更有基于自己国情的鲜明特色……新中国成立特别是改革开放以来,我们用几十年时间走完西方发达国家几百年走过的工业化历程,创造了经济快速发展和社会长期稳定的奇迹,为中华民族伟大复兴开辟了广阔前景。实践证明,中国式现代化走得通、行得稳,是强国建设、民族复兴的唯一正确道路。”习近平总书记的这些重要论述针对性很强,具有十分重要的指导意义。我们要深刻领会,在推进中国式现代化的过程中坚持正确历史观,坚决抵御历史虚无主义。

“A bright mirror reflects shapes; the past illuminates the present.” [26] Whether one can adhere to a correct view of history is of paramount importance; it concerns whether we can grasp the general trend of history and continue to advance in the right direction. Although the erroneous trend of historical nihilism has become a “rat crossing the street” [27] in the New Era and is notorious, it has not subsided. It continues to spread in various new forms, with its topics concentrated mainly in the field of the “Four Histories.” [28] The current erroneous trend of historical nihilism has a dual aspect of “unchanging” and “changing.” What remains unchanged is its crux and essence: it still uses the pretext of discussing history to insinuate about the present. It appears to be an academic topic, but its endpoint is real politics. Its essence is to negate reality, especially to negate the Party’s leadership and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. What changes are its forms and methods of expression. It is highly adaptable, constantly altering its guise and form, exhibiting new trends and new patterns. The new trends are mainly manifested in its reliance on the internet, using websites, WeChat, Weibo, blogs, tieba, forums, Douyin, etc., as the main platforms for spreading erroneous trends. It has the characteristics of community-based and fission-like dissemination, rapidly influencing public opinion and causing severe harm. The new patterns can be broadly summarized into the following four points: First, “pan-entertainment,” using frivolous methods such as “playful reinterpretation” and “spoofing” to desecrate history, lacking the most basic reverence for history. Second, the methods possess a certain degree of concealment and deceptiveness, producing various videos, using scattered so-called “new historical materials” and “new archives” as benchmarks to reassess history, catering to the public’s curiosity, and distorting history under the banner of “revealing secrets.” Third, the form is “softened,” avoiding the crucial and dwelling on the trivial, replacing class analysis with vague so-called human nature and human feelings, blurring the main thread of history and fragmenting historical facts, which is deceptive. Fourth, the scope of diffusion is popularized, focusing on infiltrating erroneous views into the general public, especially young students, with the intention of undermining the Party’s mass base. We must actively respond, set things right, and purify the turbid to make it clear, [29] building a solid ideological defense line against historical nihilism, and we must not take it lightly.

“明镜所以照形,古事所以知今。”能否坚持正确历史观至关紧要,关乎我们能否把握历史大势、继续沿着正确方向前进。历史虚无主义错误思潮在新时代虽已成为“过街老鼠”、声名狼藉,但并未沉寂,仍以各种新形式滋蔓,话题主要集中在“四史”领域。当下历史虚无主义错误思潮具有“不变”与“变”两重面相。不变的是其要害与本质,依旧是借谈论历史之名来影射现实,貌似学术话题,落脚点却是现实政治,其本质是否定现实,尤其是否定党的领导和中国特色社会主义道路。变的是形式和表现手法,它适应性很强,不断变换面目和形式,表现出新趋势新样态。新趋势主要体现在借助互联网,以网站、微信、微博、博客、贴吧、论坛、抖音等作为传播错误思潮的主要平台,具有社群化、裂变式传播特性,迅速影响舆论,造成恶劣影响。新样态大体可概括为以下四点:一是“泛娱乐化”,以“戏说”“水煮”等轻佻方式恶搞历史,对历史缺乏最基本的敬畏之心;二是手法具有一定的隐蔽性和欺骗性,制作各种视频,以零散的所谓“新史料”“新档案”作为重评历史的标尺,迎合大众猎奇心理,打着“解密”等旗号歪曲历史;三是形式“软性化”,避重就轻,以笼统的所谓人性、人情来代替阶级分析,将历史主线模糊化、历史事实碎片化,具有欺骗性;四是扩散范围大众化,着重向社会大众特别是青少年学生渗透错误言论,意图瓦解党的群众基础。我们要积极应对,正本清源、激浊扬清,筑牢抵御历史虚无主义的思想防线,决不能掉以轻心。

“If Heaven had feelings, Heaven too would grow old; the righteous path on earth is the vicissitudes of history.” [30] Our Party has united and led the people to create one miracle after another. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has demonstrated its unparalleled superiority, and the path of Chinese-path modernization is becoming broader and broader. The glorious journey of the Communist Party of China leading and promoting Chinese-path modernization tells us: we must conform to the general trend of history, enhance historical initiative, and strengthen historical confidence.

