Mao Zedong’s Contributions and Insights to Advancing the Construction of the Chinese National Community from the Perspective of the View of History

The Party’s first generation of central collective leadership, with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core, made foundational and pioneering contributions to the theory and practice of the modern construction of the Chinese national community. As Xi Jinping pointed out in his speech at the symposium commemorating the 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth, Mao “was a great patriot and national hero of modern China.” In the long-term practice of leading China’s revolution and construction, he led all ethnic groups in jointly founding New China, “realized and consolidated the great unity of all ethnic groups across the country,” and blazed a correct path for solving ethnic problems with Chinese characteristics. As a founder and pioneer, Mao is an unavoidable key figure in studying how the CPC advances the construction of the Chinese national community. A review of previous research on Mao’s ethnic work shows that most of it combs through the specific dimensions of his ethnic work theory and practice, but lacks a perspective from the “grand view of history” and overall history to examine his contributions to advancing the construction of the Chinese national community. A systematic investigation of Mao’s historical contribution is merely an original entry point for studying the CPC’s century-long ethnic work through the grand view of history and evaluating historical figures from the long-term perspective of a century of ethnic work. The grand view of history is the methodological basis for understanding the CPC’s century-long ethnic work. To this end, this article attempts to explore Mao Zedong’s historical contributions to advancing the construction of the Chinese national community from the ideological height of the grand view of history, and to glean contemporary insights for ethnic work from the perspective of the grand view of history, aiming to provide a new perspective based on “grand history” for a comprehensive, systematic, and profound understanding of Mao Zedong’s thought on ethnic work.

以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体，对中华民族共同体现代建设的理论和实践做出了奠基性、开创性贡献。正如习近平在毛泽东同志诞辰130周年座谈会上的讲话中指出的，毛泽东“是近代以来中国伟大的爱国者和民族英雄”。在领导中国革命和建设的长期实践中，领导各民族共同缔造了新中国，“实现和巩固全国各族人民的大团结”，走出了一条中国特色解决民族问题的正确道路。作为奠基者、开创者，毛泽东是研究中国共产党推进中华民族共同体建设不可绕开的重要人物。而纵观前人关于毛泽东民族工作的研究，多是从其民族工作理论和实践的具体维度作爬梳剔抉，而缺乏从“大历史观”和整体史的视角来看待其对推进中华民族共同体建设的贡献。系统考察毛泽东的这一历史贡献，不过是以大历史观研究中共百年民族工作，以百年民族工作的长时段视野评价历史人物的一个原初切入点。大历史观才是理解中共百年民族工作的方法论依据。为此，本文尝试立足大历史观的思想高度探赜毛泽东对推进中华民族共同体建设的历史贡献，并从大历史观视角管窥其对民族工作的当代启示，旨在为全面、系统、深刻理解毛泽东民族工作思想提供一种基于“大历史”的新视角。

I. The Grand View of History as a Theoretical Perspective for Grasping the Construction of the Chinese National Community

一、作为把握中华民族共同体建设理论视野的大历史观

Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has frequently discussed the “grand view of history.” Xi Jinping’s emphasis on the “grand view of history” has its theoretical target and practical orientation. So, what is the grand view of history? What philosophical wisdom does it contain? Why should the grand view of history be used as the theoretical perspective for grasping the construction of the Chinese national community? Only by clarifying these issues can we form a more reasonable, comprehensive, and accurate understanding of Mao Zedong’s historical contributions to advancing the construction of the Chinese national community, and can we make empirical summaries and judgments about the contemporary insights based on his theoretical and practical explorations.

进入新时代，习近平频频论及“大历史观”。习近平对“大历史观”的强调，有其理论针对性和现实指向性。那么，何为大历史观？它蕴含着怎样的哲学智慧？何以要用大历史观作为把握中华民族共同体建设的理论视野？只有在厘清这些问题的基础上，才能对毛泽东推进中华民族共同体建设的历史贡献形成更合理、全面、准确的理解，也才能对基于其理论和实践探索上的当代启示做出经验性总结与判断。

(A) The Grand View of History Emphasizes Grasping History from a Long Time Span and Broad Spatial Perspective

（一）大历史观强调从长时间跨度、大空间视野把握历史

The primary emphasis in interpreting the grand view of history advocated by Xi Jinping should be the “grand perspective” and “grand logic” highlighted by its long time span and broad spatial perspective. Admittedly, this shares similarities with the “grand history” perspective in historical academia, but there are also qualitative differences. In terms of academic discourse, when discussing the “grand view of history,” Huang Renyu is always the first to be mentioned. Huang Renyu once explained his “grand view of history” as “observing history from a long-term, distant posture,” emphasizing observing the pulse of history from long-term social and economic structures. Fernand Braudel of the French Annales School also proposed the famous “longue durée theory” of historical time, arguing that “only longue durée history is the deep level of history, determining the direction of history.” These grand views of history focus on economic life and related social structures over long periods, emphasizing economic and social history. In contrast, the grand view of history advocated by Xi Jinping, while also involving political, economic, cultural, and other aspects, has its core issues concerning the Party and the state, primarily pointing to political history. From the Party’s theoretical tradition, Xi Jinping’s grand view of history also has a solid theoretical foundation. For instance, Mao Zedong proposed the “method of ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign” for studying the history of the CPC, arguing that to clarify the time and space in which a research problem occurs, one must “study the problem as a historical process under certain historical conditions.” Deng Xiaoping believed: “We must look at problems from the overall situation, keep an eye on the world and the future, and also on the present and all aspects.” Xi Jinping’s grand view of history is a theoretical innovation based on inheritance, providing a scientific perspective for evaluating historical figures, understanding historical events, summarizing historical experience, and penetrating historical mechanisms.

对习近平所倡导的大历史观的解读，首要强调的当是其长时间跨度、大空间视野所凸显的“大视角”“大逻辑”。诚然，这与历史学界的“大历史”视野有相似之处，但也有质的不同。就学术论域而言，论及“大历史观”，黄仁宇总是首当其冲地被提及。黄仁宇曾以“长时间远距离的姿态观察历史”来解释其“大历史观”，强调从长远的社会、经济结构观察历史的脉动。法国年鉴学派布罗代尔也提出著名的历史时间的“长时段理论”，认为“只有长时段的历史才是历史的深层次，决定历史的走向”。这些大历史观，关注的是长时段内的经济生活及与之关联的社会结构，侧重经济史、社会史。而习近平倡导的大历史观，纵然也涉及政治经济文化等各方面，但其核心议题关涉党和国家，首要指向是政治史。从党的理论传统来看，习近平大历史观也有其坚实的理论基础。如毛泽东就提出了研究中共党史的“古今中外法”，认为要弄清所研究问题发生的时间和空间，就要“把问题当作一定历史条件下的历史过程去研究”。邓小平认为：“要从大局看问题，放眼世界，放眼未来，也放眼当前，放眼一切方面。”习近平的大历史观是在继承基础上的理论创新，为评价历史人物、认识历史事件、总结历史经验、透视历史机理提供了科学视角。

(B) The Grand View of History Emphasizes Grasping History as a Whole Without Fragmenting It

（二）大历史观强调整体把握历史而不碎片化解构历史

The grand view of history advocates viewing and evaluating history from the long-term, broad perspective, and overall historical perspective of historical development, thereby summarizing and inducing more comprehensive, deeper, and more essential basic logics and historical trends of the development of things. It emphasizes grasping history as a whole without fragmenting it, respecting historical facts without distorting history, and strengthening historical confidence without nihilizing history. The proposal of Xi Jinping’s grand view of history has its practical target, refuting historical nihilism and the Western-centrism that accompanies it. Various forms of historical nihilism manifest differently. In the ethnic field, it manifests as questioning the system of regional ethnic autonomy, ignoring the contributions of the Party’s ethnic policies to ethnic minority areas and even the entire Chinese society, while clinging to individual phenomena and events to attack the leadership of the CPC. In the evaluation of historical figures, it manifests as seizing on Mao Zedong’s mistakes in his later years to slander and smear Mao, desecrating the Party’s leader. The Qing Dynasty thinker Gong Zizhen, in his work *Gushi Gouchen Lun*, issued the historical warning: “To know the great Way, one must first know history”; “To destroy a state, one must first erase its history,” emphasizing the importance of guarding the historical roots and grasping historical initiative. The British historian Arnold Toynbee also pointed out: “The schism of the human soul is the foundation of any social schism.” Nihilism in the view of history and nihilism in the ethnic field both aim to create a “schism of the soul” among our people, intending to hinder the unity and great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Currently, China is in a critical period of advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization. It is even more necessary to firmly establish the grand view of history, establish a correct view of Chinese national history, inherit and carry forward the historical tradition of the Chinese national community, strengthen confidence in the basic political system of regional ethnic autonomy, and resolutely counter erroneous historical views such as historical nihilism and Western-centrism.

