Mao Zedong’s Great Achievements in Initiating the “Second Integration” during the Period of the War of Liberation

From June 1946 to September 1949 was the period of the War of Liberation. After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Chinese people urgently needed an environment of peace, stability, recuperation, and reconstruction of their homeland. To strive for peace, the Chinese Communists, represented by Comrade Mao Zedong, displayed great enthusiasm and personally went to the Kuomintang-controlled area to participate in the Chongqing Negotiations. However, the reactionary Kuomintang clique, relying on American-style equipment and military aid, stubbornly adhered to its anti-Communist line and on June 26, 1946, provoked an all-out civil war. China entered a decisive battle between two destinies and two futures. Mao Zedong led the Chinese Communists and the entire Chinese people with firm confidence, calmly responding to the complex and severe situation, and as always, adhered to the integration of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture, writing a new historical chapter in advancing the Sinicization of Marxism.

1946年6月至1949年9月是解放战争时期。抗日战争胜利后，中国人民迫切需要一个和平安定、休养生息、重建家园的环境。为了争取和平，以毛泽东同志为代表的中国共产党人表现出极大热诚，亲临国统区参加重庆谈判。但是，国民党反动派依仗美式装备和军援，顽固坚持反共路线，于1946年6月26日挑起全面内战。中国进入选择两个前途、两种命运的决战。毛泽东带领中国共产党人和全国人民以坚定的信心，从容不迫地应对复杂严峻的形势，一如既往地坚持马克思主义与中国具体实际和中华优秀传统文化相结合，写下了推进马克思主义中国化的历史新篇章。

I. From the Ideal of a “Great Harmony Society under Heaven for All” to Leading the People in Pursuing the Communist Ideal

一、从“天下为公的大同社会”理想到带领人民追求共产主义理想

China’s historical documents from ancient times to the modern era contain numerous records of the pursuit of an ideal human society. The “Book of Rites: The Conveyance of Rites” records the ideal society of Great Harmony under the principle of “when the Great Way prevails,” which has attracted the attention and reflection of generations of Chinese people; Laozi’s society where “the barking of dogs and crowing of cocks are within hearing, and yet people grow old and die without ever having visited each other,” and Tao Yuanming’s realm of the “Peach Blossom Spring,” have always left room for people’s imagination. In modern times, the “Taiping Heavenly Kingdom” led and established by Hong Xiuquan, though suppressed by both Chinese and foreign ruling classes, left its ideals immortalized in history. Later, Kang Youwei wrote the “Book of Great Harmony,” designing an ideal society of a “Great Harmony Era,” yet he did not know the path to achieve it. In response, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Kang Youwei wrote the ‘Book of Great Harmony,’ but he did not and could not find a way to reach Great Harmony. A bourgeois republic, which existed in foreign countries, could not exist in China,

我国远古直至近现代历史文献中有大量追求人类理想社会的记载。《礼记·礼运》记录着“大道之行也”的大同理想社会，吸引着世代中国人关注和思考；老子的“鸡犬之声相闻，老死不相往来”的社会，陶渊明的“世外桃源”的境界，始终留给人们想象空间；到近代社会，洪秀全领导和建立的“太平天国”虽为中外统治阶级绞杀，但其理想永垂青史。后来，康有为写下《大同书》，设计了一个“大同世”理想社会，却不知路在何方。对此，毛泽东指出：“康有为写了《大同书》，他没有也不可能找到一条到达大同的路。资产阶级的共和国，外国有过的，中国不能有，因为中国是受帝国主义压迫的国家。唯一的路是经过工人阶级领导的人民共和国。”

The practice of advanced elements pursuing an ideal society is the glorious mission of the times. However, before the emergence of the Marxist conception of history [historical materialism], humanity had neither the conditions to analyze the laws of social development nor the ability to scientifically foresee the future; their ideal society was the primitive communism of the distant past as recalled in memory.

先进者追求理想社会的实践是时代的光荣使命。然而，在马克思主义唯物史观出现以前，人类既没有分析社会发展规律的条件，也没有科学地向前预见的能力，他们的理想社会就是回忆中远古时代的原始共产主义。

A society like that of “the Great Way prevails” [1]1 “The Great Way prevails” (大道之行) is a classical phrase from the “Li Yun” chapter of the *Book of Rites*, describing an ideal age of Great Harmony (大同) in ancient times. was actually Confucius’s recollection, not his original thought. Although this passage from the “Li Yun” chapter of the *Book of Rites* originates from a dialogue between Confucius and Yan Yan (Ziyou), scholars generally believe that “Li Yun” is the work of Ziyou and his disciples. Ziyou was a representative of small-scale producers, and his views were close to those of the Mohist school, Yang Zhu, and Xu Xing. Ziyou pursued a “moderately prosperous society,” but at the same time showed great interest in certain policies of the “Great Harmony society.” The historian Cai Shangsi, in his examination of the Great Harmony theory in “Li Yun,” pointed out that in terms of content, the Great Harmony theory actually originated from the Mohist school, and he provided detailed arguments from four aspects.

“大道之行”那样一种社会，实际上是孔子的回忆，而不是他的思想。虽然《礼记·礼运》的这段话出自孔子与言偃（子游）的对话，但学界一般认为《礼记·礼运》是子游及其弟子的作品。子游是小生产者的代表，其主张接近墨家、杨朱、许行。子游追求的是“小康社会”，但同时又对“大同社会”的某些政策很感兴趣。历史学家蔡尚思考证《礼记·礼运》的大同说，指出：从内容上看，大同说实源自墨家，并提供了四个方面的详细论证。

Driven by patriotism and the pursuit of social progress, modern China’s men and women of lofty ideals waged heroic and moving struggles to realize an ideal society.

出于爱国主义和社会进步的追求，中国近代的仁人志士们为实现理想社会进行了可歌可泣的英勇斗争。

It should be said that the social ideal put forward by the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom revolution not only reached the highest level of peasant uprisings in history but also absorbed Christian elements from Western society. However, in an era of capitalist social development, the peasant class’s attempt to rely solely on itself to pursue a social ideal was doomed to failure. Sun Yat-sen toiled tirelessly, made plans everywhere, and agitated for revolution, aiming to establish an independent republic, but after the Revolution of 1911, he, as provisional president, was soon forced out of office by feudal warlords. Thus, Sun Yat-sen also lost hope in Western countries, believing that the surging workers’ movements in Western capitalist countries showed that Western society was not worth taking as a model.

应该说，太平天国革命提出的社会理想不仅达到历史上农民起义军的最高水平，还吸收了西方社会的基督教因素。但是，在资本主义社会发展的时代，农民阶级仅依靠自身追求社会理想的尝试注定失败。孙中山辛勤奔波，四处筹划，鼓动革命，要建立一个独立自主的共和国，但辛亥革命后，身为临时大总统的他不久就被封建军阀挤下台。由此，孙中山也丧失了对西方国家的希望，认为西方资本主义国家工人运动闹得风起云涌，说明西方社会不值得做为样板。

The victory of the October Revolution brought Marxism-Leninism to China. During the First World War, China’s modern industry developed rapidly, and the number of industrial workers in China increased to 2 million. The founding of the Communist Party of China created the fundamental conditions for China to pursue the ideal society of socialism and communism.

十月革命的胜利为中国送来了马克思列宁主义。中国现代工业在第一次世界大战期间急速发展，中国产业工人数量增加到200万。中国共产党成立，使中国有了追求社会主义和共产主义理想社会的根本条件。

As Western capitalist countries launched two world wars, bringing unprecedented disaster and catastrophe to human society, Western bourgeois civilization and the blueprint of a bourgeois republic went bankrupt in the eyes of the Chinese people. China’s advanced elements shifted from pursuing the West’s “Mr. Democracy” and “Mr. Science” in the early New Culture Movement to pursuing Soviet socialist democracy and science that included the Marxist-Leninist scientific worldview. Regarding this, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Bourgeois democracy gives way to people’s democracy under the leadership of the working class, and the bourgeois republic gives way to the people’s republic. This creates the possibility of reaching socialism and communism through the people’s republic, and reaching the elimination of classes and world Great Harmony.” The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, used the scientific conception of history [historical materialism] to confirm the pursuit of the ideal of socialism and communism.

随着西方资本主义国家发动两次世界大战，给人类社会带来史无前例的灾难和浩劫，西方资产阶级文明和资产阶级共和国的方案在中国人民心目中破了产。中国的先进分子由新文化运动前期追求西方社会的“德先生”“赛先生”，变成了追求苏维埃社会主义民主，追求包括马克思列宁主义科学世界观在内的科学。对此，毛泽东指出：“资产阶级的民主主义让位给工人阶级领导的人民民主主义，资产阶级共和国让位给人民共和国。这样就造成了一种可能性：经过人民共和国到达社会主义和共产主义，到达阶级的消灭和世界的大同。”以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，运用科学唯物史观，确认了社会主义和共产主义的理想追求。

In the 28 years after its founding, the Communist Party of China transformed China’s face through its revolutionary theory and practice and gained basic revolutionary experience. This experience is: “(1) At home, awaken the masses. That is, unite the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie, under the leadership of the working class, form a domestic united front, and from this develop a people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance; (2) Abroad, unite with all nations and peoples that treat us as equals, and struggle together. That is, unite with the Soviet Union, unite with all people’s democratic countries, unite with the proletariat and the broad masses of people in other countries, and form an international united front.”

在成立后的28年里，中国共产党通过其革命理论与实践改换了中国的面貌，取得了基本的革命经验。这些经验是，“（一）在国内，唤起民众。这就是团结工人阶级、农民阶级、城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级，在工人阶级领导之下，结成国内的统一战线，并由此发展到建立工人阶级领导的以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政的国家；（二）在国外，联合世界上以平等待我的民族和各国人民，共同奋斗。这就是联合苏联，联合各人民民主国家，联合其他各国的无产阶级和广大人民，结成国际的统一战线”。

In fact, the Chinese People’s War of Liberation was a decisive battle between two different destinies for China. In this decisive battle, Chiang Kai-shek put forward proposals such as “dissolving the Communist Party,” “abolishing the border region governments,” and demanding that the Communist Party “hand over its army,” vainly attempting to drag China into darkness. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, adhered to the ideal and faith of socialism and communism and fought unequivocally for a bright people’s democratic republic. Mao Zedong pointed out: “We Communists never conceal our political views. Our future program or maximum program is to advance China to a socialist and communist society, this is certain and beyond dispute.” At the same time, “Only through democracy can we reach socialism; this is the unalterable truth of Marxism.”

