On the Values of Mao Zedong’s Thought of “Serving the People”

Serving the people wholeheartedly is the political purpose of the Communist Party of China. Mao Zedong’s “people’s sentiment” blazed like a raging fire ignited in his youth, and with the great cause of leading the New Democratic Revolution and socialist construction, it increasingly flourished and radiated brilliantly, like the sun’s splendor shining across the vast heavens, like the bright moon’s dazzling glimmer in the boundless night sky. In the long historical process of leading China’s revolution and construction, Mao Zedong always respected the political status and historical role of the masses and genuinely cared for the vital interests of the broad masses of the people. Mao Zedong’s thought of “serving the people” encompassed politics, economics, military affairs, culture, education, healthcare, philosophy, and other aspects. The reason it could be established as the political purpose of the entire Communist Party of China was determined by his Marxist view of class, view of life, view of values, and view of practice. This article mainly discusses the values of Mao Zedong’s thought of “serving the people” during the New Democratic Revolution period.

全心全意为人民服务是中国共产党的政治宗旨。毛泽东的“人民情怀”像熊熊烈火点燃于青少年时代，并随着领导新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的伟大事业而日益发扬光大，光芒四射，如烈日之光辉灿烂于浩瀚天宇，如皓月之耀眼闪烁于无际夜空。在领导中国革命和建设的长期历史进程中，毛泽东始终尊重人民群众的政治地位和历史作用，真挚关心广大人民群众的切身利益。毛泽东“为人民服务”的思想涵盖了政治、经济、军事、文化、教育、医疗卫生、哲学等各方面，其之所以能够被确立为中国共产党全党的政治宗旨，是由其马克思主义阶级观、人生观、价值观以及实践观所决定的。本文主要论述新民主主义革命时期毛泽东“为人民服务”思想的价值观。

I. It embodies the inherent unity of values and the view of class. The most fundamental aspect of Mao Zedong’s thought of “serving the people” is determined by the nature of the class and political party he represented. All political parties are determined by the class foundation and class interests they represent. Once the class and class foundation that a political party represents disappear, that political party will inevitably disappear as well. Lenin pointed out: “Classes are groups of people, one of which can appropriate the labor of another owing to the different places they occupy in a definite system of social economy.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, “A Great Beginning” (1919). Especially since entering modern society, the relationship between political parties and classes has become closer. Moreover, due to the diversity and complexity of social classes and strata, the diversity and complexity of political parties are inevitably determined.

一、蕴含着价值观与阶级观的内在统一性。毛泽东“为人民服务”的思想最根本的是由其所代表的阶级和政党性质所决定的。一切政党都是由其所代表的阶级基础和阶级利益所决定的。一旦一个政党所代表的阶级和阶级基础消失，该政党也必然会随之消失。列宁指出：“所谓阶级，就是这样一些集团，由于他们在一定社会经济结构中所处的地位不同，其中一个集团能够占有另一个集团的劳动。”[1]尤其是进入近代社会以来，政党与阶级的关系变得更加密切。又由于社会阶级阶层的多样性和复杂性，也就必然决定了政党的多样性和复杂性。

The Communist Party of China is a Marxist political party. It adheres to and applies the Marxist materialist conception of history to understand human history, recognizes the principal position of the masses, and believes that the masses are the true driving force for advancing social history and the creators of human history. Precisely because Mao Zedong and his party established the Marxist view of the people and view of history, the Communist Party of China, both in its political nature and internal logic, inevitably represents the fundamental interests of the proletariat. Thus, as a Marxist political party, what the Communist Party of China represents and reflects is inevitably the fundamental interests of the proletariat, just as Marx and Engels pointed out in the *Communist Manifesto*: “The Communists have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.” [2]2 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party* (1848). The Communist Party of China does not in the slightest pursue personal gain, but firmly pursues and realizes the interests of the Chinese proletariat and the interests of the broad masses of the Chinese people.