大历史观主张从历史发展的长时段、宽视野和整体史的视角看待历史、评价历史，进而总结归纳出事物发展更加全面、更深层次和更显本质的基本逻辑和历史趋势，强调的是整体把握历史而不碎片化解构历史，尊重历史事实而不歪曲历史，坚定历史自信而不虚无历史。习近平大历史观的提出有其现实针对性，批驳的是历史虚无主义及其相伴而生的西方中心主义。形形色色的历史虚无主义表现不一，在民族领域表现为，质疑民族区域自治制度，无视党的民族政策对少数民族地区乃至整个中国社会发展的贡献而扭住个别现象、个别事件抨击中国共产党的领导；在历史人物评价方面表现为，抓住毛泽东晚年的失误诋毁抹黑毛泽东，亵渎党的领袖。清代思想家龚自珍在其著作《古史钩沉论》中就发出了“欲知大道，必先为史”“灭人之国，必先去其史”的历史警示，强调守护历史根脉、把握历史主动的重要性。英国历史学家汤因比也曾指出：“人类灵魂的分裂是任何社会分裂的基础。”历史观上的虚无主义、民族领域的虚无主义，其目的都是制造我国人民“灵魂的分裂”，意图阻止中华民族的团结统一和伟大复兴。当前，我国正处于以中国式现代化推进中华民族伟大复兴的关键时期，更需要牢固树立大历史观，树立正确的中华民族历史观，继承和发扬中华民族共同体的历史传统，坚定对民族区域自治这一基本政治制度的自信，对历史虚无主义、西方中心主义等错误历史观予以坚决反击。

(C) Interpretation of the Construction of the Chinese National Community from the Grand View of History

（三）中华民族共同体建设的大历史观诠释

At the Central Conference on Ethnic Work held in August 2021, Xi Jinping emphasized the need to “continuously advance the construction of the Chinese national community.” This was the first appearance of the discourse “construction of the Chinese national community” in Party documents. Although “construction of the Chinese national community” is a core concept for the Party to strengthen and improve ethnic work in the New Era, from the perspective of the grand view of history, it did not begin with the ethnic work practice of the New Era. The exploration of the theory and practice of the Chinese national community has always run through the long river of the formation and development of the Chinese nation. “All regions share the same customs, and the nine provinces are interconnected” [1]1 “All regions share the same customs, and the nine provinces are interconnected” (六合同风，九州共贯): A classical Chinese expression from the *Book of Han* (《汉书》), describing the unification of customs and governance across the entire realm, often used to evoke the ideal of national unity and integration. is a vivid portrayal of the concept of community. Setting aside the self-construction of the ancient Chinese national community based on historical and cultural traditions, the construction of the Chinese national community as a modern nation-state was generated in the modern anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle. The Xinhai Revolution led by Sun Yat-sen initiated the historical transformation from the traditional “family under heaven” to the construction of a modern nation-state, also constituting the beginning of the construction of the Chinese national community and the modern nation-state. However, limited by its class limitations, national independence and people’s liberation became “unfinished business.” The historical task of supporting the Chinese nation’s transformation from a self-existing community to a self-conscious community fell inevitably on the shoulders of the CPC, which possesses scientific theoretical guidance and an advanced class foundation. The founding of the CPC laid the foundation for the leadership force of the modern construction of the Chinese national community, truly initiating the historical process of the modern construction of the Chinese national community. Starting from the grand view of history, connecting the CPC’s advancement of the construction of the Chinese national community in the New Era with Mao Zedong’s pioneering work on the modern construction of the Chinese national community, summarizing historical experience, and gaining historical insights, are contents that should be elucidated and focused on in the new narrative of advancing the construction of the Chinese national community.

2021年8月召开的中央民族工作会议上，习近平强调要“不断推进中华民族共同体建设”，这是党的文献中“中华民族共同体建设”这一话语的首次呈现。虽然“中华民族共同体建设”是新时代党加强和改进民族工作的核心概念，但以大历史观之，它并非始于新时代的民族工作实践，中华民族共同体理论及其实践的探索始终贯穿于中华民族形成与发展的历史长河，“六合同风，九州共贯”就是共同体理念的生动写照。抛开基于历史文化传统的古代中华民族共同体自在建构不论，作为现代民族国家意义上的中华民族共同体建设，生成于近代反帝反封建斗争中，孙中山先生领导的辛亥革命开启了传统“家天下”向现代民族国家建构的历史转变，也构成了中华民族共同体与现代民族国家建构的开端，然而囿于其阶级局限性，民族独立、人民解放成了“未竟的事业”。支撑中华民族从自在共同体走向自觉共同体的历史重任，责无旁贷落在了拥有科学理论指导、具有先进阶级基础的中国共产党肩上。中国共产党的成立，奠定了中华民族共同体现代建设的领导力量基础，从真正意义上开启了中华民族共同体现代建设的历史进程。从大历史观出发，把中国共产党在新时代推进中华民族共同体建设，与毛泽东对中华民族共同体现代建设的开创融通接续起来，总结历史经验，收获历史启示，是推进中华民族共同体建设新叙事理应阐发和关注的内容。

II. Mao Zedong’s Historical Contributions to Advancing the Construction of the Chinese National Community from the Perspective of the Grand View of History

二、大历史观视域下毛泽东对推进中华民族共同体建设的历史贡献

Mao Zedong was the great trailblazer in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and a great national hero. To correctly understand Mao’s historical achievements in ethnic work, one should not limit one’s perspective solely to the periods of the New Democratic Revolution and socialist revolution and construction. Instead, one should, from the perspective of a “grand historical view,” recognize Mao’s contributions to the century-long development of the Chinese Communist Party’s ethnic theory and policy, and to advancing the modern construction of the Chinese national community.

毛泽东是马克思主义中国化的伟大开拓者，伟大的民族英雄。正确认识毛泽东在民族工作方面的历史功绩，不应仅将视野局限于新民主主义革命时期、社会主义革命和建设时期，而应以“大历史观”的视野来认识毛泽东对中国共产党民族理论与政策的百年发展，对推进中华民族共同体现代建设的贡献。

(1) Leading all ethnic groups to “begin uniting into a big family of fraternal cooperation,” thereby laying the fundamental political prerequisite for advancing the construction of the Chinese national community

（一）领导各民族“开始团结成为友爱合作的大家庭”，为推进中华民族共同体建设奠定了根本政治前提

Beginning with the Opium War, Western powers used their gunboats to force open China’s door, and the situation of China as a unified multi-ethnic state was disrupted. During the rule of the Chiang Kai-shek Kuomintang government, ethnic exploitation and oppression were used to dominate all minority ethnic groups; the status of the various ethnic groups within the country was unequal, and ethnic contradictions were constant. The Chinese Communist Party, as a political party whose purpose is to seek the liberation of the proletariat and the working people, attached great importance to ethnic work from its very founding and was committed to solving ethnic problems. In this historical process, Mao Zedong’s contributions were particularly outstanding.

自鸦片战争伊始，西方列强以坚船利炮打开中国大门，我国统一多民族国家局面遭遇破坏。国民党蒋介石政府统治期间，以民族剥削和压迫统治各少数民族，国内各民族地位并不平等，民族矛盾不断。中国共产党作为以谋求无产阶级和劳动人民解放为宗旨的政党，从成立之日起，就高度重视民族工作，致力解决民族问题，而在这一历史过程中，毛泽东的贡献尤为突出。

“Gathering ethnic groups through the state,” achieving national independence and ethnic liberation. In the turbulent historical period of modern China, achieving national independence and ethnic liberation was the priority goal. Centered on the goal of establishing “a new society and a new state of the Chinese nation,” Mao Zedong made winning the support of all oppressed minority ethnic groups the “starting point of ethnic policy.” Based on this understanding, the Party, during the New Democratic Revolution, always attached great importance to uniting minority ethnic groups and regarded them as an important force in the revolution, leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country in the struggle against aggression and foreign humiliation, forging a community of shared destiny, as interdependent as lips and teeth. After the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan, Chiang Kai-shek openly tore up the “Double Tenth Agreement” and brazenly launched a civil war. The people of all minority ethnic groups, under the leadership of Mao Zedong and the Party Central Committee, jointly participated in the struggle against the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang. The founding of New China completely resolved the issue of national sovereignty. The people of all ethnic groups became masters of the country and obtained the political identity of masters of the state. The Chinese nation, as a true “community,” gained political guarantees, an institutional foundation, and identity recognition. The identity crisis of the Chinese nation since modern times was fundamentally reversed. The form of political organization of the new state, as well as the concretization of national image symbols such as the name of the People’s Republic of China, the national flag, the national emblem, and

