Mao Zedong’s Exploration of and Contribution to Chinese Modern Civilization — From the Perspective of the “Second Integration”

Mao Zedong was the pioneer and founder of Chinese-path modernization, laying an important foundation for building the modern civilization of the Chinese nation. Mao Zedong’s reflection on Chinese modern civilization began in his youth, much earlier than his exploration of Chinese-path modernization. For a long time, in the study of Mao Zedong’s life and thought, scholars have mainly focused on the latter; after the 20th National Congress of the CPC, a new upsurge in this research emerged. Discussions of Mao Zedong’s thought on civilization have been primarily domain-specific, while his exploration of and contribution to Chinese modern civilization have rarely been addressed. In fact, Mao Zedong’s exploration of Chinese modern civilization consistently adhered to the “Second Integration” [n1] in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, enabling Chinese modern civilization to take root in the soil of traditional civilization and allowing the traditional civilizational heritage of “the world being for all” (天下为公) to be carried forward. This article attempts to reveal his foundational contribution from the perspective of the “Second Integration,” providing wisdom and inspiration for advancing the construction of the modern civilization of the Chinese nation through the “Second Integration” on the new journey.

毛泽东是中国式现代化的开创者和奠基人，为建设中华民族现代文明奠定了重要基础。毛泽东对中国现代文明的思考始于青年时期，较其对中国式现代化的探索早得多。长期以来在毛泽东生平思想的研究中，人们主要是对后者进行研究，党的二十大之后又掀起了新的高潮；对毛泽东文明思想的探讨主要是领域性的，而对其中国现代文明的探索及贡献少有问津。实际上毛泽东对中国现代文明的探索，始终坚持马克思主义中国化的“第二个结合”，使中国现代文明扎根于传统文明土壤，又使传统天下为公的文明传统赓续弘扬。本文试图以“第二个结合”为视角揭示其奠基性贡献，为新征程上以“第二个结合”推进中华民族现代文明建设提供智慧和启迪。

I. Direction and Orientation: Pioneering the Ideal of Chinese Modern Civilization as a Beacon of the Times

一、方向与方位：开觉中国现代文明理想的时代领航

Mao Zedong adhered to the integration of Marxism with traditional Chinese culture, unifying the universality of human modernization with the particularity of Chinese modernization, and pioneered the ideal of Chinese modern civilization as a beacon of the times.

毛泽东坚持马克思主义同中国传统文化相结合，将人类现代化的普遍性与中国现代化的特殊性相统一，在时代领航中开觉中国现代文明理想。

Modernization was originally the forward direction of world history initiated by capitalism, embodying a zeitgeist of universal significance. Yet, due to the inherent defects of capitalism, it hindered the development of world history and reduced itself to a particularity within the process of world history. Capitalist modernization opened world history through the logic of capital, dragging modern China into the global web of domination characterized by “the East being subordinate to the West.” The Chinese nation, subjected to capitalist colonial aggression, plunder, and partition, suffered national humiliation, the people’s suffering, and the tarnishing of its civilization. Progressive Chinese in modern times, one after another, sought truth, delving layer by layer into material, institutional, and cultural realms, learning from the “ideological weapons and political schemes” of the bourgeois revolutionary era in the West. Not only did they fail to find the correct path for national rejuvenation, but they also suffered complete defeat in every confrontation with imperialism, shattering the Chinese people’s dream of learning from the West. The purpose of Western colonial rule was not to “turn China into a capitalist China,” demonstrating that capitalist modernization was impossible in China; war and plunder exposed the barbaric nature of imperialism, showing that capitalist modernization was unfeasible in China. Both China’s failure to emulate Western modernization and the West’s failure to prevent China’s modernization stemmed from the severance of the universality and particularity of modernization: the former ignored China’s own particularity, while the latter disregarded China entirely, recognizing only its own universality.