实际上，中国人民解放战争是两个不同中国命运的决战。在这场决战中，蒋介石提出“解散共产党”、“取消边区政府”、要共产党“交出军队”等方案，妄图把中国拉入黑暗。以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人坚持社会主义和共产主义的理想信念，旗帜鲜明地为光明的人民民主共和国而奋斗。毛泽东指出：“我们共产党人从来不隐瞒自己的政治主张。我们的将来纲领或最高纲领，是要将中国推进到社会主义社会和共产主义社会去的，这是确定的和毫无异议的。”同时，“只有经过民主主义，才能到达社会主义，这是马克思主义的天经地义。”

In April 1949, the Kuomintang government refused to implement the domestic peace agreement signed during the Kuomintang-Communist negotiations. On April 21, Mao Zedong and Zhu De issued the “Order to the People’s Liberation Army for the Nationwide Advance.” On April 23, Nanjing was liberated, and the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang was declared overthrown. The victory of the War of Liberation and the founding of New China “realized the most extensive and profound social change in the history of the Chinese nation, and realized the great leap of a large Eastern country, poor and blank with a huge population, striding into a socialist society.” For thousands of years, people’s longing for a Great Harmony society began to move onto the track of real institutionalization under higher material conditions. Hundreds of millions of people supported the Communist Party and eulogized Mao Zedong. The Communist Party and Mao Zedong were the helmsmen of the great ship of Chinese civilization, leading the people into a new era of the cause of socialism and communism. The true Great Way prevails, with hope in China.

1949年4月，国民党政府拒绝执行国共谈判签订的国内和平协定。4月21日，毛泽东和朱德向中国人民解放军发出“向全国进军的命令”。4月23日南京解放，国民党反动统治宣告覆灭。解放战争的胜利，新中国的建立，“实现了中华民族有史以来最为广泛而深刻的社会变革，实现了一穷二白、人口众多的东方大国大步迈进社会主义社会的伟大飞跃”。几千年来，人们对大同社会的向往，在更高的物质条件下开始走向现实制度的轨道。亿万人民拥护共产党、歌颂毛泽东。共产党和毛泽东是中华文明巨轮的舵手，带领人民进入社会主义和共产主义事业的新纪元。真正的大道之行也，希望在中华。

The founding of New China and the establishment of the socialist path propelled the pursuit of the ideal and faith of socialism and communism onto the track of real development. The great victories of socialist revolution and construction saw New China stand tall in the East with a new posture. Establishing a New Democratic New China in the East of the world, transitioning towards a socialist and communist society—this was an earth-shattering event and the realization of the ideal society pursued by all modern Chinese men and women of lofty ideals. The Chinese Communists, applying Marxism-Leninism, gradually turned the ancient, unattainable “Great Harmony society” into reality, exploring a path of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics. This was the greatest social change in modern China and the glorious starting point for China’s march towards a modern society.

新中国成立和社会主义道路确立，促进社会主义和共产主义理想信念的追求进入现实发展轨道。社会主义革命和建设的伟大胜利，新中国以崭新姿态屹立于世界东方。在世界的东方建立一个新民主主义的新中国，向着社会主义和共产主义社会过渡，这是开天辟地的大事变，也是近代以来一切中国仁人志士所追求理想社会的实现。中国共产党人运用马克思列宁主义，把古代不可能达到的“大同社会”逐步变成现实，探索出一条中国式社会主义建设道路，这是中国近代以来发生的最伟大社会变革，也是中国走向现代社会的光辉起点。

From then on, the ideal of moving toward a great harmony society was no longer a “utopia” but “the road beneath one’s feet.” The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation was no longer empty talk but the practice of hundreds of millions of people.

从此以后，走向大同社会的理想不再是“乌托邦”，而是“路在脚下”。实现中华民族的伟大复兴再也不是空谈，而是亿万人民的实践。

II. From the Ancient “People-Centered Thought” Tradition to the Establishment of the Scientific Concept of “the People”

二、从远古开启的“民本思想”传统到确立“人民”的科学概念

Those who have read the *Book of Documents* often marvel at the expression of “people-centered thought” in ancient China, such as in the “Songs of the Five Sons” chapter: “The people are the foundation of the state; when the foundation is secure, the state is at peace.” [2]2 The “Songs of the Five Sons” (五子之歌) is a chapter in the *Book of Documents* (尚书), one of the Five Classics of Confucianism. The quote “The people are the foundation of the state…” is a classic expression of early Chinese political thought. However, in that era, “person” (人) was not “the people” (民). In the “Kong Commentary” on the *Book of Documents*, “the hundred surnames” (百姓) is explained as “the hundred surnames refer to the officials and clans,” which is vastly different from the modern meaning of “common people.” At the same time, many chapters of the *Book of Documents* have been repeatedly falsified or verified by archaeological and historical research. For example, as of November 2018, the *Tsinghua University Bamboo Slips of the Warring States Period* published research reports for volumes 1 through 8, proving that twenty documents in the *Book of Documents*, including the “Songs of the Five Sons,” are forgeries. [3]3 The *Tsinghua University Bamboo Slips of the Warring States Period* (清华大学藏战国竹简) are a collection of ancient Chinese texts written on bamboo slips, acquired by Tsinghua University in 2008. They have led to significant re-evaluations of the authenticity of certain transmitted classical texts. Therefore, caution is necessary when using the concept of “the people” (民).

读过《尚书》的人常常感慨中华民族在远古时期对“民本思想”的表达，如《尚书·五子之歌》里的“民为邦本，本固邦宁”。然而，在当时的社会，“人”并不是“民”。在《尚书》“孔疏”中，“百姓”的解释是“百姓谓百官族姓”，与今日“平民百姓”的含义迥然不同。同时，《尚书》的许多篇目不断被考古和历史研究的成果证伪或证实。比如，截至2018年11月，《清华大学藏战国竹简》发布了1至8号研究报告，证明《尚书》中的《五子之歌》等二十篇文件是伪作。因此，在使用“民”的概念时须有所斟酌。

In pre-Warring States society, “the people” (民) referred to slaves, including those who had already been liberated and those still struggling for liberation. In bronze inscriptions, the character “民” depicts the image of a left eye that has been stabbed blind, and its original meaning is undoubtedly “slave.” At that time, captives taken in war became slaves; to distinguish them from non-slaves, their left eyes were stabbed with a dagger as a mark. “Person” (人) referred to slave owners, former slave owners who had transformed into landlords, and some free people. By the Warring States period, the usage of “民” and “人” had changed. Xunzi, when expressing the relationship between “the masses” and the ruling “monarch,” used “commoners” (庶人) and “ruler” (君) respectively. *Xunzi: On the System of Kings* states: “The ruler is the boat; the commoners are the water. The water can carry the boat, and the water can capsize it.” Xunzi’s choice of words was quite precise. *Mencius: Jinxin, Part II* even proposed the compound word “the people” (人民): “Mencius said: ‘A feudal lord has three treasures: land, the people, and governance. Those who treasure pearls and jade will surely bring disaster upon themselves.’” Mencius’s use of the concept of “the people” shows that his expression of ancient “people-centered thought” was relatively clear. But this is still a world away from the modern concept of “the people.” Some new media outlets today, when lecturing on Chinese classics, actually claim that Mencius had the idea of “serving the people,” and some even say that Mencius had the ideas of “putting the people first” and “people-centered.” This violates historical truth.

在战国之前的社会中，“民”指奴隶，包括当时已经解放了的奴隶和正在争取解放的奴隶。金文中的“民”字，是被刺瞎了的一只左眼的形象，其本意是奴隶无疑。当时在战争中俘获的人就成为奴隶，为了使之与非奴隶的人相区别，便用匕首刺瞎其左眼，以为标志。“人”是指奴隶主和已经转化为地主的原奴隶主，及一部分自由民。到战国时期，“民”与“人”字的用法就有了变化。荀子在表述“民众”与统治阶级“君主”关系时分别使用了“庶人”和“君”。《荀子·王制》说：“君者，舟也；庶人者，水也。水则载舟，水则覆舟。”荀子用词还是相当准确的。《孟子·尽心章句下》竟然提出了“人民”这个合成词：“孟子曰：‘诸侯之宝三：土地、人民、政事。宝珠玉者，殃必及身。’”孟子使用“人民”概念，表明他表述的古代“民本思想”比较清晰。但这与现代的“人民”概念仍相差十万八千里。现在有的新媒体宣讲国学，竟然说孟子有“为人民服务”的思想，还有人讲孟子具有“人民至上”和“以人民为中心”的思想。这就违背了历史的真实。

China’s ancient “people-centered thought” developed continuously throughout history, advancing under different social formations. However, in modern times, faced with the invasion of imperialism and colonialism and the decay of the domestic feudal autocratic system, the old-style “people-centered thought” had no capacity to drive social progress, let alone become a force for opposing imperialism and feudalism. The reason modern Chinese civilization suffered humiliation and disgrace lay at its core in both the lack of advanced ideological theory to guide social progress and the absence of a leading core capable of rallying and organizing the popular masses. In fact, only when both of these core conditions were met could the vitality of the ancient “people-centered thought” be activated.

我国古代的“民本思想”是在历史上不断发展的，各个不同的社会形态条件下都有一定发展。但是，到近代社会，面对帝国主义、殖民主义的入侵和国内封建专制制度的腐朽，旧式“民本思想”并没有推动社会进步的能力，更不可能成为反帝反封建的动力。近代中华文明之所以蒙尘、屈辱，核心既在于中国社会缺少引领社会进步的先进思想理论，也在于缺少凝聚和组织人民大众的领导核心力量。事实上，只有同时具备这两个核心条件，才能激活古代传下来的“民本思想”的活力。

It was precisely the spread of Marxism-Leninism in China that provided the advanced groups in Chinese society with scientific thought as a weapon; after the founding of the CPC, it became the core force rallying the popular masses. Marxism-Leninism activated the progressive genes of fine traditional Chinese culture, and China thus began to undergo earth-shaking changes. The scientific concept of “the people” gradually took shape, outlining the basic contours of the Chinese Communists’ exploration of the path to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

正是马克思列宁主义在中国的传播，中国社会的先进群体才有了作为武器的科学思想指导；中国共产党成立后成为凝聚人民大众的核心力量。马克思列宁主义激活了中华优秀传统文化的进步基因，中国由此开始发生开天辟地的变化。“人民”的科学概念逐步形成，勾勒出中国共产党人探索中华民族伟大复兴之路的基本轮廓。

The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, underwent a long process of exploration in understanding and constructing the modern concept of “the people.” During the May Fourth Movement, Mao Zedong’s discussion of the scope of “the people” was concentrated in the concept of “the great union of the popular masses.” After experiencing the revolutionary practice of the May Fourth Movement and accepting Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong gained a clearer understanding of the connotation and scope of “the people.” In September 1920, in an article published in the *Ta Kung Pao*, he wrote: “The affairs of Hunan should be decided by the entire Hunanese people themselves; those who support this self-determination are friends of the Hunanese people, and those who obstruct it are enemies of the Hunanese people.” “I reckon that this vast majority of the people must be: (1) farming peasants; (2) working laborers; (3) merchants engaged in transport and trade; (4) diligent students; and (5) other elderly people and children who mind their own business.” This was Mao Zedong’s first definition of the concept of “the people,” establishing the working people as the main body. This was a step forward from the concept of “the great union of the popular masses.”