“以国聚族”，实现国家独立、民族解放。在近代中国战乱动荡的历史时期，实现国家独立、民族解放是优先目标。围绕建立“一个中华民族的新社会和新国家”的目标，毛泽东将争取一切被压迫少数民族的支持作为“民族政策的出发点”。立足于这样的认知，党在新民主主义革命时期，始终高度重视团结少数民族，并将其作为革命的重要力量，领导全国各族人民在反抗侵略、抵御外辱的斗争中，凝结成了唇齿相依、休戚与共的命运共同体。抗战胜利后，蒋介石公然撕毁“双十协定”，悍然发动内战，各少数民族人民在毛泽东及党中央领导下，又共同参与反抗国民党反动统治的斗争。新中国的成立彻底解决了国家的主权问题，各族人民当家作主获得国家主人的政治身份，中华民族作为一个真正的“共同体”拥有了政治保障、制度基础和身份认同，中华民族自近代以来的认同危机从根本上得到扭转，新中国的政权组织形式以及中华人民共和国国名、国旗、国徽、版图等国家形象符号的具象化也进一步夯实了各族人民的共同体认同。

“Using the family as a metaphor for the nation” to achieve the convergence of people’s hearts and spiritual interdependence. The people’s hearts are the greatest politics. Mao Zedong deeply recognized the important role of seeking commonality, as well as unity and cohesion of people’s hearts, in China’s revolution and construction. In response to the reality that at the time the meaning of “the Chinese nation” was not fixed, sometimes referring to the Han nationality and sometimes serving as a general term for all ethnic groups in China, Mao Zedong reinterpreted the connotation of “the Chinese nation,” pointing out that the Chinese nation includes the Han nationality and “dozens of minority nationalities,” and that “China is a country with a large population formed by the combination of multiple nationalities,” [2]2 Mao Zedong, “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party,” Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991, p. 622. clearly expressing the community attribute of the ethnic aggregation of “the Chinese nation.” After the founding of New China, in order to unite all ethnic groups and mobilize their enthusiasm for participating in socialist construction, Mao Zedong creatively transformed the concept of “the unity of family and state” in fine traditional Chinese culture, using “a big family of fraternal cooperation” to describe the relations among China’s ethnic groups, and repeatedly emphasizing the community relations of mutual assistance, brotherly closeness, and shared destiny among all ethnic groups with phrases such as “the big family of the Chinese nation,” “brotherly relations,” “standing together,” and “as close as family.” “The big family of the Chinese nation” was even explicitly recorded in the Common Program [3]3 The Common Program refers to the Common Program of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, adopted in 1949, which served as the provisional constitution of the People’s Republic of China. and the 1954 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China. It was precisely under Mao Zedong’s emotional bond of “using the family as a metaphor for the nation” that all ethnic groups achieved convergence of people’s hearts and spiritual interdependence, with minority compatriots integrating into the big family of the Chinese nation and, together with the Han nationality, participating in socialist construction and embarking on a new socialist life.

“以家喻族”，实现人心归聚、精神相依。人心是最大的政治，毛泽东深刻认识到寻求共同性，以及团结一致、凝聚人心在中国革命和建设中的重要作用。针对当时“中华民族”含义不固定，有时指代汉族，有时作为中国各民族统称的现实，毛泽东对“中华民族”的内涵予以重新阐释，指出：中华民族包括汉族和“数十种少数民族”，“中国是一个由多数民族结合而成的拥有广大人口的国家”，鲜明表达了“中华民族”民族聚合的共同体属性。新中国成立后，为团结各族人民，调动其参与社会主义建设的积极性，毛泽东将中华优秀传统文化中的“家国一体”理念进行创造性转化，用“友爱合作的大家庭”描述中国各民族的关系，多次以“中华民族大家庭” ”“兄弟般的关系”“站在一起”“亲如家人”等强调各民族守望相助、手足相亲、命运与共的共同体关系。“中华民族大家庭”更是被明确载入《共同纲领》和1954年《中华人民共和国宪法》。正是在毛泽东“以家喻族”的情感维系下，各民族人心归聚、精神相依，少数民族同胞融入中华民族大家庭，与汉族一道共同参与社会主义建设、开启社会主义新生活。

After reform and opening up, the breadth and depth of the close ties among China’s various ethnic groups in economic and social life became unprecedented. “The big family of the Chinese nation,” as a political symbol of national integration, was used with higher frequency and on a larger scale, thereby further consolidating the great unity of all ethnic groups. Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping, from the strategic height of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, has coordinated the Party’s ethnic work, pointing out the need to “promote all ethnic groups to hold together tightly like pomegranate seeds in the big family of the Chinese nation,” [4]4 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Central Conference on Ethnic Work,” People’s Daily, September 28, 2014. and put forward important theses such as forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation and strengthening the construction of the Chinese national community. Although “the big family of the Chinese nation” and “the Chinese national community” differ in expression, their fundamental core is consistent, both emphasizing the political attribute of the Chinese national aggregate and the unity of fundamental interests. Under the guidance of Xi Jinping’s important thought on strengthening and improving ethnic work, ethnic relations in the New Era have developed healthily, and the cohesion of the Chinese nation has been further enhanced.

改革开放后，我国各民族在经济社会生活中紧密联系的广度和深度前所未有，“中华民族大家庭”作为一种国民整合的政治符号被更高频率和更大范围使用，由此也促进各民族的大团结更加巩固。进入新时代，习近平从中华民族伟大复兴战略全局高度统筹党的民族工作，指出，要“促进各民族在中华民族大家庭中像石榴籽一样紧紧抱在一起”，提出了铸牢中华民族共同体意识、加强中华民族共同体建设等重要论断。中华民族大家庭与中华民族共同体，虽表述不同，但其根本内核一致，强调的都是中华民族聚合体的政治属性和根本利益的一致性。在习近平关于加强和改进民族工作重要思想指引下，新时代我国民族关系健康发展，中华民族凝聚力进一步增强。

In summary, the founding of New China achieved national independence and national liberation, enabling the Chinese nation to truly begin uniting into a big family of fraternal cooperation, promoting the formation of a unified identity of the Chinese nation, and laying the fundamental political prerequisite for the construction of the Chinese national community. Without this historical prerequisite, the construction of the Chinese national community could only be a castle in the air. And this fundamental political prerequisite was precisely achieved by Mao Zedong leading the Chinese Communists and the people of all ethnic groups across the country through arduous and extraordinary struggles.

总之，新中国的成立，实现了国家独立和民族解放，使得中华民族真正开始团结成为友爱合作的大家庭，促进了中华民族统一认同的形成，为中华民族共同体建设奠定了根本政治前提，没有这一历史前提，中华民族共同体建设只能是空中楼阁。而这一根本政治前提，正是毛泽东领导中国共产党人带领全国各族人民经过艰苦卓绝的斗争取得的。

(2) Leading the establishment of the system of regional ethnic autonomy, laying the fundamental institutional foundation for advancing the construction of the Chinese national community

（二）领导确立民族区域自治制度，为推进中华民族共同体建设奠定了根本制度基础

In a large multi-ethnic country like China, what form of state structure to adopt to manage ethnic regions and handle ethnic issues is key to the stability of the Chinese national community. As a mission-oriented political party with the goal of achieving people’s liberation, the Communist Party of China naturally could not continue to use the ancient system of loose control (jimi) [5]5 The Jimi system was a traditional Chinese method of indirect rule over frontier ethnic groups, granting them limited autonomy while maintaining nominal allegiance to the central government. in handling ethnic issues, nor could it merely transcend Sun Yat-sen’s ideological propositions of “five-race republic” and “racial assimilation” or the Chiang Kai-shek government’s orientation of Han chauvinist ethnic exploitation and oppression. However, theoretical innovation and policy formulation were not achieved overnight. The system of regional ethnic autonomy, established under Mao Zedong’s leadership, had its own process from preliminary exploration to maturity and finalization.