现代化本为资本主义开创世界历史的前进方向，是具有普遍意义的时代精神，却因资本主义固有弊端而阻碍世界历史发展，并使自身沦为世界历史进程中的特殊性。资本主义现代化以资本逻辑开辟世界历史，将近代中国推入“东方从属于西方”的世界支配性罗网；中华民族因资本主义殖民侵略和掠夺瓜分，导致国家蒙辱、人民蒙难、文明蒙尘。近代先进的中国人前赴后继探寻真理，从器物、制度、文化层层深入，学习西方资产阶级革命时代的“思想武器和政治方案”。不仅未找到强国复兴的正确道路，而且在与帝国主义的较量中无不惨败，彻底打碎了中国人向西方学习的迷梦。西方殖民统治的目的并非把“中国变成资本主义的中国”，说明资本主义现代化在中国不可能；战争与掠夺暴露出帝国主义的野蛮本性，表明资本主义现代化在中国不可行。中国效仿西方现代化的挫败和西方阻止中国现代化的失败，都源于现代化的普遍性与特殊性彼此割裂，前者忽视中国自身的特殊性，后者则无视中国而唯有自身的普遍性。

Socialism’s critique and transcendence of capitalism opens a new world history with a genuine zeitgeist. Marx’s critique of capitalist modernity from the perspective of historical materialism pointed the way toward a communist direction that transcends capitalist modernization. In 1848, the *Communist Manifesto* proclaimed to the world the “two inevitables” [n2]. The October Revolution in Russia turned socialism from theory into reality, marking the descent of the socialist zeitgeist from heaven to earth, ushering humanity into a new epoch of creating a socialist world history. Grasping the spatial imbalance of the world war that “shook the entire world,” the October Revolution judged capitalist modernization historically and logically as “modernization in the narrow sense” (近代化), and at a time when the Chinese people were long confused and perplexed, it “changed the direction of world history as a whole.” Socialism, spreading widely in China as a zeitgeist, guided the developmental direction of Chinese civilization. Advancing along the socialist course hinged on the integrated fusion of universality and particularity, achieving socialist modernization in China. The universality was socialism, keeping pace with human history; the particularity was China’s concrete reality, compatible with socialism. The young Mao Zedong, while grounding himself in traditional Chinese civilization to grasp the zeitgeist, also used the zeitgeist to determine the future direction of traditional Chinese civilization, steadfastly upholding the socialist civilizational ideal in the unity of universality and particularity.

社会主义对资本主义的批判和超越，以真正的时代精神开创新的世界历史。马克思对资本主义现代性的唯物史观批判，指引了超越资本主义现代化的共产主义方向，1848年《共产党宣言》向世界宣告“两个必然”。俄国十月革命使社会主义从理论变为现实，标志着作为社会主义的时代精神从天上来到地上，使人类进入创造社会主义世界历史的新纪元。十月革命把握世界大战“震动了全世界”的空间失衡，将资本主义现代化在历史和逻辑上判定为“近代化”，在中国人长期迷茫困惑之际“改变了整个世界历史的方向”。社会主义以时代精神在中国广泛传播，指引中华文明的发展方向。沿着社会主义的航向前进，关键在于普遍性与特殊性一体融合，在中国实现社会主义现代化。普遍性是与人类历史同步伐的社会主义，特殊性是与社会主义相适宜的中国具体实际。青年毛泽东既立足中国传统文明把握时代精神，又立足时代精神把准中国传统文明的前途方向，在普遍与特殊相统一中坚定社会主义文明理想。

First, advocating the liberation of individuality and freedom, grasping the human spirit of modern society.