以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，对现代“人民”概念的理解和建构经过了一个漫长的探索过程。在五四运动期间，毛泽东对人民范围的探讨，集中体现于“民众的大联合”概念。经历了五四运动的革命实践并接受马克思列宁主义思想之后，毛泽东对“人民”的内涵和范围有了更加明晰的认识。1920年9月，他在《大公报》发表的文章中写道：“湖南的事，应由全体湖南人民自决之，赞助此自决者湖南人民之友，阻碍此自决者湖南人民之仇。”“我料得这最大多数人民必定是：（一）种田的农人。（二）做工的工人。（三）转运贸易的商人。（四）殷勤向学的学生。（五）其它不管闲事的老人及小孩子。”这是毛泽东第一次为“人民”概念进行定义，确定了以劳动人民为主体。这比起“民众的大联合”概念更进了一步。

In December 1925, in his “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society,” Mao Zedong analyzed in detail the different attitudes of various classes toward revolution based on their own interests. In subsequent social practice, he persistently conducted serious investigations into the circles of workers, peasants, soldiers, students, and merchants, analyzed the political attitudes of each class, and recognized that different classes, upon joining the revolutionary ranks, should receive corresponding education. In China, without the leadership of the working class, it would be impossible to establish an advanced political party of the proletariat; without relying on the peasant masses, it would be impossible to find the majority of the revolution; the national bourgeoisie of China had obvious dual character and vacillation, requiring correct treatment; all classes joining the revolutionary ranks needed to receive theoretical education in Marxism-Leninism, establish a scientific worldview, and master scientific methodology. In Party building and army building, it was impossible to abandon Marxist-Leninist education, nor was it possible to detach from the peasants, who constituted the majority of China’s population.

1925年12月，毛泽东在《中国社会各阶级的分析》中详细分析了各个阶级出于自身利益，对待革命的不同态度。在此后的社会实践中，他不断坚持对工、农、兵、学、商各界进行认真调查，分析各阶级的政治态度，认识到不同阶级在进入革命队伍后应接受相应教育。在中国，脱离工人阶级的领导，就无以建立无产阶级的先进政党；脱离农民群众，就找不到革命的大多数；中国的民族资产阶级具有明显的两面性和动摇性，要正确对待；参加革命队伍的各个阶级都需要接受马克思列宁主义的理论教育，并树立科学的世界观，掌握科学的方法论。在党的建设和军队建设方面，放弃马克思列宁主义教育不行，脱离作为中国人口大多数的农民也不行。

Through long-term revolutionary practice and the building of the revolutionary united front, the Chinese Communists refined the concept of “the people,” revealing that the scope of the domestic “revolutionary united front” was precisely the scope of the people. This was a major theoretical creation of our Party and laid a new and scientific foundation for the ancient concepts of “people-centeredness,” “democracy,” and “popular sentiment.”

在长期的革命实践和革命统一战线建设中，中国共产党人推进了对“人民”概念的提炼，揭示了国内“革命统一战线”的范围就是人民的范围。这是我们党的重大理论创造，也为自古以来的“民本”“民主”“民心”等概念奠定了崭新而科学的基础。

On March 1, 1948, Mao Zedong, using the method of class analysis and in accordance with the revolutionary united front led by the CPC, delineated the scope of the people in an intra-Party directive and conducted a comprehensive and scientific analysis of the components of “the people.” He pointed out: “The nature of the Chinese revolution at the present stage is a revolution led by the proletariat, of the popular masses, against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. The so-called popular masses refer to all those who are oppressed, harmed, or restricted by imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, that is, the workers, peasants, soldiers, students, merchants, and all other patriotic persons clearly indicated in the October 1947 Manifesto of the People’s Liberation Army. In the Manifesto, ‘students’ refers to all persecuted and restricted intellectuals. ‘Merchants’ refers to all persecuted and restricted national bourgeoisie, i.e., the middle and petty bourgeoisie. ‘Other patriotic persons’ refers mainly to enlightened gentry. The Chinese revolution at the present stage is a revolution in which these people unite to form an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, and anti-bureaucrat-capitalist united front, with the working people as the main body.” “The so-called working people refers to all manual laborers (such as workers, peasants, handicraftsmen, etc.) and mental laborers who are close to manual laborers, who do not exploit others and are themselves exploited. The aim of the Chinese revolution at the present stage is to overthrow the rule of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism and to establish a new-democratic republic with the working people as the main body and of the popular masses, not to generally eliminate capitalism.” Mao Zedong clearly pointed out: the left wing of the bourgeoisie, which attached itself to the working people and opposed the reactionaries, and the few enlightened gentry who had split off from the feudal class, belonged to the revolutionaries.

1948年3月1日，毛泽东以阶级分析的方法，按照中国共产党领导的革命统一战线，在党内指示中划定了人民的范围，并对“人民”的成分进行了全面科学的分析。他指出：“中国现阶段革命的性质，是无产阶级领导的、人民大众的、反对帝国主义、反对封建主义和反对官僚资本主义的革命。所谓人民大众，是指一切被帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义所压迫、损害或限制的人们，也即是一九四七年十月中国人民解放军宣言上明确地指出的工、农、兵、学、商和其他一切爱国人士。在宣言上所说的‘学’，即是指一切受迫害、受限制的知识分子。所说的‘商’，即是指一切受迫害、受限制的民族资产阶级，即中小资产阶级。所说的‘其他爱国人士’，则主要地是指的开明绅士。现阶段的中国革命，即是由这些人们团结起来，组成反帝、反封建、反官僚资本主义的统一战线，而又以劳动人民为主体的革命。”“所谓劳动人民，是指一切体力劳动者（如工人、农民、手工业者等）以及和体力劳动者相近的、不剥削人而又受人剥削的脑力劳动者。中国现阶段革命的目的，是在推翻帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义的统治，建立一个以劳动者为主体的、人民大众的新民主主义共和国，不是一般地消灭资本主义。”毛泽东明确指出：依附于劳动人民、反对反动派的资产阶级左翼、从封建阶级分裂出来的少数开明绅士，属于革命者。

This analysis, first, comprehensively delineated the scope of the people; second, explained the situation of each class within the scope of the people in the old society; third, explained the scope of the working people; fourth, pointed out that the “left wing of the bourgeoisie” and “enlightened gentry” belonged to the revolutionaries; and fifth, particularly clarified that the scope of the people was precisely the scope of the domestic revolutionary united front at that time.

这个分析，第一，全面划定了人民的范围；第二，说明了人民范围的各阶级在旧社会的处境；第三，说明了劳动人民的范围；第四，指出“资产阶级左翼”和“开明绅士”属于革命者；第五，特别讲清了人民的范围就是当时国内革命统一战线的范围。

On September 8, 1948, Mao Zedong delivered a report at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC, stating: “We are a people’s democratic dictatorship. The word ‘people’ must be added to all levels of government, and the word ‘people’ must be added to all organs of political power, such as calling courts the People’s Courts and the army the People’s Liberation Army, to show the difference from the Chiang Kai-shek regime. We have a broad united front, and the task of our political power is to overthrow imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism; to overthrow them, we must overthrow their state and establish a people’s democratic dictatorship.” Here, Mao further pointed out that the scope of “the people” reflects “we have a broad united front.” Mao also introduced in detail the process of understanding the scope of the concept of the people: “The class nature of our political power is as follows: a people’s democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat, based on the worker-peasant alliance, but not only workers and peasants, also including bourgeois democratic elements. The formulation of this issue has gone through a historical development process within our Party. During the Great Revolution period we spoke of a ‘united front’; at that time the rightist theory was that political power should go to the Kuomintang, and we would make revolution later. Later we engaged in the agrarian revolution; the Sixth National Congress stipulated a worker-peasant democratic dictatorship, which did not take into account that bourgeois democratic elements, under the oppression of imperialism, could still cooperate with the proletariat. Cooperation occurred later, because of Japan’s aggression, and now there is U.S. aggression; we have returned to the correct period of the Great Revolution. Now it is not Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, but in principle it is still ‘Kuomintang-Communist cooperation.’ Now it is not cooperation with Chiang Kai-shek, but cooperation with Feng Yuxiang, Li Jishen, cooperation with the Democratic League, with students in Beiping and Tianjin, and with bourgeois elements who have split off from Chiang Kai-shek. The ‘middle line’ and the ‘third force’ propositions are unworkable, but we must cooperate with those who hold such propositions.”