在中国这样一个多民族的大国，采取何种国家结构管理民族地区、处理民族问题是关乎中华民族共同体稳固的关键。作为以实现人民解放为奋斗目标的使命型政党，中国共产党在处理民族问题上，自然不能沿用古代羁縻制度，也必须超越孙中山“五族共和”“种族同化”的思想主张以及蒋介石政府大汉族主义的民族剥削压迫取向。然而，理论的创新以及政策的制定并非一蹴而就，毛泽东领导确立的民族区域自治制度有其从初步探索走向成熟定型的过程。

In the early days of the Party’s founding, there was little understanding of the history and current situation of China’s minority nationalities. Coupled with the influence of Lenin and Stalin’s ethnic theories and the Soviet federal system, the approach to solving ethnic issues was centered on “national self-determination” and “federalism.” However, judging from the Party’s practice in ethnic work, “national self-determination” was never implemented dogmatically. Instead, the Party led the people of all ethnic groups on a path of solving ethnic issues with Chinese characteristics, evolving in policy practice a governance form of “ethnic autonomy.” In the political report “On the New Stage” at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC, [6]6 The Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC was held in 1938 in Yan’an, where Mao Zedong’s leadership was consolidated and the policy of “Sinicizing Marxism” was advanced. Mao Zedong proposed that, under the premise of jointly resisting Japan with the Han nationality, minority nationalities should “have the right to manage their own affairs, while jointly establishing a unified state with the Han nationality.” Although “regional ethnic autonomy” was not explicitly mentioned, what he referred to as “the right to manage their own affairs” and “jointly establishing a unified state” was precisely the right to ethnic autonomy under the conditions of national unity and sovereign integrity. On May 1, 1947, under the specific guidance of the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was established, providing a successful example for the Party to lead the establishment of regional ethnic autonomy. After the founding of New China, the system of regional ethnic autonomy was legally confirmed as a basic political system of the country, recorded in the Common Program and the 1954 Constitution. Moreover, in the “General Principles” of that Constitution, it was clearly stipulated that autonomy is autonomy under the premise of unity, that “all autonomous areas for ethnic minorities are inalienable parts of the People’s Republic of China,” and that “regional autonomy is practiced in areas where minority nationalities live in concentrated communities.” All of this points to the fundamental purpose of the system of regional ethnic autonomy being to safeguard ethnic unity and national unity.

党成立初期，对我国少数民族的历史和现状不甚了解，加之受列宁 、斯大林民族理论和苏联联邦制度的影响，解决民族问题的思路以“民族自决”和“联邦制”为核心。但从党的民族工作实践来看，并没有教条式推行过“民族自决”，而是领导各族人民走中国特色解决民族问题的道路，在政策实践上发展演变出了“民族自治”的治理形式。在中共六届六中全会的政治报告《论新阶段》中，毛泽东提出少数民族在与汉族共同抗日的前提下“有自己管理自己事务之权，同时与汉族联合建立统一的国家”，虽未明确言及“民族区域自治”，但其所说的“自己管理自己事务之权”且“联合建立统一的国家”就是国家统一、主权完整之下的民族自治之权。1947年5月1日，在党中央和毛泽东的具体指导下，内蒙古自治政府成立，为党领导建立区域性民族自治提供成功范例。新中国成立后，民族区域自治制度作为我国的一项基本政治制度在法律上得以确认，被载入《共同纲领》和1954年宪法，而且在该宪法“总纲”中明确规定，自治是统一前提下的自治，“各民族自治地方都是中华人民共和国不可分离的部分”，“各少数民族聚居的地方实行区域自治”，所有这些无不指向民族区域自治制度的根本目的在于维护民族的团结和国家的统一。

Training and appointing cadres from ethnic minorities is the key to consolidating the system of regional ethnic autonomy. Mao Zedong believed that “to thoroughly solve the ethnic problem and completely isolate ethnic reactionaries, it is impossible without a large number of communist cadres from ethnic minority backgrounds.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Speech at a Meeting of Representatives of the Preparatory Committee for the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region,” in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 7, p. 317. [Note: This is a standard citation format; the actual source may vary.] At his initiative, the Party Central Committee founded the Yan’an Ethnic Institute, which mainly trained ethnic minority cadres. Subsequently, the “Outline for the Implementation of Regional Ethnic Autonomy of the People’s Republic of China,” formulated under Mao’s direction, made training ethnic minority cadres one of the main tasks in the early period of the founding of New China and required that “the autonomous region must have its own Marxist theorists, its own scientists and technical personnel, its own writers, artists, and literary and art theorists.” Mao not only personally selected ethnic minority cadres but also held them in high regard and treated them with utmost courtesy. For example, in 1950, he invited Uyghur representative Saifuddin Azizi to his home, arranged for a Hui chef to prepare halal dishes, and took him on two visits to the Soviet Union; in 1951, when Tibetan representative Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme arrived in Beijing, he arranged for Zhu De and Zhou Enlai to personally greet him at the railway station, and Mao received him on the Tiananmen Rostrum and together they attended the May Day observation; he repeatedly personally received ethnic minority leading cadres who came to Beijing… Instances such as these reflect Mao’s high regard for ethnic minority cadres and his sincere desire for unity. Through Mao’s concern and cultivation, a large number of ethnic minority cadres assumed important posts at the local and even central levels, making significant contributions to the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the War of Liberation, and socialist revolution and construction. The selection and appointment of ethnic minority cadres also further promoted the development and improvement of the system of regional ethnic autonomy.

培养和任用少数民族干部是巩固民族区域自治制度的关键。毛泽东认为，“要彻底解决民族问题，完全孤立民族反动派，没有大批从少数民族出身的共产主义干部，是不可能的。”在其倡导下党中央创办了延安民族学院，主要培养少数民族干部。此后毛泽东主持制定的《中华人民共和国民族区域自治实施纲要》，把培养少数民族干部作为新中国成立初期的主要任务之一，并要求“自治区要有自己的马克思主义理论家，自己的科学家和技术人才，自己的文学家、艺术家和文艺理论家”。毛泽东不仅亲自选拔少数民族干部，还极其器重、极尽礼遇，如1950年邀请维吾尔族代表赛福鼎至家中做客，请来回族厨师、操办清真菜肴，带领其两度出访苏联；1951年藏族代表阿沛·阿旺晋美抵京时安排朱德、周恩来亲自到火车站迎接，毛泽东在天安门城楼接见并一同参加五一观礼；多次亲自接见到京少数民族领导干部……诸如此类，体现了毛泽东对少数民族干部的高度重视和赤诚团结之心。在毛泽东的关心培养下，一大批少数民族干部在地方乃至中央担任要职，为抗日战争、解放战争的胜利及社会主义革命和建设做出了重大贡献，少数民族干部的选拔任用，也进一步推动了民族区域自治制度的发展和完善。

Since the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, successive Party Central Committees, precisely under the guidance of Mao Zedong’s thinking on ethnic work, have continuously improved the system of regional ethnic autonomy, promoting its gradual movement toward legalization, standardization, and institutionalization, and establishing the system of regional ethnic autonomy as a political system that our country must uphold for the long term. Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has planned ethnic work from the strategic height of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Ethnic regions have achieved a comprehensive victory in the fight against poverty and have encountered historic opportunities for development. The identification of people of all ethnic groups with the great motherland and the Chinese nation has been unprecedentedly strengthened.

党的十一届三中全会以来，历届党中央正是在毛泽东关于民族工作思想的指引下，不断完善民族区域自治制度，促使其不断走向法制化、规范化、制度化，并将民族区域自治制度确立为我国必须长期坚持的政治制度。进入新时代，习近平从中华民族伟大复兴的战略高度谋划民族工作，民族地区脱贫攻坚取得全面胜利、发展迎来历史性机遇，各族人民对伟大祖国和中华民族的认同空前增强。

However, voices in society calling for the abolition of the system of regional ethnic autonomy still appear from time to time, arguing that the system of regional ethnic autonomy is a “theory of ethnic minority exceptionalism,” which solidifies differences between ethnic groups while neglecting commonalities. In response, Xi Jinping gave a definitive and directional answer at the Central Conference on Ethnic Work, clearly pointing out that regional ethnic autonomy is the source of the Party’s ethnic policies, and “such talk of abolishing the system of regional ethnic autonomy can cease,” fully demonstrating the Party’s confidence in the system. The system of regional ethnic autonomy is a theoretical innovation by the Party Central Committee led by Mao Zedong, combining Marxism with China’s concrete reality of multiple ethnic groups and with the value concept of “governing according to customs” under “great unity” in fine traditional Chinese culture. From the perspective of a grand historical view, it is both a rejection of the Soviet model and any model of national self-determination, and a transcendence of the ethnic bridle-and-halter policy under China’s ancient feudal exploitative system. It is a fundamental institutional guarantee for realizing the people being the masters of the country, safeguarding national unity, and advancing the building of the Chinese national community. Since the implementation of the system of regional ethnic autonomy, ethnic minorities have exercised their right to be masters of the country, participated equally in national affairs, and achieved all-round development in the economy, culture, society, and ecology of ethnic regions, gradually narrowing the gap with other regions of our country. Facts have fully proven that the system of regional ethnic autonomy established under Mao’s leadership has played an important role in strengthening ethnic unity, promoting the development of ethnic regions, and enhancing the cohesion of the Chinese nation. The nature of this system is good, its effectiveness is useful, and it has withstood the test of history and practice. Certain deviations that have occurred in the implementation of the system are merely historical tributaries. In the process of leading the establishment of this system, Mao Zedong’s achievements are outstanding and his contributions are great. Especially in today’s complex international situation of ethnic issues around the world, China has maintained long-term stability and prosperous development in its ethnic regions due to the implementation of the system of regional ethnic autonomy. This system still shines brightly in the New Era today, possessing strong vitality and great superiority, and also provides a reference for other multi-ethnic countries in the world to solve their ethnic problems. Therefore, it must be unwaveringly upheld for the long term and continuously improved in response to historical development.