第一，倡导个性自由解放，把握现代社会人类精神。

The transition to modernity means eliminating the “dependence of the individual” in traditional society and pursuing individual personality, independence, and self-realization — this is the universal human spirit of social development and progress. The young Mao Zedong, experiencing the emancipation of thought during the New Culture Movement, put forward a realistic individualism of individual liberation: “First, individualism”; “Second, realism.” The former emphasized the absolute value of the individual, the prerequisite for self-realization; the latter emphasized the mode of self-realization, the key to it. The purpose of realistic individualism was self-realization: “The purpose of humanity is nothing but self-realization.” Specifically, in terms of the content of self-realization, it was “to fully develop the abilities of our body and spirit to the highest degree.” Heroes were exemplars of self-realization, that is, people who fully developed their nature: “To develop the innate nature received from heaven, to extend the greatest and most powerful force within that nature.” Human nature is endowed by heaven; one fulfills one’s nature to be on par with heaven. The young Mao Zedong used traditional culture to interpret Paulsen’s ethical thought and transformed the traditional ideal of the “School of Mind” (心学) into a core value of modernization, establishing an ideological principle against feudal autocracy with modern height. “The individual has supreme value”; blindly following others’ right and wrong inevitably leads to enslavement by others, and without an independent mind, there is no modernity of the human being. Although realistic individualism was a “mind-matter dualism,” it cannot be denied that the independent personality and self-realization it pursued were imbued with the zeitgeist and value connotations of modernity, reflecting Mao Zedong’s keen grasp of the human spirit of modern society and holding foundational significance for his exploration of Chinese modern civilization.

向现代转型意味着消除传统社会“人的依赖性”，追求个人的个性、独立性和自我实现，这是社会发展进步的人类普遍精神。青年毛泽东在亲历新文化运动中解放思想，提出个性解放的现实个人主义主张：“一曰个人主义”；“一曰现实主义”。前者强调人的绝对价值，是自我实现的前提；后者强调自我实现的方式，是自我实现的关键。现实个人主义的目的在自我实现，“人类之目的在实现自我而已”。具体就自我实现的内容而言，即“充分发达吾人身体及精神之能力至于最高”。豪杰乃自我实现的表率，即本性充分发达之人：“发展其所得于天之本性，伸张其本性中至伟至大之力。”人之本性受命于天，人尽其性而与天齐。青年毛泽东用传统文化阐释包尔生伦理思想，又将传统“心学”理想转化为现代化的核心价值，确立了反对封建专制具有现代高度的思想原则。“个人有无上之价值”，盲从他人是非必然受他人奴役，无独立心则无作为人的现代性。现实个人主义虽是“心物二元论”，但不可否认其所追求的独立人格和自我实现，饱含现代性的时代精神和价值内蕴，体现了毛泽东对现代社会人类精神的敏锐把握，对其探索中国现代文明有着根源性意义。

Second, discerning the strengths and weaknesses of Chinese and Western cultures, advocating the synthesis of the essences of Chinese and Western civilizations.

第二，明辨中西文化优劣，提倡会合中西文明精华。

Autonomy is the core of Western modernity and a scarce factor in traditional Chinese culture. Mao Zedong, steeped in Chinese classics from childhood and gradually exposed to Western learning in his youth, harbored a global vision to gather the essence of human civilization. In 1913, he entered the Hunan First Normal School for study. Influenced by Yang Changji’s view on the integration of Eastern and Western civilizations, he proposed the idea of fusing Chinese and Western civilizations. Eastern civilization was essentially Chinese civilization, occupying half of the global civilizational landscape. Chinese and Western civilizations each had their strengths and weaknesses: China’s traditional “Three Cardinal Guides and Five Constant Virtues” (三纲五常) suppressed individuality, while the West’s “church, capitalists, monarch, and state — these four are all demons of the world.” Therefore, both had to be reformed simultaneously to achieve “the convergence of Eastern and Western civilizations.” The young Mao Zedong advocated drawing on the essences of Chinese and Western cultures, which was entirely different from Chen Duxiu’s advocacy of “wholesale Westernization,” but he also believed that “taking from the outside is sufficient to benefit the inside.” It differed from the modern “Chinese learning as the essence, Western learning for practical use” (中体西用) thesis, yet he also pointed out that “taking Confucius as the center” was a conceited idea. “Wholesale Westernization” completely negated tradition, discarding the particularity of China’s modernization; “Chinese cultural fundamentalism” clung to tradition, negating the universality of China’s modernization. After the failure of the Xinhai Revolution, there was a regression toward traditional feudal autocracy, giving rise to “Europeanization” and “Westernization” trends that broke away from traditional Chinese culture. The sharp contradictions among European powers could not be extinguished except by world war, prompting Liang Qichao to turn instead to “promoting Confucianism.” The debates among modern Chinese intellectuals over the relationship between Chinese and Western cultures vividly demonstrated that “modernity is always opposed to tradition,” yet they could not use binary opposition to prevent Chinese and Western cultures from jointly forging Chinese modern civilization.