1948年9月8日，毛泽东在中共中央政治局会议上做报告，提出：“我们是人民民主专政，各级政府都要加上‘人民’二字，各种政权机关都要加上‘人民’二字，如法院叫人民法院，军队叫人民解放军，以示和蒋介石政权不同。我们有广大的统一战线，我们政权的任务是打倒帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义，要打倒它们，就要打倒它们的国家，建立人民民主专政的国家。”在这里，毛泽东进一步指出“人民”的范围是体现“我们有广大的统一战线”。毛泽东还详细介绍了认识人民概念范围的过程：“我们政权的阶级性是这样：无产阶级领导的，以工农联盟为基础，但不是仅仅工农，还有资产阶级民主分子参加的人民民主专政。这个问题的提法，在我们党内有一个历史发展过程。大革命时期我们提的是‘联合战线’，当时右的理论是政权归国民党，我们以后再来革命。后来我们搞土地革命了，六大规定的是工农民主专政，没有估计到资产阶级民主分子在帝国主义压迫下还可以跟无产阶级合作。合作是后来发生的，因为有了日本的侵略，现在又有美国的侵略，我们又回到大革命中的正确时期。现在不是国共合作，但原则上还是‘国共合作’。现在不是同蒋介石合作，是同冯玉祥、李济深合作，同民主同盟、平津学生合作，同蒋介石那里分裂出来的资产阶级分子合作。‘中间路线’、‘第三方面’的主张行不通，但是我们要同有这种主张的分子合作。”

On June 30, 1949, in the article “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” commemorating the twenty-eighth anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, Mao Zedong clearly defined the concept of “the people” in Chinese society during the New Democratic stage. He pointed out: “Who are the people? At the present stage in China, they are the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. These classes, led by the working class and the Communist Party, unite to form their own state and elect their own government, and exercise dictatorship over the running dogs of imperialism—the landlord class and the bureaucrat-bourgeoisie, as well as the Kuomintang reactionaries and their accomplices representing these classes. They exercise dictatorship, enforce autocracy, and suppress these people, allowing them only to behave themselves and not to speak or act recklessly. If they speak or act recklessly, they will be immediately banned and punished. Within the ranks of the people, a democratic system is practiced, with the people enjoying freedoms of speech, assembly, association, and so on. The right to vote is given only to the people, not to the reactionaries. These two aspects, the democratic aspect for the people and the dictatorial aspect for the reactionaries, combined, constitute the people’s democratic dictatorship.” “People’s democratic dictatorship” was the soon-to-be-born New China.

1949年6月30日，在纪念中国共产党二十八周年的文章《论人民民主专政》中，毛泽东明确提出了新民主主义阶段中国社会中“人民”的概念。他指出：“人民是什么？在中国，在现阶段，是工人阶级，农民阶级，城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级。这些阶级在工人阶级和共产党的领导之下，团结起来，组成自己的国家，选举自己的政府，向着帝国主义的走狗即地主阶级和官僚资产阶级以及代表这些阶级的国民党反动派及其帮凶们实行专政，实行独裁，压迫这些人，只许他们规规矩矩，不许他们乱说乱动。如要乱说乱动，立即取缔，予以制裁。对人民内部，则实行民主制度，人民有言论集会结社等项的自由权。选举权，只给人民，不给反动派。这两方面，对人民内部的民主方面和对反动派的专政方面，互相结合起来，就是人民民主专政。”“人民民主专政”就是即将诞生的新中国。

From the “people-oriented thought” [4]4 “Tai Gong fishes, willing to take the bait” (Tai Gong diaoyu, yuanzhe shang gou): A Chinese idiom referring to Jiang Ziya (Jiang Tai Gong), who is said to have fished with a straight hook, no bait, and the hook suspended above the water, declaring that only those willing to be caught would bite. It metaphorically describes a voluntary, deliberate act of falling into a trap. handed down from ancient times, to the founding of New China with “the people as masters of the country,” and then to the “people-centered” thought in the New Era, this is the brilliance created by Chinese Communists in combining Marxism-Leninism with China’s excellent traditional culture and realizing it in modern China.

从远古时代传下来的“民本思想”，到“人民当家作主”的新中国成立，再到新时代“以人民为中心”思想，这就是中国共产党人将马克思列宁主义与中华优秀文化相结合，在现代中国创造的辉煌。

The process of establishing the concept of the people was accompanied by the popularization of the historical materialist view that takes the people’s subject status as the core. The establishment of the concept of “the people” laid a solid theoretical foundation for embodying the “people’s subject status” in all work and for the establishment of the “people-centered” thought in the New Era. Therefore, the establishment of the concept of the people has significant theoretical, historical, and practical implications.

人民概念确立的过程，伴随着以人民为主体地位的唯物史观的普及过程。“人民”概念的确立为在各项工作中体现“人民主体地位”，以及为新时代“以人民为中心”思想的确立，奠定了坚实的理论基础。因此，人民概念的确立具有影响重大的理论意义、历史意义和现实意义。

III. Inheriting the Modern Dignity and Backbone of the Chinese Nation through the Fighting Spirit of Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Feudalism

三、以反帝反封建主义的斗争精神传承中华民族现代尊严和骨气

The Chinese nation possesses a national dignity and backbone that fears no difficulty and fights bravely. This not only prevents all aggressive forces and imperialist forces from subjugating China but also constitutes one of the important reasons why Chinese civilization has been able to continue for thousands of years.

中华民族具有不怕困难、英勇奋斗的民族尊严和骨气。这既使得所有侵略势力和帝国主义势力都不能灭亡中国，也构成中华文明得以延续几千年的重要原因之一。

The ancient Chinese philosopher Laozi spoke of one manifestation of the Chinese people’s dignity and backbone: “The people are not afraid of death; why threaten them with death?” (Laozi, De Jing, Chapter 74) [5]5 “Food handed out in contempt” (jie lai zhi shi): A classical allusion from the *Book of Rites*. A starving man refused救济 food offered in a humiliating manner, saying he would rather die than eat it. It symbolizes accepting aid under degrading conditions. Regarding this, Ren Jiyu explained that Laozi’s philosophy often speaks of retreat, gentleness, and not daring to be first in the world—this is one aspect; on the other hand, he saw that merely using killing to intimidate the people is useless; there are always some among the people who are not afraid of death, so one should not use killing to achieve the goal of rule. Laozi discovered one manifestation of the Chinese people’s backbone. This is a fighting spirit of maintaining dignity, resisting oppression and violence, and preferring death to surrender.

中国古代哲学家老子谈到了中国人具有尊严和骨气的一种表现：“民不畏死，奈何以死惧之。”（《老子.德经.第七十四章》）对此，任继愈解释说，老子的哲学经常讲退守、柔顺、不敢为天下先，这是一方面；另一方面，他看到，只是用杀人的办法来吓唬人民没有用，老百姓总有一些人不怕死，所以就不要用杀人的办法达到统治的目的了。老子发现了中国人骨气的一种表现。这是一种维护尊严、反抗压迫和暴力、宁死不屈的斗争精神。

The Book of Rites, Tan Gong II, tells the following story: During a great famine in the state of Qi, to relieve the starving, Qian Ao prepared food and placed it by the roadside, waiting for the hungry to come and eat. A hungry man came, covering his face with his sleeve, dragging his shoes, and looking dejected. Qian Ao held food in his left hand and a bowl of water in his right, shouting: “Hey! Come and eat!” The man looked up at Qian Ao and said: “It is precisely because I do not eat food offered with a ‘Hey! Come and eat!’ that I have become this hungry.” This man would rather starve to death than eat Qian Ao’s food. This is the basic dignity and backbone of the Chinese people.

《礼记·檀弓下》讲了这样一个故事：齐国发生大饥荒，为了救济饥荒中的饥饿的人，黔敖做了食物放在路边，等待饥饿的人来吃。有个饥饿的人用衣袖遮着脸，趿拉着鞋子，垂头丧气地走过来。黔敖左手捧着食物，右手拿着水碗喊道：“嗟！来吃！”来者抬眼看了看黔敖，说：“我就是因为不吃你这种‘嗟！来吃！’的东西，才饿成这个样子的。”这个人宁可饿死，也没有吃黔敖的食品。这就是中国人起码的尊严和骨气。

The Chinese people possess dignity and backbone, and thus have a fighting spirit of maintaining personal dignity and preferring death to surrender. Once this fighting spirit is aroused by Marxism-Leninism, it can transform into an infinite practical force, becoming a power of the people that is difficult for domestic and foreign reactionaries to imagine. During the War of Liberation, as it became clear that China’s vast territory would fall into the hands of the people led by the Chinese Communists, the American imperialists were greatly panicked. The U.S. rulers, represented by Truman, attempted to use Chiang Kai-shek to launch a civil war and stir up an anti-communist tide, aiming to control China and “avoid its commun

中国人有尊严和骨气，因而拥有保持个人尊严、宁死不屈的斗争精神。这种斗争精神一旦被马克思列宁主义激发出来，就能够变成无穷的实践力量，成为国内外反动派很难想象的人民的威力。解放战争期间，眼看着中国辽阔的疆土将落入中国共产党人领导的人民手中，美帝国主义者产生了莫大的恐慌。以杜鲁门为代表的美国统治者企图利用蒋介石发动内战、掀起反共潮流，以达到控制中国、“免于赤化”目的。为此，美国统治者一方面出钱出枪、帮助蒋介石打内战，妄图消灭中国的革命力量，变中国为美国殖民地；另一方面对中国进行封锁，造成中国人民的生活困难，制造大饥荒，同时又假惺惺地在京津沪大城市洒下一些救济粉，显示对中国人的“慈悲”。

In response to the imperialist policy of blockade, Mao Zedong encouraged the Chinese people to uphold their dignity and moral backbone and to overcome the destruction wrought by imperialism. He said: “What is there to fear in a little bit of difficulty? Blockade us! Let them blockade us for eight or ten years! By that time all of China’s problems will have been solved. The Chinese people are not even afraid

针对帝国主义的封锁政策，毛泽东鼓励中国人民坚持自己的尊严和骨气，战胜帝国主义的破坏。他说道：“多少一点困难怕什么。封锁吧，封锁十年八年，中国的一切问题都解决了。中国人死都不怕，还怕困难吗？老子说过：‘民不畏死，奈何以死惧之。’美帝国主义及其走狗蒋介石反动派，对于我们，不但‘以死惧之’，而且实行叫我们死。闻一多等人之外，还在过去的三年内，用美国的卡宾枪、机关枪、迫击炮、火箭炮、榴弹炮、坦克和飞机炸弹，杀死了数百万中国人。现在这种情况已近尾声了，他们打了败仗了，不是他们杀过来而是我们杀过去了，他们快要完蛋了。留给我们多少一点困难，封锁、失业、灾荒、通货膨胀、物价上升之类，确实是困难，但是比起过去三年来已经松了一口气了。过去三年的一关也闯过了，难道不能克服现在这点困难吗？没有美国就不能活命吗？”毛泽东以共产党人对帝国主义及其走狗的坚决斗争精神，激活了中国人自古就有尊严和骨气的优秀传统文化，并将这种“人民的骨气”转化为反帝反封建的现代斗争精神。

Mao Zedong also exposed the true face of US imperialism’s false compassion: “The United States has plenty of money, but unfortunately it is only willing to give it to the extremely corrupt Chiang Kai-shek reactionary clique. Now and in the future, it is said to be quite willing to give some to its fifth column in China, but it is unwilling to give it to ordinary bookish and ungrateful liberals or democratic individualists, and even less willing, of course, to give it to the Communist Party. Giving is possible, but there must be conditions. What conditions? It is to follow me. The Americans, in Beiping, in Tianjin, in Shanghai, have scattered some relief flour, to see who is willing to bend down and pick it up. ‘Tai Gong fishes, willing to take the bait.’ [4]4 “Tai Gong fishes, willing to take the bait” (Tai Gong diaoyu, yuanzhe shang gou): A Chinese idiom referring to Jiang Ziya (Jiang Tai Gong), who is said to have fished with a straight hook, no bait, and the hook suspended above the water, declaring that only those willing to be caught would bite. It metaphorically describes a voluntary, deliberate act of falling into a trap. ‘Food handed out in contempt,’ if eaten, will cause a stomachache.” [5]5 “Food handed out in contempt” (jie lai zhi shi): A classical allusion from the *Book of Rites*. A starving man refused救济 food offered in a humiliating manner, saying he would rather die than eat it. It symbolizes accepting aid under degrading conditions.