中国共产党是马克思主义政党，坚持和运用马克思主义唯物史观认识人类历史，承认人民群众的主体地位，认为人民群众是推动社会历史进步的真正动力，是人类历史的创造者。正是由于毛泽东及其政党确立了马克思主义的人民观和历史观，中国共产党无论在政治性质上还是内在逻辑上，就必然代表无产阶级的根本利益。由此，作为马克思主义政党的中国共产党，其代表和反映的就必然是无产阶级的根本利益，也正如马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中所指出的那样：“共产党人没有任何同整个无产阶级的利益不同的利益。”[2]中国共产党丝毫也不追求个人的功利，而是坚定地追求和实现中国无产阶级的功利以及广大中国人民的功利。

The class situation in semi-colonial feudal China also had its complexity and national particularities. Not only did the working class, peasant class, petty bourgeoisie, and national bourgeoisie exist, but also the landlord class, comprador class, as well as warlords, bureaucrats, and so on. Due to this complexity of classes in Chinese society, on December 1, 1925, Mao Zedong, in the opening sentence of his *Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society*, raised the question: “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution.” [3]3 Mao Zedong, *Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society* (1925). Its essence was to delineate classes and to indicate the class and party nature represented by the Communist Party of China. After analysis, Mao Zedong further specified: “All those in league with imperialism—the warlords, the bureaucrats, the comprador class, the big landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to them—are our enemies. The industrial proletariat is the leading force in our revolution. All the semi-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie are our closest friends. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their right wing may become our enemy and their left wing may become our friend.” [4]4 Ibid. The fundamental reason for the complexity of classes in Chinese society was that since modern times, Chinese capitalism had not fully developed, and the strength of the modern industrial working class was not yet strong enough. Therefore, the Communist Party of China not only had to represent and lead the individual peasant class but also had to unite with and lead the petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie as revolutionary allies. By May 1942, when Mao Zedong delivered his speech at the *Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art*, he further specified the composition of the people: “The broadest masses of the people, constituting over 90 per cent of the total population, are the workers, peasants, soldiers and urban petty bourgeoisie.” [5]5 Mao Zedong, *Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art* (1942). And “Our Communist Party and the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies led by our Party are battalions of the revolution. These battalions of ours are wholly dedicated to the liberation of the people and work entirely in the people’s interests.” [6]6 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). At this point, Mao Zedong not only delineated the classes in Chinese society but also distinguished between the enemy classes and the people’s camp. On this basis, he further specified that the Communist Party of China and the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies it led existed to serve the people.

在半殖民地的封建社会的中国阶级状况同样具有其复杂性和民族特殊性。不仅存在着工人阶级、农民阶级、小资产阶级、民族资产阶级，还存在着地主阶级、买办阶级以及军阀、官僚等。由于中国社会阶级的这种复杂性，1925 年 12 月 1 日，毛泽东在《中国社会各阶级分析》中开篇第一句就提出了“谁是我们的敌人？谁是我们的朋友？这个问题是革命的首要问题。”[3]其实质是在划分阶级并要指明中国共产党所代表的阶级和政党性质。经过分析，毛泽东进一步指明 “一切勾结帝国主义的军阀、官僚、买办阶级、大地主阶级以及附属于他们的一部分反动知识界，是我们的敌人。工业无产阶级是我们的领导力量。一切半无产阶级、小资产阶级，是我们最接近的朋友。那动摇不定的中产阶级，其右翼可能是我们的敌人，其左翼可能是我们的朋友。”[4]中国社会阶级的复杂性其根本原因是近代以来中国资本主义尚未充分发展，现代产业工人队伍的力量还不够壮大，因此中国共产党不仅要代表和领导个人和农民阶级，还必须联合和领导小资产阶级和民族资产阶级作为革命同盟军。到 1942 年 5 月，毛泽东作《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》演讲时又指明的人民组成成分：“最广大的人民，占全人口百分之九十以上的人民，是工人、农民、兵士和城市小资产阶级。”[5]而“我们共产党和共产党领导的八路军、新四军，是革命的队伍。是彻底地为人民的利益工作的。”[6]至此，毛泽东不仅划分了中国社会的阶级，而且区分了敌对阶级与人民阵营的不同。在此基础上，又进一步指明了中国共产党及其领导的八路军、新四军就是为人民服务的。