然而，社会上关于取消民族区域自治制度的声音仍时有出现，认为民族区域自治制度是 “少数民族特殊论”，固化了民族间的差异性而忽视了共同性。对此，习近平在中央民族工作会议上做出了定调定向的回答，旗帜鲜明地指出，民族区域自治是党的民族政策的源头，“取消民族区域自治制度这种说法可以休矣”，充分彰显了党的制度自信。民族区域自治制度是毛泽东领导的党中央将马克思主义与中国多民族具体实际相结合、与中华优秀传统文化中“大一统”下“因俗而治”价值理念相结合的理论创举。从大历史观的视角出发，它既是对苏联模式及任何民族自决模式的摒弃，也是对中国古代封建剥削制度下民族羁縻政策的超越，是实现人民当家作主，维护国家统一，推进中华民族共同体建设的根本制度保障。民族区域自治制度实行以来，少数民族行使当家作主的权利，平等参与国家事务，民族地区经济、文化、社会、生态等获得全方位发展，与我国其他地区的差距逐渐缩小。事实充分证明，毛泽东领导确立的民族区域自治制度在加强民族团结、促进民族地区发展、增强中华民族凝聚力方面起到了重要作用，这一制度的性质是好的、效能是管用的，是经得起历史和实践检验的，而制度在执行过程中出现的某些偏差，仅是历史的支流。在领导确立这一制度的过程中，毛泽东的功勋是卓著的、贡献是伟大的。尤其在当今世界民族问题纷繁复杂的国际局势中，中国因实施民族区域自治制度而保持了民族地区的长期稳定和繁荣发展，这一制度在新时代的今天仍大放光彩，具有强大生命力和巨大优越性，也为世界其他多民族国家解决民族问题提供了参考借鉴。因此，必须毫不动摇、长期坚持，并因应历史发展而不断完善。

(III) Clarifying the basic principles for handling ethnic relations, establishing fundamental principled guidance for advancing the building of the Chinese national community

（三）明确处理民族关系基本原则，为推进中华民族共同体建设确立了根本原则遵循

The basic principles of a ruling party for handling ethnic relations constitute the inner foundation and true essence of its ethnic policies. Ethnic equality, ethnic unity, and common development are the fundamental principled guidance formed by Mao Zedong leading the Chinese Communists under the guidance of Marxist ethnic theory and in the practice of ethnic work for handling socialist ethnic relations and advancing the building of the Chinese national community.

一个执政党处理民族关系的基本原则构成其民族政策的内在基础和真正底蕴。民族平等、民族团结、共同发展，是毛泽东领导中国共产党人在马克思主义民族理论指导下，在民族工作实践中形成的处理社会主义民族关系、推进中华民族共同体建设的根本原则遵循。

First, emphasizing ethnic equality and unity, safeguarding national unity. As the spiritual leaders of the proletariat, Marx and Engels’ advocacy of ethnic equality was very clear. They proposed that “every nation is superior to others in some respects,” [8]8 Marx and Engels, “The Holy Family,” in *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 2, p. 194. [Note: Standard citation.] and Marx and Engels were not abstract advocates of ethnic equality; they emphasized that oppressed nations should resist ethnic exploitation and oppression, believing that “only the awakened proletariat can establish the brotherly friendship of all nations.” [9]9 Marx and Engels, “Speech at the International Meeting in London on the Anniversary of the Polish Uprising of 1830,” in *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 4, p. 410. [Note: Standard citation.] Lenin also pointed out: “Whoever does not recognize and uphold equality of nations and languages, and does not fight against all national oppression or inequality, is not a Marxist.” [10]10 Lenin, “On the National Pride of the Great Russians,” in *Collected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 28, p. 168. [Note: Standard citation.] The ethnic equality thought of the Marxist classical writers provided fundamental guidance for the Chinese Communists to lead ethnic work. Equality was a lifelong pursuit of Mao Zedong and an important component of his view on ethnic groups. In response to the Kuomintang era’s policy of ethnic estrangement and Han chauvinist rule, Mao keenly realized the importance of ethnic equality and unity for the victory of the Chinese revolution. During the Long March of the Red Army, the “Work Guidelines for Ethnic Minorities” issued by the Political Department of the Northwest Military Region of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army clearly put forward the political proposition of equality for all ethnic groups in politics, economy, and culture. After the founding of New China, Mao creatively combined the Marxist view on ethnic groups with China’s concrete reality, establishing ethnic equality and ethnic unity as the basic principles for handling ethnic relations. The deputies to the First National People’s Congress covered the majority of ethnic groups, and starting from 1954, the National People’s Congress established the Ethnic Affairs Committee to specialize in studying ethnic work. In addition, Mao led the promulgation of a series of laws and regulations to guarantee ethnic equality, changing derogatory names and discriminatory place names for ethnic minorities, and sealing or taking custody of discriminatory steles, plaques, and couplets. It was precisely through the governance practice of Mao’s principle of ethnic equality that ethnic minorities began to identify with and sincerely support the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Ethnic unity is unity built on the basis of equality, a brotherly unity among all ethnic groups. Mao Zedong believed that the Chinese Communist Party is the core force for ethnic unity, and he regarded ethnic unity as a major matter related to the success or failure of the revolution and construction cause, stating: “The unity of the country, the unity of the people, and the unity of all ethnic groups within the country are the basic guarantees for the inevitable victory of our cause.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People,” in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 7, p. 204. [Note: Standard citation.] Mao Zedong’s thought on ethnic equality and unity also inherently included opposition to Han chauvinism and local ethnic nationalism. Mao believed that the essence of Han chauvinism was the manifestation of the reactionary ideology of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie in ethnic relations, while local ethnic nationalism overemphasized the particularities of ethnic minorities. Both of these ethnic nationalisms insist on the supremacy of their own ethnic interests, “are not conducive to the unity of all ethnic groups,” [12]12 Mao Zedong, “On the Ten Major Relationships,” in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 7, p. 33. [Note: Standard citation.] and are “cancers” that hinder the building of the Chinese national community. To this end, under Mao’s instructions, the Party Central Committee conducted two inspections of the implementation of ethnic policies in 1952 and 1956, in order to correct shortcomings and mistakes in ethnic work.

第一，强调民族平等团结，维护国家统一。作为无产阶级的精神领袖，马克思恩格斯的民族平等主张非常鲜明，他们提出“古往今来每个民族都在某些方面优越于其他民族”，且马克思恩格斯并非抽象的民族平等论者，他们强调被压迫民族应反抗民族剥削与压迫，认为“只有觉醒的无产阶级才能够建立各民族的兄弟友爱”。列宁也曾指出：“谁不承认和不坚持民族平等和语言平等，不同各种民族压迫或不平等作斗争，谁就不是马克思主义者”，马克思主义经典作家的民族平等思想为中国共产党领导民族工作提供了根本遵循。平等，是毛泽东一生的追求，也是其民族观的重要组成部分。针对国民党时期搞民族隔阂、大汉族主义统治，毛泽东就敏锐地意识到民族平等与民族团结对中国革命胜利的重要性。红军长征之时，中国工农红军西北军区政治部发布的《少数民族工作须知》就明确提出各民族政治经济文化一律平等的政治主张。新中国成立后，毛泽东更是创造性地将马克思主义民族观与中国具体实际相结合，将民族平等、民族团结确立为处理民族关系的基本原则。第一届全国人民代表大会的代表涵盖了大多数民族，且自1954年起，全国人民代表大会设立民族委员会专门性研究民族工作。此外，毛泽东还领导颁布系列法令法规保障民族平等，对少数民族蔑称、歧视性地名予以更改，对歧视性碑碣、匾联予以封存或收管。正是通过毛泽东民族平等原则的治理实践，少数民族开始认同并从心底拥护中国共产党的领导。而民族团结，是建立在平等基础上的团结，各民族之间是兄弟般的团结。毛泽东认为，中国共产党是民族团结的核心力量，他把民族团结视为关系革命和建设事业成败的大事要事，提出：“国家的统一，人民的团结，国内各民族的团结，这是我们的事业必定要胜利的基本保证”。毛泽东的民族平等团结思想，还内在地包含了反对大汉族主义和地方民族主义。毛泽东认为大汉族主义的实质是地主阶级和资产阶级反动思想在民族关系上的表现，而地方民族主义则过于强调少数民族的特殊性，这两种民族主义都坚持本民族利益至上，“都不利于各族人民的团结”，是阻滞中华民族共同体建设的“毒瘤”。为此，在毛泽东指示下，党中央于1952年和1956年先后进行了两次民族政策执行情况的检查，以此纠正民族工作中的缺点和失误。