毛泽东还揭露了美帝国主义假慈悲的真面目：“美国有很多钱，可惜只愿意送给极端腐败的蒋介石反动派。现在和将来据说很愿意送些给它在中国的第五纵队，但是不愿意送给一般的书生气十足的不识抬举的自由主义者，或民主个人主义者，当然更加不愿意送给共产党。送是可以的，要有条件。什么条件呢？就是跟我走。美国人在北平，在天津，在上海，都洒了些救济粉，看一看什么人愿意弯腰拾起来。太公钓鱼，愿者上钩。嗟来之食，吃下去肚子要痛的。”

Mao Zedong encouraged the Chinese people: “We Chinese have backbone. Many who were once liberals or democratic individualists have stood up before the US imperialists and their running dogs, the Kuomintang reactionaries. Wen Yiduo [6]6 Wen Yiduo (1899–1946): A renowned Chinese poet, scholar, and democratic activist. He was assassinated by Kuomintang agents in Kunming after delivering a speech condemning the regime’s repression. rose in anger, glared at the Kuomintang’s pistols, and would rather fall than yield. Zhu Ziqing, [7]7 Zhu Ziqing (1898–1948): A famous Chinese essayist and poet. In his final years, despite severe illness and poverty, he refused to accept US relief grain as a protest against US support for the Kuomintang. seriously ill, would rather starve to death than accept the ‘relief grain’ from the United States. … We should write a eulogy for Wen Yiduo and a eulogy for Zhu Ziqing; they have displayed the heroic spirit of our nation.” In the face of the US anti-communist and anti-China perverse acts, Mao Zedong displayed the heroic spirit of a great Marxist-Leninist. Under Mao Zedong’s leadership, the Chinese people not only burst forth with powerful revolutionary momentum but also formed a great-power spirit of safeguarding national dignity, causing the hostile forces undermining the Chinese people’s revolutionary cause to tremble with fear.

毛泽东鼓励中国人：“我们中国人是有骨气的。许多曾经是自由主义者和民主个人主义者的人们，在美国帝国主义者及其走狗国民党反动派面前站起来了。闻一多拍案而起，横眉怒对国民党的手枪，宁可倒下去，不愿屈服。朱自清一身重病，宁可饿死，不领美国的‘救济粮’。……我们应当写闻一多颂，写朱自清颂，他们表现了我们民族的英雄气概。”面对美国反共反华的倒行逆施，毛泽东展现出一个伟大马克思列宁主义者的英雄气概。在毛泽东领导下，中国人民不仅爆发出强大的革命动力，也形成了维护民族尊严的大国气概，使得破坏中国人民革命事业的敌对势力闻风丧胆。

IV. Transforming from the Traditional Cultural Concept “Everyone Thinks Themselves Reborn” to the Non-Reliance on External Forces of “Self-Reliance”

四、从传统文化“人人自以为更生”转变为不依赖外力的“自力更生”

In the history of Chinese cultural development, the concept of “self-reliance” (zili gengsheng) emerged as a modern social term, especially as a vocabulary item of the Chinese Communists with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative.

在中华文化发展史上，“自力更生”这个概念，是作为现代社会词语，特别是作为以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人的语汇出现的。

In ancient Chinese cultural texts, “self-reliance” (zili) and “reborn” (gengsheng) appeared separately. The *Book of the Later Han, Volume 10, Part 1, Empress Hexi Deng* records an imperial edict of Empress Deng: “Recently, due to lingering illness and stagnation, I have long been unable to attend the sacrifices; I rely on my own strength to go to the Yuanling Mausoleum.” Here, “rely on one’s own strength” (zili) means depending on one’s own power. The *Records of the Grand Historian, Biographies of the Marquises of Pingjin and Zhufu, No. 52* records memorials to the throne from several Confucian scholars favored during the era of Emperor Wu of Han. One memorial (authored by Yan An) states: “When it came to the King of Qin, he devoured the world, annexed the warring states, assumed the title of emperor, governed the affairs of the realm, dismantled the walls of the feudal lords, melted down their weapons, and cast them into bell stands, to show they would never be used again. The common people, having escaped the warring states and encountered an enlightened Son of Heaven, everyone thought themselves reborn (gengsheng).” Wang Xianqian’s commentary on this last sentence explains: “This means that when Qin unified the six states, showing that weapons would never be used again, everyone thought they had encountered an enlightened Son of Heaven and had the joy of being reborn.” (Note appended to *Records of the Grand Historian, Biographies of the Marquises of Pingjin and Zhufu, No. 52*) From an etymological perspective, “self-reliance” (zili gengsheng) is a compound word synthesized from the original meanings of two terms, meaning: relying on one’s own strength, rather than external forces, to revive one’s cause.

在中华文化古籍中，“自力”和“更生”是分别出现的。《后汉书·卷十上·和熹邓皇后》记载了一段邓皇后的诏书：“顷以废病沈滞，久不得侍祠，自力上原陵。”这里的“自力”，即依靠自己的力量。《史记·平津侯主父列传第五十二》记载有几个汉武帝时代受重用的儒生的上书，其中一篇上书（作者为严安）说：“及至秦王，蚕食天下，并吞战国，称号曰皇帝，主海内之政，坏诸侯之城，销其兵，铸以为钟虡，示不复用。元元黎民得免于战国，逢明天子，人人自以为更生。”王先谦对最后这句话的解释为，“言秦并六国，示不复用兵，人人自以为逢明天子，有更生之庆”。（《史记·平津侯主父列传第五十二》文后注）从词源角度看，“自力更生”是根据两个词的本意合成的一个词，含义是：依靠自己的力量，而不是依靠外部力量，使事业复兴。

“Self-reliance” as a Party struggle slogan first emerged during the War of Resistance Against Japan. On July 23, 1937, in “Methods and Approaches for Opposing Japanese Invasion,” Mao Zedong pointed out: “Our fundamental policy is the opposite of the Kuomintang’s; it is to make use of foreign aid as much as possible under the principle of upholding independent war and self-reliance, not, like the Kuomintang, to abandon independent war and self-reliance and rely on foreign aid, or to attach ourselves to any imperialist bloc.” At that time, although there was a background of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, the Kuomintang diehards constantly “created friction” with the army and border regions led by the Communist Party, stirred up “anti-communist high tides,” cut off the Eighth Route Army’s pay, and created immense material difficulties for the War of Resistance, the army, and the people’s livelihood in the rear base areas and Yan’an. Just as these difficulties appeared on the horizon, the Chinese Communists with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative issued the call to “develop the economy and ensure supply.” In February 1939, Mao Zedong issued the call to “do it ourselves,” sparking a vigorous large-scale production movement. In all the anti-Japanese base areas, people relied on their own hands to carry out the large-scale production movement, solving the livelihood difficulties of the anti-Japanese army and civilians, strengthening Party-mass relations, and at the same time building the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region into “the good Jiangnan of northern Shaanxi.” [8]8 “The good Jiangnan of northern Shaanxi” (Shaanbei de hao Jiangnan): A phrase used to describe the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region after the large-scale production movement transformed it into a fertile, productive area, likening it to the prosperous Jiangnan region south of the Yangtze River.

“自力更生”作为党的奋斗口号，最早产生于抗日战争时期。1937年7月23日，毛泽东在《反对日本进攻的方针、方法和前途》中指出：“我们的根本方针和国民党相反，是在坚持独立战争和自力更生的原则下尽可能地利用外援，而不是如同国民党那样放弃独立战争和自力更生去依赖外援，或投靠任何帝国主义的集团。”当时，虽然存在国共合作的大背景，但国民党顽固派不断与共产党领导的军队和边区“闹摩擦”，制造“反共高潮”，撤销八路军的军饷，为敌后根据地和延安等根据地的抗日战争、军队和人民生活制造了极大的物质困难。在这种困难刚刚露出地平线的时候，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人就发出了“发展经济，保障供给”的号召。1939年2月，毛泽东发出了“自己动手”的号召，掀起了轰轰烈烈的大生产运动。在各抗日根据地，人们靠自己的双手开展大生产运动，解决了抗日军民的生活困难，密切了党群关系，同时把陕甘宁边区建设成了“陕北的好江南”。

During the War of Liberation, our Party more clearly employed the spirit of self-reliance to solve problems of people’s livelihood and revolutionary warfare. On July 11, 1946, in “Opinions on Amending the Northeast Bureau’s Resolution on the Northeast Situation and Tasks,” Mao Zedong explicitly pointed out: “Peace must be and can be achieved, but it should mainly rely on self-reliance and not on external forces. Only with self-reliance, self-strengthening, having our own methods, and placing ourselves in an invincible position, can the forces at home and abroad that help us play a role, and only then can peace be reliably achieved; otherwise, it is unreliable and dangerous.” This was the complete term “self-reliance” re-emphasized during the War of Liberation. On November 6, 1947, when revising a Xinhua News Agency editorial, Mao Zedong again stressed the spirit of “self-reliance”: “All anti-imperialist countries and peoples in the world are our friends. But we emphasize self-reliance; we can rely on our own strength to defeat our enemies. The Chinese nation is a nation capable of fighting. The great achievements of the Russian people since the October Revolution in defeating imperialism and domestic reactionaries can also be created by the Chinese people. The next few years will surely prove this. ‘A single spark can start a prairie fire’; now it is time for the prairie fire.” On November 18, 1947, in a letter to Chen Jinkun, a member of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party’s Legal Commission, Mao Zedong also stressed adherence to the spirit of “self-reliance”: “We would rather make long-term plans, anticipate all possible difficulties, and prepare to spend a relatively long time with the spirit of self-reliance; this seems beneficial.”