The Communist Party of China and the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies it led adhered to serving the people wholeheartedly as their political purpose and put it into practice. However, there were also not a few people willing “to die for the fascists, to die for the exploiters and oppressors of the people.” [7]7 Ibid. What all bourgeois political parties do is exactly the opposite of what Communists do. Lenin pointed out: “All bourgeois parties, even the most democratic and ‘revolutionary-democratic’ ones, inevitably strengthen repressive measures against the revolutionary proletariat.” [8]8 V. I. Lenin, “The State and Revolution” (1917). In contrast, the Communist Party of China insists on building the Party for the public good. Its earnest implementation of the political purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly not only reflects its Marxist party nature and class attribute but also embodies the inherent unity of its class attribute with the values of the Marxist materialist conception of history.

中国共产党及其领导的八路军、新四军坚持全心全意为人民服务作为自己的政治宗旨并切实践行。但是，愿意“替法西斯卖力，替剥削人民和压迫人民的人去死”[7]者也不乏其人。一切资产阶级政党所做的则与共产党人恰恰相反。列宁指出：“一切资产阶级政党，甚至包括最民主的和‘革命民主的’政党都必然加强高压手段来对付革命的无产阶级。”[8]相比之下，中国共产党坚持立党为公，切实贯彻全心全意为人民服务的政治宗旨不仅反映的其马克思主义政党性和阶级属性，而且也体现出了其阶级属性与马克思主义唯物史观之价值观之内在统一性。

II. It embodies the logical unity of values and the view of life. Mao Zedong’s thought of “serving the people” contains and displays the values of Communists, and also contains and displays the logical unity of Communists’ values and their view of life, that is, where does the value orientation of Communists’ lives lie? In his speech, Mao Zedong mentioned that the Chinese historian Sima Qian once said, “Though death befalls all men alike, it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather.” He further specified: “To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors of the people is lighter than a feather. Comrade Zhang Side died for the people, and his death is indeed weightier than Mount Tai.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). Sima Qian (c. 145–86 BCE) was a Han dynasty historian; the quotation is from his *Letter to Ren An*. Zhang Side (1915–1944) was a soldier in the Communist-led Eighth Route Army who died in a kiln collapse; Mao’s eulogy for him became the text of *Serve the People*. Zhang Side was a Communist Party member, and he served the people; thus, every Communist Party member serves the people. This is the view of life of Chinese Communists, the political purpose of the entire Party.

二、蕴含着价值观与人生观在逻辑上的统一性。毛泽东“为人民服务”的思想包含和展示出了共产党人的价值观，还包含和展示出了共产党人的价值观与人生观在逻辑上的统一性，即共产党人的人生价值取向何处？毛泽东在演讲中讲到，中国历史上有个文学家司马迁曾说过“人固有一死，或重于泰山，或轻于鸿毛。”并进一步指明：“为人民利益而死，就比泰山还重；替法西斯卖力，替剥削人民和压迫人民的人去死，就比鸿毛还轻。张思德同志是为人民利益而死的，他的死是比泰山还要重的。”张思德是共产党员，是为人民服务，由此每一位共产党员都是为人民服务的。这就是中国共产党人的人生观，是全党的政治宗旨。