自主性是西方现代性的内核，又是中国传统文化稀缺的因子。毛泽东自幼浸润于中国传统经典，稍长逐步广泛涉略西学，胸怀天下以采撷人类文明精髓。1913年进入湖南第一师范学习，受杨昌济东西文明结合观影响，提出熔铸中西文明的主张。东方文明实为中国文明，在世界文明格局中占有半壁。中西文明各有其优劣，中国传统“三纲五常”压抑个性，西方“教会、资本家、君主、国家四者，同为天下之恶魔也”，因而必须同时改造以实现“东西文明会合”。青年毛泽东主张汲取中西文化精华，与倡导“全盘西化”的陈独秀截然不同，但又认为“取于外乃足以资于内也”；相异于近代以来的“中体西用”论，又指出“以孔子为中心”乃自大的思想。“全盘西化”彻底否定传统，摒弃了中国现代化的特殊性；“中国文化本位”固守传统，否定了中国现代化的普遍性。辛亥革命失败后向封建传统专制倒退，出现脱离中国传统文化的“欧化”“西化”思潮；欧洲列强尖锐矛盾非世界大战无法止熄，促使梁启超转而提出“弘扬孔学”。近代中国知识分子对中西文化关系的论争，将“现代性总是与传统相对立”淋漓展现，却无法以二元对立阻碍中西文化共铸中国现代文明。

Third, conforming to the general trend of world history, establishing the socialist civilizational direction.

第三，顺应世界历史大势，确立社会主义文明方向。

The outbreak of the October Revolution divided world history into two stages, opening a new world history of socialism. Li Dazhao was the first to discern the world dawn of a new civilization from the October Revolution, pointing out that this “is the victory of socialism, … the victory of the world’s working class, the victory of the new trend of the twentieth century,” and he looked forward to “this new era bringing a new life, a new civilization, a new world.” [1]1 The “three great mountains” refers to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which Mao Zedong identified as the main oppressors of the Chinese people before 1949. As the zeitgeist of the October Revolution spread through China, taking the socialist road became the new hope for the civilizational tradition of “the world belongs to all.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?* (1902). Mao Zedong took great interest in Soviet Russia after the October Revolution; in 1920 he praised “Russia as the world’s first civilized country.” The key lay in the mode of realizing socialism, which was both a matter of faith in a theoretically chosen doctrine and a matter of the zeitgeist of the general trend. Mao Zedong broke completely with various new trends of thought and new doctrines after the failure of his intellectual experiments, but by March 1920 he still had not obtained “a relatively clear concept.” Because the movement to expel Zhang Jingyao [3]3 The Zunyi Conference (January 1935) was a pivotal meeting of the CCP during the Long March, where Mao Zedong began to establish his leadership over the Party and the Red Army. and the Hunan self-government movement proved futile, Mao deeply felt that the path of reform held no hope. In the autumn of 1920, Cai Hesen wrote to Mao Zedong, pointing out that “the starting point of the Russian social revolution = historical materialism. Method = class struggle + class dictatorship. Goal = creating a communist society,” thereby grasping, both theoretically and practically, the historical law and practical necessity of class struggle. At the beginning of 1921, at the annual meeting of the New People’s Study Society, Mao Zedong not only endorsed the fundamental goal of “remaking China and the world” but also strongly advocated “communism by radical methods,” marking Mao’s alignment with the general trend of world history and his final establishment of the direction of socialist civilization.