在解放战争时期，我们党更加明确以自力更生精神解决人民生活和革命战争问题。1946年7月11日，毛泽东在《对东北局关于东北形势及任务决议的修改意见》中明确指出：“和平是必须取得与能够取得的，但主要应依赖自力而不应依赖外力。只有自力更生，自立自强，自己有办法，自己立于不败之地，然后国际与国内各方助我力量，方能发生作用，才是可靠地取得和平，否则就是不可靠的，是危险的。”这是解放战争期间重提“自力更生”的完整词语。1947年11月6日，毛泽东在修改新华社社论的时候，又强调了“自力更生”的精神：“全世界一切反帝国主义的国家与人民都是我们的朋友。但是我们强调自力更生，我们能够依靠我们自己主持的力量打倒我们的敌人。中国民族是一个能战斗的民族，俄罗斯人在十月革命以来所创造的战胜帝国主义与国内反对派的伟绩，中国人亦能创造出来。今后数年的时间必能证明这一点。‘星星之火，可以燎原’，现在已是燎原的时候了。”1947年月18日，毛泽东在写给中共中央法制委员会委员陈谨昆的信中，也强调了要坚持“自力更生”精神：“我们宁可从长打算，估计到一切可能的困难，以自力更生精神，准备付以较长时间，似属有益。”

After the founding of New China, our Party vigorously advocated the spirit of “self-reliance” and “hard struggle,” overcame the difficulties brought by the long-term blockade of imperialism, relied on its own strength to weather the crises, and established a complete industrial system and economic system. Self-reliance and independence became one of our country’s basic state policies.

在新中国成立之后，我们党又大力倡导“自力更生”“艰苦奋斗”精神，克服了帝国主义的长期封锁带来的困难，依靠自己的力量渡过难关，建立了完整的工业体系和经济体系。自力更生、独立自主成为我国的基本国策之一。

V. Using Ancient Nanyang Military Hero Tales to Inspire the Irresistible Heroic Spirit of the People’s Liberation Army

五、以古代南阳军事英雄史话鼓舞人民解放军摧枯拉朽的英雄精神

On November 5, 1948, our Central Plains People’s Liberation Army occupied Nanyang. Mao Zedong personally wrote the Xinhua News Agency news release “Our Central Plains Army Occupies Nanyang,” published in the *People’s Daily* on November 9, 1948. This piece is considered a top-tier work in journalism; it was not only included in full in the *Collected Works of Mao Zedong* but also in the *Collected News Works of Mao Zedong*. With just a few strokes, the piece not only highlighted the great practical significance of Nanyang’s liberation but also pointed out the evaluation of Nanyang in traditional Chinese culture, deepening the special historical and practical significance of Nanyang’s liberation.

1948年11月5日，我中原解放军占领南阳，毛泽东为此亲自写了新华社的新闻稿《中原我军占领南阳》，发表于1948年11月9日的《人民日报》。这篇文稿堪称新闻界的上乘之作，不仅全文收入《毛泽东文集》，而且还收入《毛泽东新闻作品集》。文稿寥寥几笔，不但凸显了南阳解放的重大现实意义，还点出中华传统文化中对南阳的评价，深化了南阳解放的特殊历史意义和现实意义。

The news release states: “Under the great victorious offensive of the People’s Liberation Army, the Nanyang garrison commander Wang Lingyun abandoned the city and fled south on the 4th, and our army immediately occupied Nanyang. Nanyang was ancient Wan County. During the Three Kingdoms period, Cao Cao and Zhang Xiu fought a battle for this city. Later, Emperor Guangwu of the Han Dynasty, Liu Xiu, raised an army here, launching a war against Wang Mang’s dynasty and founding the Later Han Dynasty. The so-called ‘Twenty-Eight Constellations’ [9]9 “Twenty-Eight Constellations” (Ershiba xiu): In Chinese folk tradition, these are 28 legendary generals who supposedly helped Liu Xiu (Emperor Guangwu) restore the Han Dynasty. Mao uses this reference to connect the PLA’s cadres to a heroic historical narrative. of folk legend were Liu Xiu’s twenty-eight main cadres, most of whom were born in the Nanyang area. In the past year, Chiang Kai-shek attached great importance to Nanyang, setting up a so-called ‘Pacification Zone’ here, with Wang Lingyun as commander, attempting to block the People’s Liberation Army’s southward advance. … Since last July, when the Southern Front People’s Liberation Army began its heroic advance into the enemy’s rear, in over a year … it has established seven military districts and greatly expanded the old base area of the Henan-Anhui-Jiangsu Military District. … The Henan-Anhui-Jiangsu, Western Henan, Southern Shaanxi, and Tongbai military districts are now linked together, with no enemy obstruction. These four military districts are also linked with North China. Our armed forces, besides replenishing the losses of the field armies and local armies from over a year of intense warfare, have increased by about 200,000 people, and there will be even greater development in the future.”

新闻稿写道：“在人民解放军伟大的胜利的攻势下，南阳守敌王凌云于四日下午弃城南逃，我军当即占领南阳。南阳为古宛县，三国时曹操与张绣曾于此城发生争夺战。后汉光武帝刘秀，曾于此地起兵，发动反对王莽王朝的战争，创立了后汉王朝。民间所传二十八宿，即刘秀的二十八个主要干部，多是出生于南阳一带。在过去一年中，蒋介石极重视南阳，曾于此设立所谓‘绥靖区’，以王凌云为司令官，企图阻遏人民解放军向南发展的道路。……去年七月，南线人民解放军开始向敌后实行英勇的进军以来，一年多时间内……创立了七个军区，并极大地扩大了豫皖苏军区老根据地。……豫皖苏区、豫西区、陕南区、桐柏区现已联成一片，没有敌人的阻隔。这四个军区并已和华北联成一片。我武装力量，除补上野战军和地方军一年多激烈战争的消耗以外，还增加了大约二十万人左右，今后当有更大的发展。”

Mao Zedong used only a dozen or so words—such as “the besieged enemy abandoned the city and fled south” and “our army immediately occupied Nanyang”—to directly write about the battle for the liberation of Nanyang. Then, wielding his brush, he sketched out the familiar struggle for Nanyang between Zhang Xiu and Cao Cao from *Romance of the Three Kingdoms*. This instantly lifted the historical curtain, enabling people to recognize the immense power of the People’s Liberation Army’s “immediate” capture of a place like Nanyang, a strategic military site, and its momentum of sweeping away thousands of troops like a whirlwind. Next, Mao Zedong led people’s thoughts toward the even more distant history of Liu Xiu raising troops in Nanyang and the 28 generals who helped Liu Xiu establish the Eastern Han dynasty, increasing people’s respect for Nanyang’s history and deepening the divine-like awe of the People’s Liberation Army as heavenly troops. A news dispatch was written with earth-shaking, miraculous power, greatly boosting the morale of the People’s Liberation Army.

毛泽东只用守敌“弃城南逃”“我军当即占领南阳”等十多个字直接写南阳解放之役。接着挥动大笔，勾出了人们熟悉的《三国演义》中张绣与曹操的南阳争夺战。这就一下子揭开历史大帷幕，使人们认识到，对于南阳这样的兵家必争之地，解放军“当即”拿下的巨大威力和横扫千军如卷席的气势。接着，毛泽东又把人们的思路引向更加深远的刘秀起兵南阳以及助力刘秀建立东汉王朝的28位战将，增加了人们对南阳历史的敬重，更深化了解放军天兵天将式的神威。一篇新闻稿写得惊天动地、出神入化，极大鼓舞了解放军的斗志。

The article mentions the fierce battle for Nanyang (anciently called “Wancheng”) between Cao Cao and Zhang Xiu from *Romance of the Three Kingdoms*, which is widely circulated among the people and a fairly famous historical battle. *The Battle of Wancheng* is also a traditional staple of Peking opera, Henan opera, and Cantonese opera. This opera tells the story: Zhang Xiu, a former subordinate of Dong Zhuo, had already surrendered to Cao Cao, but Cao Cao took Zhang Xiu’s aunt, Lady Zou, as a concubine, causing Zhang Xiu to rebel. This led to Cao Cao’s disastrous defeat and flight; Cao Cao’s eldest son Cao Ang, nephew Cao Anmin, and general Dian Wei died in this battle. Then, under the guidance of his strategist Jia Xu, Zhang Xiu fought again at Wancheng, and Cao Cao suffered another heavy blow. This battle was so fierce that: “Cao’s troops hastily retreated; behind them, Zhang Xiu personally drove his brave men to attack, Cao’s army was greatly defeated, fled outside the city, and ran for dozens of *li*. Zhang Xiu pursued until dawn before withdrawing his troops into the city. Cao Cao counted his defeated army and had lost over 50,000 men, countless supplies, and Lü Qian and Yu Jin were both wounded.” The military historical tale of Zhang Xiu and Cao Cao’s “Battle of Wancheng” during the Three Kingdoms period shows that Nanyang has historically been a place contested by military strategists and a gathering place for heroes. That the People’s Liberation Army could easily take Nanyang meant other places were even less of a problem. This inevitably stirred even fiercer fighting spirit among the commanders and fighters of the People’s Liberation Army.