As early as January 1934, in his speech “Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Attention to Methods of Work” at the Second National Congress of Workers, Peasants and Soldiers held in Ruijin, Jiangxi, Mao Zedong had already clearly stated: “As for the vital interests of the broad masses, the question of their livelihood, we must not be the slightest bit negligent or the slightest bit dismissive.”[9]9 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). Sima Qian (c. 145–86 BCE) was a Han dynasty historian; the quotation is from his *Letter to Ren An*. Zhang Side (1915–1944) was a soldier in the Communist-led Eighth Route Army who died in a kiln collapse; Mao’s eulogy for him became the text of *Serve the People*. We must “wholeheartedly seek benefits for the masses and solve their problems of production and livelihood.”[10]10 The “Three-Thirds System” (三三制) was a policy adopted in the anti-Japanese base areas during the War of Resistance, stipulating that in the organs of political power, Communists, progressive non-Party personages, and centrists each occupy one-third of the positions. On 23 May 1942, in his “Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art,” he pointed out: “For us, literature and art … are for the people. … They are for the masses of the people.”[11]11 “Tailism” (尾巴主义) is a Leninist term for a passive, follower-like attitude that abandons the vanguard role of the Party by simply echoing spontaneous mass opinion without providing leadership. He also specifically cited Lenin’s statement in “Party Organization and Party Literature” of 13 November 1905 that the Party’s organizational publishing and propaganda must “serve the millions upon millions of working people.”[12] On 8 September 1944, at the memorial service for Zhang Side held by the Central Guard Regiment, he delivered the special speech “Serve the People,”[13] which theoretically elucidated the thought of serving the people and proposed it as the life value of Communists. On 13 October 1944, in his speech “The United Front in Cultural Work,” he again emphasized: “Our culture is the culture of the people. Cultural workers must have a high degree of enthusiasm for serving the people, must maintain ties with the masses, and must not detach themselves from the masses.”[14] On 24 April 1945, in his political report to the Seventh National Congress of the Party, “On Coalition Government,” he again stressed: “Another notable hallmark distinguishing us Communists from any other political party is our closest ties with the broadest masses of the people. Serving the people wholeheartedly, never for a moment detaching ourselves from the masses; proceeding from the interests of the people in everything, not from the interests of individuals or small groups; and the unity of responsibility to the people and responsibility to the leading organs of the Party—these are our starting points.”[15] In June of the same year, the Party Constitution adopted at the Seventh National Congress wrote “Chinese Communists must possess the spirit of serving the Chinese people wholeheartedly”[16] into the General Program, and in the relationship between the Party and the people it clearly emphasized: “They must establish broad ties with the worker masses, peasant masses, and other revolutionary people, and constantly attend to consolidating and expanding these ties. Every Party member must understand the unity of the Party’s interests and the people’s interests, the unity of responsibility to the Party and responsibility to the people. Every Party member must earnestly listen to the voices of the masses and understand their needs, and help them organize themselves to struggle for the fulfillment of their needs. Every Party member must be determined to learn from the masses, while at the same time tirelessly educating the masses with revolutionary spirit, enlightening and raising the consciousness of the masses. The Chinese Communist Party must constantly guard against the danger of detaching itself from the masses, and must constantly attend to preventing and cleansing within itself such erroneous tendencies as tailism, commandism, bureaucratism, and warlordism that detach from the masses.”[17] Thus, it was established as the political tenet of the entire Party through the Party’s fundamental law.