Second, emphasizing the common development of all ethnic groups to achieve common prosperity. Development is the foothold of ethnic work and the master key to solving ethnic issues. Marx and Engels once said, “To truly unite all ethnic groups, they must have common interests.” Mao Zedong regarded the development of the ethnic-minority economy as a fundamental measure for handling ethnic issues and enhancing the construction of the Chinese national community. In *On the Ten Major Relationships*, he pointed out: “We must sincerely and actively help the ethnic minorities develop their economic and cultural construction,” and believed that if the Communist Party could not help ethnic minorities develop their population, economy, and culture, “then the Communist Party would be of no use.” Zhou Enlai further elaborated on this basis, stating that the common development of all ethnic groups is “the fundamental stance of our socialist ethnic policy” and “the socialist ethnic policy is to enable all ethnic groups to achieve development and prosperity.” Under the guidance of Mao Zedong’s thought on the common development of all ethnic groups, the Party Central Committee increased support for ethnic regions. For example, in the 1956 state budget, the expenditure on economic construction compared to 1955 increased by 65.46% in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, 54.31% in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, 118.14% in Qinghai, and 27.27% in Tibet, far exceeding the national growth rate of 17.04%, with corresponding increases in other ethnic regions. Through a series of governance measures by the Party and the state, especially during the First Five-Year Plan period [13]13 The First Five-Year Plan (1953–1957) was the first national economic development plan of the People’s Republic of China, focusing on heavy industry and infrastructure, including projects in ethnic minority regions. and the Third Front Construction period [14]14 The Third Front Construction (1964–1980) was a massive industrial relocation and development program that moved key defense and industrial facilities to China’s interior, including ethnic minority areas, to prepare for potential invasion., large-scale infrastructure and industrial construction were carried out in ethnic regions, promoting the common development of all ethnic groups and laying a solid foundation for industrialization and the modernization of ethnic regions.

第二，强调各民族共同发展，实现共同繁荣。发展，是民族工作的立足点，是解决民族问题的总钥匙。马克思恩格斯就曾说“要使各民族真正团结起来，他们就必须有共同的利益”。毛泽东将发展少数民族经济作为处理民族问题、增进中华民族共同体建设的根本举措，在《论十大关系》中指出：“我们要诚心诚意地积极帮助少数民族发展经济建设和文化建设”，认为共产党如果不能帮助少数民族发展人口、经济和文化，“那共产党就没有什么用处”。周恩来在此基础上进一步阐释为各民族共同发展是“我们社会主义在民族政策上的根本立场”“社会主义的民族政策，就是要使所有的民族都得到发展，得到繁荣。”在毛泽东各民族共同发展思想指导下，党中央加大了对民族地区的扶持力度，如1956年国家预算中经济建设费类的支出较1955年的增长中，内蒙古自治区增长65.46％，新疆维吾尔自治区增长54.31％，青海增长118.14％，西藏增长27.27％，远高于全国17.04％的增长水平，其他民族地区也都有相应增长。通过党和国家的系列治理举措，特别是“一五”时期和“三线建设”时期在民族地区开展大规模基础设施和工业建设，促进了各民族的共同发展，也为工业化和民族地区现代化奠定了坚实基础。

After reform and opening up, the Party Central Committee made accelerating the economic development of ethnic regions a key task of ethnic work. On the one hand, it used laws and regulations to ensure ethnic unity and create a stable development environment; on the other hand, it adopted more comprehensive measures to promote the development of ethnic regions, such as implementing paired-up assistance, east-west collaboration, the Western Development Strategy, and the Revitalizing Border Areas and Enriching the People policy support mechanisms. Entering the New Era, emphasizing the common development of all ethnic groups means promoting all ethnic groups to move together toward modernization and achieve common prosperity. To this end, Xi Jinping has conducted numerous research trips to ethnic regions, convened multiple meetings on ethnic work, and repeatedly stressed that “the Chinese nation is a big family, and every family member must live a good life” and “to build a great modern socialist country in all respects, not a single ethnic group can be left behind.” To enhance the development capacity of ethnic regions, the Party and the state have adopted a series of measures, such as implementing targeted poverty alleviation to fill the “shortcomings” in building a moderately prosperous society, and on this basis, comprehensively promoting rural revitalization; building the Belt and Road Initiative to transform ethnic regions from closed inland areas to open frontiers; and strengthening the positioning of ethnic regions as ecological security barriers to enhance their strategic resource supply capacity. These systematic and long-term measures have resulted in “all 28 ethnic groups with small populations being lifted out of poverty as entire groups,” and the modernization of ethnic regions is developing toward a higher level, deeper level, and higher quality. In the process of synchronous modernization of ethnic regions, the commonality of the Chinese nation has also been further strengthened.

改革开放后，党中央更是把加快民族地区经济发展作为民族工作的重点任务，一方面以法律法规保障民族团结，营造稳定的发展环境，另一方面采取更为综合的措施推进民族地区发展，如实施对口支援、东西部协作、西部大开发、兴边富民等政策帮扶机制。进入新时代，强调各民族共同发展就是要推动各民族共同走向现代化，实现共同富裕。为此，习近平多次深入民族地区进行调研，多次召开民族工作相关会议，反复强调“中华民族是一个大家庭，一家人都要过上好日子”“全面建成社会主义现代化强国，一个民族也不能少”。为提升民族地区发展能力，党和国家采取系列举措，如实施精准扶贫补齐小康社会的建设“短板”，并在此基础上全面推进乡村振兴；建设“一带一路”使民族地区从封闭内陆走向开放前沿；强化民族地区生态安全屏障定位以提升其战略性资源供给能力等。此类系统性、长远性举措，使得“28个人口较少民族全部整族脱贫”，民族地区现代化向着更高水平、更深层次、更有质量的方向发展，在民族地区同步现代化进程中，中华民族的共同性也进一步增强。

Viewing the Party’s history from a grand historical perspective, whether it is implementing various policy support mechanisms such as the Western Development Strategy, or implementing targeted poverty alleviation and promoting “not a single one can be left behind” in Chinese-path modernization, these are all important measures by the Party to improve the livelihood of people in ethnic regions and unite the hearts of ethnic minorities. They are all inheritances and developments of Mao Zedong’s consistent value principles for handling ethnic relations. The value principles for handling socialist ethnic relations—ethnic equality, ethnic unity, and common development of all ethnic groups—proposed under Mao Zedong’s leadership have established fundamental principles for the construction of the Chinese national community and made foundational contributions to the healthy development of ethnic relations in the New Era. Today, when the world is undergoing changes unseen in a century and China is at a critical period of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, it is even more necessary for all members of the Chinese national family to unite their hearts and minds and coalesce into “a piece of hard steel” to resist external risks and challenges externally and gather the strength for rejuvenation internally. The political foundation and fundamental prerequisite for ethnic unity are ethnic equality and the common development of all ethnic groups. From this strategic height, the significance of Mao Zedong’s proposal of ethnic equality, ethnic unity, and common development of all ethnic groups can be better understood.

以大历史观看党的历史，无论是落实西部大开发等各类政策帮扶机制，还是实施精准脱贫、推进中国式现代化中的“一个都不能少”，都是党坚持改善民族地区民生、凝聚少数民族民心的重要举措，都是对毛泽东一以贯之处理民族关系价值准则的继承和发展，毛泽东领导提出的民族平等、民族团结、各民族共同发展这一处理社会主义民族关系的价值准则，为中华民族共同体建设确立了根本原则遵循，为新时代我国民族关系的健康发展做出了奠基性贡献。在世界经历百年变局、我国正处于中华民族伟大复兴关键时期这一复杂国内外局势的今天，更加需要中华民族大家庭中的各成员凝心聚力，团结成“一块坚硬的钢铁”，才能外御风险挑战、内聚复兴力量。而民族团结的政治基础和根本前提是民族平等和各民族共同发展，从这一战略高度出发，更能认识毛泽东提出的民族平等、民族团结、各民族共同发展的重要意义。

III. Contemporary Insights from Mao Zedong’s Advancement of the Construction of the Chinese National Community

三、毛泽东推进中华民族共同体建设的当代启示

Mao Zedong’s theoretical exploration and practice regarding the construction of the Chinese national community changed the historical situation of old China being a heap of loose sand and each going its own way, uniting people of all ethnic groups into a community sharing weal and woe, forming a national identity with New China and a high degree of identification with the modern national community of the “Chinese nation.” Entering the New Era, the grand goal of advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization calls even more for the unity and joint efforts of people of all ethnic groups across the country. Mao Zedong’s successful experience and political wisdom in ethnic work are worthy of reference.