文章提到的《三国演义》中曹操与张绣的南阳（古称“宛城”）激战，在民间传播得很广，是相当著名的历史战役。《战宛城》也是京剧、豫剧、粤剧的传统保留节目。这个剧目说的是：作为董卓旧部的张绣已经降曹，但曹操却收纳了张绣的婶母邹氏为姬妾，导致张绣造反，使得曹操大败而逃，曹操长子曹昂、侄子曹安民、大将典韦死于此役。接着，张绣在谋士贾诩指导下，再战宛城，曹操再遭重创。这一仗直杀得：“曹兵急退，背后张绣亲驱勇壮杀来，曹军大败，退出城外，奔走数十里。张绣直杀至天明，方收军入城。曹操计点败军，已折兵五万余人，失去辎重无数，吕虔、于禁俱各被伤。”三国时期张绣与曹操“战宛城”的军事史话，表明南阳历史上乃兵家必争之地、豪杰群生之处，解放军能够轻松拿下南阳，那么其他地方更不在话下。这必然激起解放军广大指战员更加旺盛的斗志。

The story of the Twenty-Eight Mansions of Nanyang is another set of historical materials that inspired the commanders and fighters of the People’s Liberation Army. In the third year of the Yongping era of Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han (60 AD), Emperor Ming of Han, Liu Zhuang, had portraits painted of the 28 generals with the greatest merit and strongest abilities under his father Liu Xiu at the Yuntai Pavilion in Luoyang, calling them the 28 Generals of Yuntai. The *Book of the Later Han*, volumes 15 to 23, contains biographies of these 28 generals. Later generations associated these generals with the 28 mansions of celestial mythology, deifying them and calling them the “Twenty-Eight Mansions of Yuntai.” The Eastern Azure Dragon mansions corresponded in order to: Deng Yu, Wu Han, Jia Fu, Geng Yan, Kou Xun, Cen Peng, Feng Yi; the Northern Black Tortoise mansions corresponded in order to: Zhu You, Ji Zun, Jing Dan, Gai Yan, Jian Tan, Geng Chun, Zang Gong; the Western White Tiger mansions corresponded in order to: Ma Wu, Liu Long, Ma Cheng, Wang Liang, Chen Jun, Fu Jun, Du Mao; the Southern Vermilion Bird mansions corresponded in order to: Yao Qi, Wang Ba, Ren Guang, Li Zhong, Wan Xiu, Pi Tong, Liu Zhi. That so many talented generals emerged in Nanyang’s history, and with so much “divine aura,” further proved that this place was blessed with outstanding people and extraordinary spirit.

南阳二十八宿的故事更是鼓舞解放军指战员的一组史料。东汉明帝永平三年（公元60年），汉明帝刘庄在洛阳南宫云台为其父刘秀麾功劳最大、能力最强的二十八位将军画像，称云台28将。《后汉书》第十五卷至二十三卷为28将作列传记载。后人把这些将领同神话传说中的天庭二十八宿对应起来，加以神化，称作“云台二十八宿”。东方青龙各宿依次为：邓禹、吴汉、贾复、耿弇、寇恂、岑彭、冯异；北方玄武各宿依次为：朱祐、祭遵、景丹、盖延、坚镡、耿纯、臧宫；西方白虎各宿依次为：马武、刘隆、马成、王梁、陈俊、傅俊、杜茂；南方朱雀各宿依次为：铫期、王霸、任光、李忠、万脩、邳彤、刘植。南阳历史上出现了那么多将才，而且带上了那么多“神气”，更加证明这个地方人杰地灵，不同寻常。

The news dispatch concluded by describing the situation of the People’s Liberation Army advancing into various regions south of the Yangtze River, on the verge of victory. The spark of that year had now become a prairie fire. It skillfully used the charm of history and culture to serve the present, and it was also an excellent piece of material for education on the current situation.

新闻稿最后写了解放军进军江南各地，即将取得胜利的形势。当年星星之火今日已成燎原大势。它巧妙运用历史文化的魅力为现实服务，也是一篇极好的形势教育材料。

In summary, Mao Zedong’s news dispatch used history to reflect the present, thoroughly highlighting the great significance of liberating Nanyang. On one hand, it showed the Kuomintang reactionaries collapsing like a mountain and fleeing in disarray; Chiang Kai-shek, Bai Chongxi, and their ilk were not without effort, but the overall collapse, concentrating nearly a hundred divisions, was still to no avail. On the other hand, it showed the People’s Liberation Army’s growing strength, its invincible advance, sweeping away thousands of troops like a whirlwind.

总之，毛泽东这篇新闻稿以历史反照现实，透彻地衬托出解放南阳的伟大意义。一方面，可以看出国民党反动派兵败如山倒、溃不成军；蒋介石、白崇禧之辈并非没有努力，但全局的败坏，集中近百个师的兵力，仍然无济于事。另一方面，可以看出人民解放军实力壮大、所向披靡，横扫千军如卷席。

VI. Transcending the Traditional Tactical Concept of “Do Not Press a Cornered Foe,” Guiding “Pursue the Routed Foe with the Remaining Courage” with Grand Strategic Thinking

六、超越“穷寇勿迫”的传统战术观念，以大战略思想引导“宜将剩勇追穷寇”

Sun Wu, in his *The Art of War*, the oldest Chinese military treatise, proposed: “Do not attack an enemy on high ground; do not oppose an enemy with his back to a hill; do not follow a feigned retreat; do not attack elite troops; do not swallow bait; do not intercept an army returning home; leave an encircled enemy an escape route; do not press a cornered foe. These are the methods of using troops.” [10]10 Sunzi, *The Art of War*, chapter 7, “Military Combat.” The translation follows the standard English rendering of this passage. The last phrase, “do not press a cornered foe,” was mistakenly altered by the Ming dynasty scholar Zhao Benxue to “do not pursue a cornered foe,” but later generations still habitually mixed “press” and “pursue,” meaning do not chase or press a desperate, cornered enemy, lest forcing them too hard provoke a desperate struggle, harming oneself. Thereafter, military thinkers of successive dynasties mostly followed Sunzi’s military principle. Fan Ye of the Song dynasty recorded in the *Book of the Later Han, Biography of Huangfu Song*: “Song advanced troops to attack him. Zhuo said: ‘No. According to military principles, do not pursue a cornered foe, do not press retreating troops.’” The great Song literary figure Su Shi wrote in *On Great Ministers, Part Two*: “In ancient times, those who used troops did not intercept a returning army, did not pursue a cornered foe, truly fearing they would know death and exert their utmost strength.” The Ming dynasty novelist Luo Guanzhong, in chapter 95 of *Romance of the Three Kingdoms*, wrote of Sima Yi’s hesitant thoughts: “If I go to take this pass, Zhuge Liang will surely attack from behind and fall into his trap. The Art of War says: ‘Do not intercept a returning army, do not pursue a cornered foe.’” The understanding of “do not press a cornered foe” in various battle examples from different eras, though with differing opinions, was largely the same.

孙武在其所做的中国最古老的军事著作《孙子》中提出：“高陵勿向，背丘勿逆，佯北勿从，锐卒勿攻，饵兵勿食，归师勿遏，围师必阙，穷寇勿迫，此用兵之法也。”其中最后一句“穷寇勿迫”，被明代的学者赵本学改为“穷寇勿追”，本属于误改，但后人仍然习惯于把“迫”和“追”混用，意思是不要追逼途穷末路的残敌，免得逼人太甚、引起困兽犹斗，于己不利。此后，历代军事思想家大都沿用孙子这一军事法则。宋代的范晔在《后汉书·皇甫嵩传》记载道：“嵩进兵击之。卓曰：‘不可。兵法，穷寇勿追，归众勿迫’。”宋代大文豪苏轼在《大臣论下》写道：“古之用兵者，围师勿遏，穷寇勿追，诚恐其知死而致死力。”明代小说家罗贯中在《三国演义》第九十五回，写司马懿犹豫不决的心理：“吾若去取此关，诸葛亮必随后掩杀，中其计矣。兵法云：‘归师勿掩，穷寇莫追’。”不同时代各种战例对于“穷寇勿迫”的理解，虽然有见仁见智之处，但大体相同。

Mao Zedong was not only a great proletarian revolutionary, strategist, and theorist but also an outstanding military strategist in the world. In long-term revolutionary and military practice, he created a series of theories on revolutionary army building and military strategy, including the strategy and tactics of people’s war. In particular, during the War of Liberation, he summarized and created the famous Ten Military Principles, making an extremely outstanding contribution to Marxist-Leninist military theory.

毛泽东不但是伟大的无产阶级革命家、战略家和理论家，而且是世界上杰出的军事战略家。在长期革命和军事实践中，他创造了一系列革命军队建设和军事战略的理论，包括人民战争的战略战术理论，特别是在解放战争中总结和创造了著名的十大军事原则，对马克思列宁主义军事理论作出了极为杰出的贡献。

As an outstanding proletarian military strategist, Mao Zedong held unique views on the military science and theory within the tradition of Chinese civilization. During the Chinese People’s War of Liberation, Mao Zedong devised strategies within the command tent and secured victory a thousand *li* away, commanding a million mighty troops and winning every battle. The principles of Sunzi’s *Art of War* underwent a revolutionary transformation in his practice. At a time when the revolutionary war, after arduous twists and turns, entered a period of triumphant advance, and in the face of decisive battles, campaigns, and revolutions that would change the entire social form of the country, Mao Zedong disagreed with the strategic and tactical principle of “do not pursue a cornered foe” in traditional culture. Instead, with a counter-current heroic momentum, he proposed: “Pursue the routed foe with the remaining courage, do not seek empty fame to imitate the Hegemon-King.” [11]11 The “Hegemon-King” refers to Xiang Yu (232–202 BCE), the Hegemon-King of Western Chu, who, after defeating the Qin dynasty, failed to pursue and destroy his rival Liu Bang (the founder of the Han dynasty) and was ultimately defeated and killed. Mao Zedong used this historical allusion to warn against repeating Xiang Yu’s mistake of showing mercy to the enemy. It was precisely this unswerving momentum of carrying the revolution through to the end that brought the most profound revolution and transformation to the Chinese people and society.

作为杰出的无产阶级军事家，毛泽东对中华文明传统中的军事科学和军事理论有着独到看法。在中国人民解放战争中，毛泽东运筹帷幄、决胜千里，指挥百万雄师、战无不胜。孙子兵法的原则在他的实践中也得到一次革命性的改造。在革命战争经过艰难曲折进入凯歌进行的时期，在改变全国社会形态的大决战、大战役、大革命面前，毛泽东不同意传统文化中“穷寇莫追”的战略战术原则，而是以反潮流的英雄气势，提出了“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”。正是这种坚定不移、将革命进行到底的气势，才为中国人民和社会带来了有史以来最深刻的革命和变革。

As early as January 20, 1949, in a telegram warmly congratulating the victorious conclusion of the Huaihai Campaign, Mao Zedong had already put forward the idea of “pursuing the routed foe with the remaining courage.” The telegram pointed out: “All fleeing war criminals, even if they flee to the ends of the earth, must be pursued to the end and captured, brought to justice, and shown no leniency. As for the vast majority of personnel (over 90 percent) serving in the Kuomintang and its government systems, a lenient policy should be adopted, exempting them from investigation, and they may be evaluated by merit, employed according to ability, and transferred to serve the people’s government.”