早在 1934 年 1 月，毛泽东在江西瑞金召开的第二次全国工农兵代表大会上作《关心群众生活，注意工作方法》的讲话时已明确提出 “对于广大群众的切身利益问题，群众的生活问题，就一点也不能疏忽，一点也不能看轻。”[9]要“真心实意地为群众谋利益，解决群众的生产和生活的问题。”[10]1942 年 5 月 23 日，他在《延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》中指出：“在我们，文艺......是为人民的。......是为人民大众的。”[11]他还特别引用列宁 1905 年 11 月 13 日在《党的组织和党的出版物》一文中指出的党组织的出版宣传要“为千千万万劳动人民服务”。[12]1944 年 9 月 8 日，他在中央警卫团举行的张思德追悼会上作了《为人民服务》[13]专题讲演，从理论上阐明了为人民服务的思想，并提出作为共产党人的人生价值。1944 年 10 月 13 日，他在《文化工作中的统一战线》演讲中再次强调：“我们的文化是人民的文化，文化工作者必须有为人民服务的高度的热忱，必须联系群众，而不要脱离群众。”[14]1945 年 4 月 24 日，他在党的七大政治报告《论联合政府》中再次强调：“我们共产党人区别于其他任何政党的又一个显著的标志，就是和最广大的人民群众取得最密切的联系。全心全意地为人民服务，一刻也不脱离群众；一切从人民的利益出发，而不是从个人或小集团的利益出发；向人民负责和向党的领导机关负责的一致性；这些就是我们的出发点。”[15]同年 6 月 11 日，党的七大通过的《党章》把“中国共产党人必须具有全心全意为中国人民服务的精神”[16]写入了总纲，在党和人民群众的关系上明确强调：“必须与工人群众、农民群众及其他革命人民建立广泛的联系。并经常注意巩固与扩大这种联系。每一个党员都必须理解党的利益与人民利益的一致性，对党负责与对人民负责的一致性。每一个党员都必须用心倾听人民群众的呼声和了解他们的需要，并帮助他们组织起来，为实现他们的需要而斗争。每一个党员都必须决心向人民群众学习，同时以革命精神不疲倦地去教育人民群众，启发与提高人民群众的觉悟。中国共产党必须经常警戒自己脱离人民群众的危险性，必须经常注意防止和清洗自己内部的尾巴主义、命令主义、官僚主义与军阀主义等脱离群众的错误倾向。”[17]由此以党内根本大法确立为全党的政治宗旨。

Regarding the character and attitude of serving the people, Mao Zedong proposed “pure” and “wholehearted,” demanding that people learn from Norman Bethune, promote the spirit of utter devotion to others without any thought of self and the spirit of having no selfishness, and become a person beneficial to the people, “a noble-minded person, a pure person, a moral person, a person who has escaped from vulgar interests, a person who is beneficial to the people.”[18] Even after the founding of New China, Mao Zedong still emphasized: “The Communist Party must struggle, must serve the people wholeheartedly, not halfheartedly or with two-thirds of a heart, two-thirds of a will serving the people.”[19]

对服务人民的人格和态度，毛泽东提出“纯粹”和“真心”，要求学习白求恩，要发扬毫不利己、专门利人的精神和毫无自私自利之心的精神，做一个有利于人民的人，“一个高尚的人，一个纯粹的人，一个有道德的人，一个脱离了低级趣味的人，一个有益于人民的人。”[18]直到新中国成立后，毛泽东依然强调：“共产党就是要奋斗，就是要全心全意为人民服务，不要半心半意或者三分之二的心，三分之二的意为人民服务。”[19]

III. It contains the objective unity of values and practical action. As the political tenet of the entire Chinese Communist Party, serving the people wholeheartedly is by no means an empty phrase; it must be earnestly practiced by all Party comrades, that is, the value of serving the people must be implemented in the actual actions of the entire Party, maintaining the unity of values and objective practice. The primary task facing the Chinese Communist Party after its founding was to overthrow imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, and to solve the Chinese people’s rights to survival and development. This is the greatest task of serving the Chinese people and the Chinese nation.

三、蕴含着价值观与实践观在客观上的统一性。作为中国共产党全党的政治宗旨，全心全意为人民服务绝不是一句空话，而是要由全党同志来切实践行，即把为人民服务的价值观落实到全党的实际行动中，保持价值观与在客观实践上的统一。中国共产党成立后面临的首要任务是推翻帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义，解决中国人民的生存权和发展权。这就是为中国人民和中华民族服务的最大任务。

The Chinese Communist Party, guided by Marxism-Leninism, is a proletarian party. On 30 July 1921, the Chinese Communist Party adopted the “First Program of the Chinese Communist Party,” which stipulated: “The revolutionary army must overthrow the power of the capitalist class together with the proletariat,” “recognize the dictatorship of the proletariat,” in order to achieve the goal of class struggle—to eliminate classes, abolish capitalist ownership, confiscate all means of production for ownership by society, rebuild the state by the laboring classes, until class distinctions are eliminated.[20] From its inception, the Chinese Communist Party launched the vigorous Great Revolution movement of the workers, as well as the Northern Expeditionary Revolutionary War carried out in cooperation with the Kuomintang, the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the War of Resistance Against Japan, and the War of Liberation, achieving national independence and national freedom.