毛泽东关于中华民族共同体建设的理论探索与实践，改变了旧中国一盘散沙、各自为政的历史局面，将各族人民凝聚成同舟共济、风雨与共的共同体，形成了对新中国的国家认同和对“中华民族”这一现代民族共同体的高度认同。进入新时代，以中国式现代化推进中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标，更加呼唤全国各族人民团结一致、共同发力，而毛泽东的民族工作成功经验和政治智慧值得借鉴。

(I) Adhering to the Unity of Upholding and Innovating Marxist Ethnic Theory

（一）坚持马克思主义民族理论的守正与创新相统一

“Upholding” means adhering to the laws revealed by classical Marxist writers on ethnic issues, the positions they hold, and the scientific methods they contain; “innovation” means, under the guidance of Marxist ethnic theory, combining the historical reality of China as a unified multi-ethnic country with the practical foundation of the fundamental interests of people of all ethnic groups being aligned, and taking the correct path of solving ethnic issues with Chinese characteristics. Marx believed that the basic principle for the proletariat to solve ethnic issues is to implement equal union of all ethnic groups, oppose ethnic oppression and exploitation, and implement ethnic self-determination or voluntary ethnic alliances. Lenin, on this basis, summarized the proletarian ethnic revolutionary program as “complete equality of all ethnic groups, the right of self-determination for all ethnic groups, and the fusion of workers of all ethnic groups.” Mao Zedong, on the basis of the “three principles” of ethnic equality, ethnic unity, and ethnic mutual assistance advocated by classical Marxist writers, innovatively developed the new content of “common prosperity for all ethnic groups,” making ethnic equality, ethnic unity, and common prosperity for all ethnic groups the basic principles for handling ethnic relations in China. At the same time, combining the national conditions of China’s multi-ethnic reality, he pioneered the system of regional ethnic autonomy, a socialist political system with Chinese characteristics, laying the foundation for China’s ethnic system in terms of institutional foundation, theoretical framework, and methodological principles. As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters the New Era, new mission requirements have been put forward for ethnic work. Xi Jinping’s major proposition of “constructing the Chinese national community” elaborates on the historical development of the Chinese nation with the “Four Commonalities” [15]15 The “Four Commonalities” (四个共同) refer to the shared historical experiences of the Chinese nation: the common territory, common history, common culture, and common destiny of all ethnic groups., outlines the scientific connotation of the community with the “Four Togethernesses” [16]16 The “Four Togethernesses” (四个与共) refer to the shared bonds of the Chinese national community: sharing weal and woe, sharing honor and disgrace, sharing life and death, and sharing destiny., and frames the internal requirements of community construction with the “Five Identifications” [17]17 The “Five Identifications” (五个认同) refer to identification with the great motherland, the Chinese nation, Chinese culture, the Communist Party of China, and socialism with Chinese characteristics., meaning that the Party’s ethnic work is increasingly focusing on the “unity” and “commonality” of the Chinese nation in theoretical attention. Currently, adhering to the upholding and innovation of Marxist ethnic theory means promoting high-quality development of the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era, “adhering to what is correct and adjusting what is outdated,” responding to the “changing” issues of the times with a “developing” ethnic theory. For basic systems and principles that have stood the test of history and practice, “upholding” should be maintained; for concepts and policies that no longer conform to the development of the times but are still in use due to historical inertia, “innovation” should be dared. Taking forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation and strengthening the construction of the Chinese national community as the clear main line and strategic task of the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era, and adapting to the new concepts and policies of the New Era to enhance the modernization level of the ethnic affairs governance system and governance capacity.

“守正”，就是要坚守马克思主义经典作家在民族问题上所揭示的规律、所持有的立场和所蕴含的科学方法；“创新”就是要在马克思主义民族理论的指导下，结合中国统一多民族国家的历史实际和各族人民根本利益一致的现实基础，走中国特色解决民族问题的正确道路。马克思认为无产阶级解决民族问题的基本原则是要实行各民族平等的联合，反对民族压迫和剥削，实行民族自决或民族自愿的联盟。列宁在此基础上将无产阶级民族革命纲领概括为“各民族完全平等，各民族有自决权，各民族工人融合起来”。毛泽东在马克思主义经典作家主张的民族平等、民族团结、民族互助“三原则”的基础上创新发展了“各民族共同繁荣”这个新内容，使得民族平等、民族团结、各民族共同繁荣成为处理我国民族关系的基本原则；同时，结合我国多民族的国情实际，开创了民族区域自治制度这一具有中国特色的社会主义政治制度，从制度根基、理论框架、方法原则上奠定了我国民族制度的雏形。随着中国特色社会主义进入新时代，对民族工作也提出了新的使命要求，习近平提出的“中华民族共同体建设”重大命题，以“四个共同”阐述了中华民族的历史发展，以“四个与共”概述了共同体的科学内涵，以“五个认同” 框定了共同体建设的内在要求，意味着党的民族工作在理论关注上更加向中华民族的“一体性”“共同性”聚焦。当前，坚持马克思主义民族理论的守正创新，就是要推动新时代党的民族工作高质量发展，“坚持正确的，调整过时的”，以“发展”的民族理论回应“变化”的时代问题，对于经得起历史和实践检验的基本制度、基本原则等要保持“守正”，对于已经不符合时代发展但受历史惯性制约仍在沿用的理念和政策则要勇于“创新”，以铸牢中华民族共同体意识、加强中华民族共同体建设作为新时代党的民族工作的鲜明主线和战略任务，以适应新时代的新理念和新政策提升民族事务治理体系和治理能力现代化水平。

(II) Adhering to the Unity of Advancing the Construction of the Chinese National Community under the Leadership of the CPC and Being People-Centered

（二）坚持以中国共产党领导推进中华民族共同体建设与以人民为中心相统一

The essence of building the Chinese national community is the construction of a community of pluralistic unity of all ethnic groups under the leadership of the Party. From the day of its founding, the Party incorporated the resolution of ethnic issues into the general tasks of the New Democratic period, continuously studying, deploying, and advancing ethnic work from an overall and strategic perspective. During the Long March of the Red Army, the Party Central Committee even proposed that “winning over minority nationalities under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Soviet Government has decisive significance for the victorious future of the Chinese revolution.” [18]18 The Long March (1934–1935) was the strategic retreat of the Red Army, during which the CPC passed through regions inhabited by many minority nationalities. Mao Zedong, as the core of the Party’s first generation of collective leadership, attached great importance to the issue of the Party’s leadership power, pointing out that “our 600 million people, under the leadership of the working class and the Communist Party,” are carrying out socialist construction. Of course, the people—including the people of all ethnic groups nationwide, including minority nationalities—have always been the core keyword of the Chinese Communist Party’s governance. In the report of the Party’s Seventh National Congress, Mao Zedong emphasized that “the consistency of being responsible to the people and being responsible to the Party’s leading organs” has always been the starting point of the work of Chinese Communists. Looking back at the Party’s history, the fundamental reason why Western hostile forces and a handful of domestic separatists have been unable to stir up waves despite wantonly inciting ethnic hatred and deliberately undermining ethnic unity lies in the strong and effective leadership of the Party. Entering the New Era, Xi Jinping has consistently and unswervingly stressed: “The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party is the fundamental guarantee for the success of ethnic work and also the fundamental guarantee for the great unity of all ethnic groups.” From this, it is evident that upholding and strengthening the Party’s leadership over the building of the Chinese national community is the most fundamental and crucial issue for doing ethnic work well. Upholding the unity of the Party’s leadership and a people-centered approach means that the Party must play a key role in coordinating ethnic work and balancing the interests of all parties, maximizing the mobilization of the enthusiasm and initiative of people of all ethnic groups to participate in building the Chinese national community, guiding people of all ethnic groups to always place the interests of the Chinese nation first, and realizing the specific interests of people of all ethnic groups in the process of achieving the overall and fundamental interests of the Chinese national community.