早在1949年1月20日，毛泽东在《热烈祝贺淮海战役胜利结束》的电报中就提出了“宜将剩勇追穷寇”的思想。电报指出：“一切在逃之战争罪犯，即使逃到天涯地角，亦须穷追务获，归案法办，绝不宽恕。而对于其他在伪党伪政府系统内服务之绝对大多数人员（占百分之九十以上）则应采取宽大政策，免于追究，并可分别优劣，量才录用，转为人民政府服务。”

On April 20, 1949, after successfully completing the Three Great Campaigns [12]12 The Three Great Campaigns were the Liaoshen Campaign (September–November 1948), the Huaihai Campaign (November 1948–January 1949), and the Pingjin Campaign (November 1948–January 1949), the decisive military engagements of the Chinese Civil War that led to the Communist victory. and undergoing rest and reorganization, the People’s Liberation Army was in high spirits; the peace negotiations that had lasted over 20 days broke down due to the Kuomintang government’s refusal to sign. On April 21, Mao Zedong and Zhu De issued the “Order to the Whole Army to Advance into the Country,” and 350,000 troops of the People’s Liberation Army’s river-crossing forces launched the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign from Jiangyin in the east to Hukou in Jiujiang in the west. The thousand-*li*-long Kuomintang defense line along the Yangtze River completely collapsed. On April 23, the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign was victoriously completed. Upon learning the news of the People’s Liberation Army’s occupation of Nanjing, Mao Zedong composed the poem “*Qiyi*: The People’s Liberation Army Captures Nanjing” later that month: “Over the Purple Mountain a storm suddenly arose, / A million mighty troops crossed the Great River. / The tiger’s lair and dragon’s coil surpass the past, / Heaven overturned and earth turned, with generous emotion. / Pursue the routed foe with the remaining courage, / Do not seek empty fame to imitate the Hegemon-King. / If Heaven had feelings, Heaven too would age, / The righteous way of the human world is the vicissitudes of change.”

1949年4月20日，中国人民解放军在胜利完成三大战役之后，经过休整，意气风发；延续了20多天的和平谈判由于国民党政府的拒绝签字而破裂。4月21日毛泽东、朱德发布《向全国进军的命令》，35万人民解放军渡江部队分别从东起江阴西至九江的湖口发起了渡江战役，长达千里的国民党长江防线全部崩溃。4月23日，渡江战役胜利完成。看到人民解放军占领南京消息，毛泽东于当月下旬作《七律·人民解放军占领南京》：“钟山风雨起苍黄，百万雄师过大江。虎踞龙盘今胜昔，天翻地覆慨而慷。宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王。天若有情天亦老，人间正道是沧桑。”

What is most striking here is that Mao Zedong altered the maxim from Sunzi’s *The Art of War* — “Do not pursue a cornered foe” — into “With the courage left, pursue the cornered foe.” [13]13 The “White Paper” refers to the *United States Relations with China, with Special Reference to the Period 1944–1949*, published by the U.S. State Department in August 1949, which sought to justify U.S. policy failures in China. The reason is obvious: Sunzi’s maxim pertains to the realm of battle or tactics, whereas Mao Zedong’s reference concerns a far-reaching, major revolutionary strategy. Sunzi’s work reflects the struggles between exploiting classes; Mao Zedong’s struggle is that of the proletariat breaking with the exploiting classes, an unprecedented struggle for profound social transformation. In short, Sunzi speaks of victory or defeat in a single engagement; Mao Zedong speaks of the fate of a great nation undergoing a change of social formation. Only with the thoroughgoing revolutionary spirit of “With the courage left, pursue the cornered foe; do not seek the empty fame of the Hegemon-King” [14]14 “Lay down the butcher’s knife and become a Buddha on the spot” (*fangxia tudao, lidi chengfo*) is a Chinese Buddhist idiom meaning that even the worst sinner can achieve enlightenment through immediate repentance. can the darkness of millennia of rule by exploiting classes be completely overcome, and the liberation of the people as masters of their own affairs be achieved.

这里最引人注目的是毛泽东把《孙子》兵法上的“穷寇勿追”，改成了“宜将剩勇追穷寇”。原因很明显，孙子兵法的主张，讲的是战役或战术范畴的主张；毛泽东所指的是影响深远、重大革命战略的主张。《孙子》反映的是剥削阶级之间斗争的主张；毛泽东讲的斗争是无产阶级与剥削阶级决裂的、史无前例的社会深刻大变革的斗争主张。总之，《孙子》讲的是一次战斗的胜败得失；毛泽东讲的是社会形态更替的大国命运。只有以“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”的彻底革命精神，才能彻底战胜几千年剥削阶级统治的黑暗，迎来人民当家作主的解放。

The spirit of “With the courage left, pursue the cornered foe; do not seek the empty fame of the Hegemon-King” is to press forward in one go, to strike while the iron is hot, and at the critical moment to leave the reactionary forces no breathing space whatsoever.

“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”的精神就是一鼓作气、趁热打铁、在关键时刻不给反动势力留下任何喘息之机。

The spirit of “With the courage left, pursue the cornered foe; do not seek the empty fame of the Hegemon-King” is to complete the final struggle for the replacement of the social formation, to fulfill the historical mission of the class, and at this moment there can be not the slightest hesitation.

“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”的精神就是完成更换社会形态的最后的斗争，完成阶级的历史使命，这时候不能有丝毫的犹豫。

“With the courage left, pursue the cornered foe; do not seek the empty fame of the Hegemon-King” means insisting on carrying the revolution through to the end. “In this way, the Chinese nation can achieve a great turnabout, changing from a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country into a truly independent state, and the Chinese people can achieve a great liberation, throwing off at one stroke the oppression of great-power chauvinism, feudalism and bureaucratic capital (i.e., China’s monopoly capital),

“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”就意味着坚持将革命进行到底。“这样，就可以使中华民族来一个大翻身，由半封建半殖民地变为真正的自主的独立国，使中国人民来一个大解放，将自己头上的大国主义、封建主义和官僚资本（即中国的垄断资本）的压迫一起掀掉，并由此造成统一的民主的和平的局面，造成由农业国变为工业国的先决条件，造成由人剥削人的社会向着社会主义社会发展的可能性。如果要使革命半途而废，那就是违背人民的意志，接受外国侵略者和中国反动派的意志，使国民党赢得养好创伤的机会，然后在一个早上猛扑过来，将革命扼死，使全国回到黑暗世界。现在的问题就是一个这样明白地这样尖锐地摆着的问题。”这就说明，毛泽东不同意用一个不变的战术原则对待直接涉及中国前途命运的大革命，而是反其意而用之，毫不含糊地选择一个战略口号来引导人民大众的觉悟，将革命进行到底。

On the eve of victory in the Chinese People’s War of Liberation, the Americans published a distorted “White Paper,” and some muddle-headed people developed illusions, thinking that they too might “lay down the butcher’s knife and become a Buddha on the spot,” and would no longer dare to do things that undermined the revolutionary cause of the Chinese people.

中国人民解放战争处于胜利前夕，美国人发表了歪曲历史的《白皮书》，一些糊涂人产生了幻想，觉得他们也可能会“放下屠刀，立地成佛”，不敢再做破坏中国人民革命事业的事了。

The story of “laying down the butcher’s knife and becoming a Buddha on the spot” (recorded in *The Five Lamps Meeting at the Source*, volume 53) tells of a man named “Guang’e Zheng,” a ruthless killer who, after receiving the precepts for one day and one night, laid down his butcher’s knife and became a Buddha on the spot. This story is also recorded in works such as *The Continued Transmission of the Lamp* and *The Jingde Record of the Transmission of the Lamp*, volume 25. The original meaning of this story is related to the “sudden enlightenment to Buddhahood” advocated by Huineng, the sixth patriarch of the Chan school of Buddhism. However, proceeding from the understanding that the nature of imperialist elements does not change, Mao Zedong criticized the error of using this saying to obscure the nature of imperialist elements. On August 14, 1949, Mao Zedong pointed out in his article “Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle”: “Make trouble, fail; make trouble again, fail again; until their doom — that is the logic of imperialism and all reactionaries in their dealings with the people’s cause, and they will never go against this logic. … We say that ‘imperialism is very ferocious,’ which means that its nature cannot be changed; imperialist elements will never lay down their butcher’s knives, and they will never become Buddhas, until their doom.”

“放下屠刀，立地成佛”的故事（载《五灯会元》卷五十三），说的是：“光额正”这个人，是个杀人不眨眼的汉子，受戒一日一夜，放下屠刀，立地成佛。《续传灯录》《景德传灯录》卷二十五等书籍也记载这个故事。这个故事的本意与佛教禅宗六世祖师慧能主张的“顿悟成佛”有关。但是，毛泽东从帝国主义分子本质不变的认识出发，批判了用这个说法来模糊帝国主义分子本质的错误。1949年8月14日，毛泽东在《丢掉幻想，准备斗争》一文中指出：“捣乱，失败，再捣乱，再失败，直至灭亡——这就是帝国主义和世界上一切反动派对待人民事业的逻辑，他们绝不会违背这个逻辑的。……我们说‘帝国主义是很凶恶的’，就是说它的本性是不能改变的，帝国主义分子决不肯放下屠刀，他们也决不能成佛，直至他们的灭亡。”

In roughly the same time and space, Mao Zedong also cited the ancient Greek fable “The Farmer and the Snake” in his New Year’s message “Carry the Revolution Through to the End” on December 30, 1948, teaching people to learn the lesson of the farmer who saved the snake only to be bitten and killed by it, and educating the people not to pity evil people who are like snakes. This historical sobriety and unswerving spirit of struggle came from Mao Zedong’s steadfast communist stance and his loyalty and wisdom to the communist cause. Mao Zedong drew on China’s fine traditional culture, transformed traditional culture, and absorbed and utilized all the excellent cultural and civilizational achievements of humanity, all for the purpose of advancing the cause of socialism and communism in China and the world.

在大致同样的时空条件下，毛泽东还在1948年12月30日的《将革命进行到底》的元旦献辞中，引用了古希腊寓言《农夫和蛇》的故事，教人吸取农夫救蛇、蛇咬死农夫的教训，教育人民不要怜惜像蛇一样的恶人。这种历史的清醒和坚定不移的斗争精神，来自毛泽东坚定不移的共产主义立场以及对共产主义事业的忠诚和智慧。毛泽东借助中华优秀传统文化、改造传统文化、吸收和运用人类一切优秀文化和文明成果，都是为了推进中国和世界社会主义与共产主义事业的进步。

Online editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