中国共产党坚持以马克思列宁主义为指导，是无产阶级政党。1921 年 7 月 30 日，中国共产党通过了《中国共产党的第一个纲领》规定：“革命军队必须与无产阶级一起推翻资本家阶级的政权”，“承认无产阶级专政”，以达到阶级斗争的目的-——消灭阶级，废除资本家所有制，没收一切生产资料归社会所有，由劳动阶级重建国家，直至消灭阶级差别。[20]中国共产党成立伊始，即开展了轰轰烈烈的工人大革命运动，以及国共合作开展的北伐革命战争、土地革命战争、抗日战争、解放战争，获得了国家独立和民族自由。

However, the revolutionary task was extremely arduous, and the revolutionary path was extremely bumpy. Because China’s national capitalism developed weakly, the number of modern industrial workers was also small (in 1894, China had 100,000 modern industrial workers; by 1914, this reached over 1 million. During the First World War, China’s modern national enterprises developed rapidly, and the Chinese industrial working class also grew rapidly, reaching about 2 million by the time of the May Fourth Movement in 1919. Although small in number, they had the characteristics of strong revolutionary nature, strong organizational nature, and strong discipline). To complete the task of the democratic revolution, it was necessary to form an alliance with China’s national bourgeoisie. In fact, Lenin had already pointed out in his “Preliminary Draft of Theses on the National and Colonial Questions” drafted for the Communist International on 5 June 1920: “The Communist International must form a temporary alliance with the bourgeois democrats of the colonies and backward countries, but not merge with them, and must absolutely maintain the independence of the proletarian movement.”[21] The following year, the Second National Congress of the Party revised and established the minimum program and maximum program that conformed to the actual conditions of the Chinese revolution. The minimum program: “Eliminate internal strife, overthrow the warlords, and build domestic peace”; “Overthrow the oppression of international imperialism and achieve the complete independence of the Chinese nation”; “Unify China proper (including the three northeastern provinces) into a genuine democratic republic.”[22] This was the Party’s goal in the stage of the New Democratic Revolution. The maximum program: Organize the proletariat, use the means of class struggle, establish a political system of the dictatorship of the workers and peasants, abolish the system of private property, and gradually reach a communist society.[23] In January 1924, with the help of the Communist International and the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Kuomintang convened its First National Congress and established the three major policies of “allying with Russia, allying with the Communist Party, and supporting the peasants and workers,” creating a revolutionary situation for overthrowing the rule of the Chinese feudal warlords. However, because the Kuomintang’s Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the revolution and frenziedly massacred Communists and revolutionary masses, the Chinese Communist Party established the general policy of the agrarian revolution and launched the Agrarian Revolutionary War. After the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan, in order to establish a broad anti-Japanese national united front and take into account the anti-Japanese enthusiasm of landlords and national capitalists, the Party then formulated and implemented policies such as the “Three-Thirds System,”[10]10 The “Three-Thirds System” (三三制) was a policy adopted in the anti-Japanese base areas during the War of Resistance, stipulating that in the organs of political power, Communists, progressive non-Party personages, and centrists each occupy one-third of the positions. the combination of rent reduction and interest reduction with rent payment and interest payment, and the combination of protecting workers’ interests with protecting national industry and commerce. During the War of Liberation, the people’s united front grew and developed further; workers, peasants, industrialists and businessmen, students, various democratic parties, non-party personages, and social worthies all joined the revolutionary united front against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, overthrowing the dictatorial rule of the Kuomintang.