中华民族共同体建设的实质是党领导下各民族多元一体的共同体建设。党从成立之日起，就将解决民族问题纳入新民主主义时期的总任务之中，不断从全局和战略上研究、部署和推进民族工作。红军长征时期，党中央更是提出“争取少数民族在中国共产党与中国苏维埃政府领导之下，对于中国革命胜利前途有决定的意义”。毛泽东作为党的第一代领导集体的核心，高度重视党的领导权问题，指出“我国的六亿人民正在工人阶级和共产党的领导下”，进行社会主义建设。当然，人民——包括少数民族在内的全国各民族人民，永远是中国共产党治国理政的核心关键词。党的七大报告中，毛泽东强调“向人民负责和向党的领导机关负责的一致性”，始终是中国共产党人工作的出发点。纵观党的历史，西方敌对势力、国内少数分裂分子肆意煽动民族仇恨、蓄意破坏民族团结，却始终掀不起风浪的根本原因就在于党的领导的坚强有力。进入新时代，习近平更是始终不渝地强调：“中国共产党的领导是民族工作成功的根本保证，也是各民族大团结的根本保证。”从中足见坚持和加强党对中华民族共同体建设的领导，是做好民族工作最根本和最关键的问题。坚持党的领导和以人民为中心相统一，就是党要发挥统揽民族工作、协调各方利益的关键作用，最大限度调动各族人民参与建设中华民族共同体的积极性、主动性，引导各族人民始终把中华民族利益放在首位，在实现中华民族共同体整体利益、根本利益的进程中实现各族人民的具体利益。

(3) Upholding the unity of the historical orientation of the Chinese nation and the goal orientation of advancing the building of the Chinese national community

（三）坚持中华民族历史方位与推进中华民族共同体建设目标定位相统一

Orientation refers to direction and position. The historical orientation of the Chinese nation refers to “the operational direction, spatiotemporal position, basic situation, and important status presented by the economic and social development of the Chinese nation in a ‘certain period’s principal contradiction and fundamental tasks’ from the perspective of the long-term historical process.” Over the past century since the founding of the Party, the Chinese nation has successively gone through four historical periods, and the historical orientation of each period is determined by the principal contradiction in Chinese society at that time. As an important component of national governance, the governance of ethnic affairs must be placed within the overall situation of the Party and the state, keeping in mind the “greatest concerns of the state” [19]19 “国之大者” (guo zhi da zhe) is a Party idiom referring to the most fundamental and overarching concerns of the state, often invoked to stress the strategic importance of a given task. to advance it, combining the specific historical orientation of the Chinese nation with the goal orientation of building the Chinese national community in different historical periods. At the time of the Party’s founding, the principal contradictions facing Chinese society were those between imperialism and the Chinese nation, and between feudalism and the masses of the people. Accordingly, the Party set the goal of building the Chinese national community as leading people of all ethnic groups to overthrow the “three big mountains,” [20]20 The “three big mountains” (三座大山) is a standard Mao-era metaphor for imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which the CPC claimed to have overthrown. abolish the system of ethnic oppression and exploitation, and “achieve the complete independence of the Chinese nation.” During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the contradiction between China and Japan became the principal contradiction. To save the nation from subjugation and unite for resistance, the Party advocated “uniting all ethnic groups into one body,” making good ethnic work an important condition for winning the revolution. After the founding of New China, the Party faced the main task of carrying out the socialist revolution and advancing socialist construction. The main task of the Party’s ethnic work during this period was to unite all ethnic groups to “jointly build the great family of the motherland.” In the New Era, the principal contradiction in Chinese society has been transformed into the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. At this new historical starting point, we should “take the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as the starting point and goal, and comprehensively plan and advance the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era.” While inheriting the principles of ethnic equality, unity, and common prosperity, enhancing commonalities among ethnic groups while respecting and tolerating differences should be taken as an important principle for ethnic work in the New Era, promoting the Chinese nation through continuous interaction, exchange, and integration to become a political community, interest community, cultural community, and community with a shared future with higher recognition and stronger cohesion, and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through the coordinated advancement of Chinese-path modernization and the building of the Chinese national community.

方位，即方向位置。中华民族历史方位，即从长期历史进程看中华民族在“某一时期社会主要矛盾和根本任务、经济社会发展所呈现的运行方向、时空位置、基本态势和重要地位等”。建党百年来，中华民族先后历经四个历史时期，而每一时期的历史方位，由当时中国社会的主要矛盾决定。民族事务治理作为国家治理的重要组成部分，必须将其置于党和国家全局中，牢记“国之大者”来推进，将中华民族特定历史方位与不同历史时期中华民族共同体建设的目标定位相结合。建党之初的中国社会面临的主要矛盾为帝国主义与中华民族、封建主义与人民大众的矛盾，据此，党将中华民族共同体建设的目标定位为领导各族人民推翻“三座大山”，废除民族压迫剥削制度，“达到中华民族完全独立”抗日战争期间，中日民族矛盾上升为主要矛盾，为救亡图存、团结抗战，党主张“团结各民族为一体”，把做好民族工作作为夺取革命胜利的重要条件。新中国成立后，党面临的主要任务是进行社会主义革命、推进社会主义建设，党在这一时期的民族工作主要任务在于团结各民族“共同来建设伟大祖国的大家庭”。新时代，我国社会主要矛盾已经转化为人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾，新的历史起点上，应“以实现中华民族伟大复兴为出发点和落脚点，统筹谋划和推进新时代党的民族工作”，在继承民族平等、团结、共同繁荣原则的前提下，将增进民族间的共同性，尊重和包容差异性作为新时代民族工作的重要原则，推动中华民族在不断的交往交流交融过程中成为认同度更高、凝聚力更强的政治共同体、利益共同体、文化共同体、命运共同体，在中国式现代化和中华民族共同体建设的协同推进中实现中华民族伟大复兴。

With his superb political wisdom and leadership art, Mao Zedong “gathered as many people as possible who support us and isolated as few people as possible who oppose us,” [21]21 This is a paraphrase of a well-known remark by Mao Zedong, often cited to illustrate his strategy of maximizing the united front. maximizing the consolidation of the strength of all ethnic groups nationwide to complete the New Democratic Revolution, creating great achievements in socialist revolution and construction, and promoting the Chinese nation to move towards an ethnic entity of “community” with broader inclusiveness, stronger cohesion, and higher recognition, providing political guarantees, institutional guarantees, and principles to follow for the construction of the “community” entity. In the current situation of frequent ethnic conflicts in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and other places, and severe racial discrimination in Western Europe, North America, and other regions, the situation of great ethnic unity in our country is continuously consolidated. A comparison of the two highlights the governance wisdom and contemporary value of the ethnic policy concepts laid down under Mao Zedong’s leadership. Although the erroneous guiding ideology of the Party in ethnic work during the “Cultural Revolution” period [22]22 The “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) was a mass political movement initiated by Mao Zedong that caused widespread social and political upheaval; its impact on ethnic policy is a contested topic in Chinese historiography. once caused damage to the new socialist ethnic relations, this was not the mainstream of Mao Zedong’s practice in ethnic work, and his late-life mistakes cannot be infinitely extended to negate all of Mao Zedong’s historical achievements in ethnic work. We should examine Mao Zedong’s ethnic theory and practice from the long time span, broad spatial perspective, and holistic logic of the grand historical view, study his historical contributions to advancing the building of the Chinese national community, and summarize the scientific methods contained in his theory and practice of ethnic work. This is not only a practical need for strengthening and improving the Party’s ethnic work in the New Era but also conducive to continuing to advance the cause pioneered by Comrade Mao Zedong, building a more unbreakable Chinese national community, and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through the cohesion of community strength.

毛泽东以其高超的政治智慧和领导艺术“把拥护我们的人搞得多多的，把反对我们的人搞得少少的”，最大限度凝聚起全国各民族的力量完成新民主主义革命，创造了社会主义革命和建设的伟大成就，推动中华民族走向了包容性更广、凝聚力更强、认同度更高的“共同体”民族实体，为“共同体”实体建设提供了政治保障、制度保障和原则遵循。在当今东欧、中东等地民族冲突高发，西欧、北美等地种族歧视严重的形势下，我国民族大团结的局面不断巩固，两相对比愈加彰显了毛泽东领导奠定的民族政策理念的治理智慧和时代价值。虽然“文革”时期党在民族工作上的错误指导思想一度造成了社会主义新型民族关系的破坏，但这并非毛泽东民族工作实践的主流，不能将其晚年失误无限延展，进而否定毛泽东全部民族工作的历史功绩。我们应以大历史观的长时间跨度、大空间视野、整体性逻辑考察毛泽东的民族理论与实践，研究其对推进中华民族共同体建设的历史贡献，总结其民族工作理论与实践蕴含的科学方法，这不仅是加强和改进新时代党的民族工作的现实需要，也有利于把毛泽东同志开创的事业继续推向前进，建设更加牢不可破的中华民族共同体，以共同体力量的凝聚全面推进中华民族伟大复兴。

(Author bios: Yang Xiaojun, Vice Dean, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Marxism, Xiangtan University; Li Yinyan, Doctoral Candidate, School of Marxism, Xiangtan University)

（作者简介：杨小军，湘潭大学马克思主义学院副院长，教授、博士生导师；李银艳，湘潭大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心