“天若有情天亦老,人间正道是沧桑。”我们党团结带领人民创造了一个又一个人间奇迹,中国特色社会主义展现出无比的优越性,中国式现代化道路越走越宽广。中国共产党领导和推动中国式现代化的光辉历程告诉我们:必须顺应历史大势、增强历史主动、坚定历史自信。

The Party has led the people across thousands of rivers and mountains, and on the new journey, it will continue to wade through streams and scale peaks. “With confidence in two hundred years of life, I should be able to strike the water for three thousand li.” [31] Under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, we will maintain the strategic comp

党带领人民已走过万水千山,新征程还会继续跋山涉水。“自信人生二百年,会当水击三千里。”在以习近平同志为核心的党中央的坚强领导下,我们在新征程将保持“乱云飞渡仍从容”的战略定力,不为任何风险所惧,不为任何干扰所惑,万众一心、众志成城,奋力夺取全面建设社会主义现代化国家新胜利。(注释略)

(The author is Director of the Institute of Modern History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)

(作者系中国社会科学院近代史研究所所长,中国社会科学院大学教授、博导)

Online editor: Zhang Jian

网络编辑:张剑

Notes

  1. The Chinese term *keti* (课题) literally means “topic” or “subject” (as in a research subject), but here it refers to a challenging task or problem to be solved.
  2. The High Qing era (康乾盛世, Kangxi-Qianlong golden age) refers to the period of prosperity and territorial expansion under the Kangxi, Yongzheng, and Qianlong emperors (roughly 1661–1796).
  3. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (太平天国, 1851–1864) was a massive rebellion and rival state in southern China led by Hong Xiuquan, who claimed to be the younger brother of Jesus Christ.
  4. The *New Administration* (资政新篇) was a reform proposal written by Hong Rengan, a leader of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, advocating modernization along Western lines.
  5. The Westernization clique (洋务派) was a group of Qing officials in the 1860s–1890s who promoted military and industrial modernization while preserving the existing political order.
  6. The Hundred Days’ Reform (戊戌变法, 1898) was a failed 103-day attempt by Emperor Guangxu and reformist scholars to modernize China’s political, educational, and legal systems.
  7. The Revive China Society (兴中会, 1894) was Sun Yat-sen’s first revolutionary organization, dedicated to overthrowing the Qing dynasty.
  8. *The International Development of China* (建国方略, 1921) was Sun Yat-sen’s blueprint for China’s economic modernization, including railways, ports, and industrial development.
  9. The Boxer Rebellion (义和团运动, 1899–1901) was an anti-foreign, anti-Christian uprising in China, eventually suppressed by an eight-nation alliance.
  10. The Xinhai Revolution (辛亥革命, 1911) overthrew the Qing dynasty and established the Republic of China, but its democratic gains were soon reversed by warlordism and authoritarian rule.
  11. “Divine Land” (神州) is a classical poetic name for China.
  12. The New Democratic Revolution (新民主主义革命, 1919–1949) was the stage of the Chinese revolution led by the CPC, characterized by a united front of workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie, and national bourgeoisie against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism.
  13. The “three mountains” (三座大山) is a standard CPC metaphor for imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which were seen as the main oppressors of the Chinese people before 1949.
  14. The “four modernizations” (四个现代化) were first proposed by Zhou Enlai in 1964 and later reaffirmed by Deng Xiaoping, referring to the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology.
  15. Deng Xiaoping, “We Must Have an Ambition and Aspiration,” in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 251. ↩
  16. Deng Xiaoping, “The Four Modernizations Are Aimed at Rejuvenating the Chinese Nation,” in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 357. ↩
  17. A couplet from Mao Zedong’s poem “To Comrade Zhou Enlai, on the Occasion of the Completion of the Shaoshan Hydropower Station” (1959), expressing revolutionary heroism and sacrifice. ↩
  18. Fang Zhimin (1899–1935), a leader of the Chinese Communist Party and the Red Army, was captured and executed by the Kuomintang. “Lovely China” is his famous prison essay. ↩
  19. A line from the Tang dynasty poet Bai Juyi’s poem “Recalling Jiangnan,” used here to evoke the flourishing and vibrant state of the Party and the nation. ↩
  20. A line from the Qing dynasty poet Zheng Xie’s poem “Bamboo in the Rock,” symbolizing unwavering resolve in the face of adversity. ↩
  21. A classical Chinese idiom from the *Zuo Commentary* (《左传》), meaning that when the fundamental condition is lost, what depends on it cannot survive. ↩
  22. The Chinese term *keti* (课题) literally means “research topic” or “task,” but here it refers to a new and challenging problem requiring solution. ↩
  23. A classical Chinese saying from the *Strategies of the Warring States* (《战国策》), often used to emphasize learning from past mistakes. ↩
  24. The Four Cardinal Principles are: upholding the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. ↩
  25. “One central task” refers to economic construction; “two basic points” refer to adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles and adhering to reform and opening up. ↩