但是，革命任务异常艰巨，革命道路异常坎坷。由于中国民族资本主义发展微弱，现代产业工人数量也少(1894 年，中国近代产业工人有 10 万人，到 1914 年达到 100 万人以上。第一次世界大战期间，中国近代民族企业迅速发展，中国产业工人队伍也迅速壮大，到 1919年“五·四”运动前，达 200 万人左右。人数虽少，却具有革命性强、组织性强、纪律性强特点)，要完成民主革命的任务，就不得不与中国的民族资产阶级建立同盟。其实，列宁在 1920 年 6 月 5 日给共产国际草拟的《民族和殖民地问题提纲初稿》中已指出：“共产国际应当同殖民地和落后国家的资产阶级民主派结成临时联盟，但是不要同他们融合，要绝对保持无产阶级运动的独立性。”[21]次年，党的二大修订并确立了符合中国革命实际的最低纲领和最高纲领。最低纲领：“消除内乱，打倒军阀，建设国内和平”；“推翻国际帝国主义的压迫，达到中华民族完全独立”；“统一中国本部(东三省在内)为真正民主共和国”。[22]这是党在新民主主义革命阶段的奋斗目标。最高纲领：组织无产阶级，用阶级斗争的手段，建立劳农专政的政治，铲除私有财产制度，渐次达到一个共产主义的社会。[23]1924 年 1 月，在共产国际和中国共产党的帮助下，中国国民党召开国民党第一次代表大会，并确立了“联俄、联共、扶助农工”的三大政策，造成了推翻中国封建军阀统治的大革命形势。但是，由于国民党蒋介石背叛革命，对疯狂屠杀共产党和革命群众，中国共产党确立了土地革命的总方针，开展土地革命战争。抗日战争爆发后，为建立广泛的抗日民族统一战线，兼顾地主及民族资本家的抗日积极性，转而又制定实行了 “三三制”、减租减息与交租交息相结合以及保护工人利益与保护民族工商业相结合的政策。在解放战争时期，人民统一战线更加发展壮大，工人、农民、工商业者、学生，各民主党派、无党派人士、社会贤达等都加入了反对帝、官、封的革命统一战线，推翻了国民党的专制统治。

Mao Zedong’s thought of “serving the people” is not only the unified values of the entire Party; logically and objectively, it is also the Party’s view of class, view of life, and view of practice. Serving the people is the political purpose of the entire Party and conforms to historical materialism. All Party comrades must adhere to the Marxist historical materialist view, respect the people’s spirit of initiative, recognize that the people are the main body of social practice, the true creators of social history, and the real driving force of social historical development and progress. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.”[24] In terms of how to treat the masses, advocating the heroic view of history or the people’s view of history is the distinction between the Communist Party and all bourgeois parties. At the same time, one must also avoid falling into the tailism error of “doing whatever the masses say”[25], which would negate the role of leaders, lose the Party’s core cohesion, and lose scientific and correct leadership.

毛泽东“为人民服务”的思想不仅是全党统一的价值观，其在逻辑上和客观上还是全党的阶级观、人生观和实践观。为人民服务是全党的政治宗旨，符合唯物史观。全党同志必须坚持马克思主义唯物史观，尊重人民群众的首创精神，承认人民群众是社会实践的主体，是社会历史的真正创造者，是社会历史发展进步的真正推动力量。毛泽东指出：“人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的真正动力。”[24]在如何对待人民群众的态度上，崇尚个人英雄史观还是人民史观，这是共产党与一切资产阶级政党的区别所在。同时也要避免陷入“群众让怎么办就怎么办”[25]的尾巴主义错误，以至于否定领袖的作用，失去党的核心凝聚力，失去科学正确的领导。

Notes:

注释：

[1]1 V. I. Lenin, “A Great Beginning” (1919). *Selected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 4, People’s Publishing House 2012 edition, p. 11. [2]2 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party* (1848). *Selected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 1, People’s Publishing House 2012 edition, p. 413.

[1] 《列宁选集》第 4 卷，人民出版社 2012 年版，第 11 页。[2] 《马克思恩格斯选集》第 1 卷，人民出版社 2012 年版，第 413 页。

[3]3 Mao Zedong, *Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society* (1925). *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 3.

[3]《毛泽东选集》第 1 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 3 页。

[4]4 Ibid. *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 9.

[4]《毛泽东选集》第 1 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 9 页。

[5]5 Mao Zedong, *Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art* (1942). *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 855.

[5]《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 855 页。

[6]6 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1004.

[6]《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1004 页。

[7]7 Ibid. *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1004.

[7] 《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1004 页。

[8]8 V. I. Lenin, “The State and Revolution” (1917). *Selected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 2012 edition, p. 136.

[8]《列宁选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 2012 年版，第 136 页。

[9]9 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). Sima Qian (c. 145–86 BCE) was a Han dynasty historian; the quotation is from his *Letter to Ren An*. Zhang Side (1915–1944) was a soldier in the Communist-led Eighth Route Army who died in a kiln collapse; Mao’s eulogy for him became the text of *Serve the People*. *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 136.

[9]《毛泽东选集》第 1 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 136 页。

[10]10 The “Three-Thirds System” (三三制) was a policy adopted in the anti-Japanese base areas during the War of Resistance, stipulating that in the organs of political power, Communists, progressive non-Party personages, and centrists each occupy one-third of the positions. *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 138.

[10] 《毛泽东选集》第 1 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 138 页。

[11]11 “Tailism” (尾巴主义) is a Leninist term for a passive, follower-like attitude that abandons the vanguard role of the Party by simply echoing spontaneous mass opinion without providing leadership. *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 855.

[11] 《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 855 页。

[12] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 854. Derived from *Selected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 1.

[12]《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 854 页。源自《列宁选集》第 1 卷。

[13] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1004.

[13] 《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1004 页。

[14] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1012.

[14] 《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1012 页。

[15] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, pp. 1094-1095.

[15]《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1094-1095 页。

[16] Published on the Communist Party Member Network www.12371.cn, December 24, 2014.

[16]共产党员网 WWW.12371.CN ，2014 年 12 月 24 日发布。

[17] Published on the Communist Party Member Network www.12371.cn, December 24, 2014.

[17] 共产党员网 WWW.12371.CN ，2014 年 12 月 24 日发布。

[18] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 660.

[18] 《毛泽东选集》第 2 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 660 页。

[19] *Chronicle of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 6, Central Party Literature Press 2023 edition, p. 118.

[19] 《毛泽东年谱》第 6 卷，中央文献出版社 2023 年版，第 118 页。

[20] *Selected Important Documents Since the Founding of the Party (1921-1949)*, Vol. 1, Central Party Literature Press 2011 edition, p. 1.

[20]《建党以来重要文献选编》（一九二一一九四九）第一册，中央文献出版社 2011 年版，第 1 页。

[21] *Selected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 4, People’s Publishing House 2012 edition, p. 221.

[21] 《列宁选集》第 4 卷，人民出版社 2012 年版，第 221 页。

[22] *Selected Important Documents Since the Founding of the Party (1921-1949)*, Vol. 1, Central Party Literature Press 2011 edition, p. 133.

[22]《建党以来重要文献选编》（一九二一一九四九）第一册，中央文献出版社 2011 年版，第 133 页。

[23] *Selected Important Documents Since the Founding of the Party (1921-1949)*, Vol. 1, Central Party Literature Press 2011 edition.

[23]《建党以来重要文献选编》（一九二一一九四九）第一册，中央文献出版社 2011 年版。

[24] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1031.

[24]《毛泽东选集》第 3 卷。人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1031 页。

[25] *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4, People’s Publishing House 1991 edition, p. 1281.

[25] 《毛泽东选集》第 4 卷，人民出版社 1991 年版，第 1281 页。

(The author is a professor and doctor, Vice President and Secretary-General of the Yan’an Spirit Research Association of Henan Province; the author’s unit: Party School of the Henan Provincial Committee of the CPC)

（作者系教授、博士，河南省延安精神研究会副会长、秘书长；作者单位：中共河南省委党校）

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