十月革命的爆发将世界历史划分为两个阶段，开启了社会主义新的世界历史。李大钊最早从十月革命洞见新文明的世界曙光，指出这“是社会主义的胜利，……是世界劳工阶级的胜利，是二十世纪新潮流的胜利”，并展望“这个新纪元带来新生活、新文明、新世界”。随着十月革命的时代精神在中国传播，走社会主义道路成为天下为公文明传统的新生希望。毛泽东对十月革命后的苏俄兴趣极大，1920年他称赞“俄国是世界第一个文明国”。关键在于社会主义的实现方式，既是理论选择的主义信仰问题，又是大势所趋的时代精神问题。毛泽东因思想实验失败而与种种新思潮新学说彻底决裂，但到1920年3月仍没有得到“一个比较明了的概念”。因驱张运动和湖南自治运动无济于事，毛泽东深感改良一途绝无希望。1920年秋蔡和森致信毛泽东指出，“俄社会革命出发点=唯物史观。方法=阶级战争+阶级专政。目的=创造共产主义的社会”，从理论和实践上领悟了阶级斗争的历史规律性和现实必要性。1921年初在新民学会年会上，毛泽东不仅赞成“改造中国与世界”的根本目的，而且极力主张“激烈方法的共产主义”，标志着毛泽东顺应世界历史大势而最终确立社会主义文明方向。

Fourth, integrating with traditional culture, and steadfastly upholding the socialist civilizational ideal.

第四，与传统文化相结合，坚定社会主义文明理想。

Mao Zedong’s steadfastness in the socialist modern civilizational ideal stemmed both from his grasp of the zeitgeist of human modernization and from his understanding of socialism through traditional culture. The socialist civilizational ideal resonated with the traditional Chinese ideal of the Great Harmony (大同), which Mao pursued tirelessly throughout his life. Influenced by Kang Youwei’s “Theory of the Three Ages of Great Harmony,” [4]4 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938). Mao wrote in a 1917 letter to Li Jinxi: “The Great Harmony is our goal.” His “Marginal Notes on ‘The Principles of Ethics’” states: “People now live in an age that is not the Great Harmony, and they long for the Great Harmony.” Mao chose and steadfastly adhered to socialism precisely by interpreting socialism through the traditional concept of the Great Harmony; in 1917 he called it “our ideal cosmopolitanism.” In 1920 Mao further stated: “This cosmopolitanism is the doctrine of all people as brothers, the doctrine of wishing oneself well and also wishing others well, that is, what is called socialism.” If this understanding still bore the ancient flavor of the unity of heaven and humanity, then, as enlightenment modernity was replaced by revolutionary modernity, the socialist ideal was also transformed into the cause of establishing a modern nation-state. Thus, in modern society, “the world’s Great Harmony must be based on the self-determination of each nation,” while also requiring the shared destiny of all nation-states. Precisely because he placed national independence in the primary position, Mao found the great path of “reaching socialism and communism through the people’s republic,” whereas Kang Youwei “did not and could not find a path to reach the Great Harmony.” The outcome of Kang Youwei’s “Book of Great Harmony” was the same as that of Zhang Lu’s “Way of the Five Pecks of Rice,” [5]5 Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach” (1845), Thesis 1. but both are socialist factors with human universality within traditional culture.

毛泽东坚定社会主义现代文明理想，既源于其对人类现代化的时代精神之把握，又离不开其对社会主义的传统文化之理解。社会主义文明理想与中国传统大同理想相融相通，而后者正是毛泽东毕生所追慕并不懈追求的。受康有为“大同三世说”影响，1917年毛泽东致黎锦熙信曰：“大同者，吾人之鹄也。”《〈伦理学原理〉批注》则说：“人现处于不大同时代，而想望大同。”毛泽东选择并坚定社会主义，正是用传统“大同”观念解读社会主义，1917年称其为“吾人理想之世界主义”。1920年毛泽东进一步指出：“这种世界主义，就是四海同胞主义，就是愿意自己好也愿意别人好的主义，也就是所谓社会主义。”如果说这种理解还具有天人合一的古蕴古色，那么随着启蒙现代性被革命现代性取代，社会主义理想也转化为建立现代民族国家事业。因而现代社会的“世界大同，必以各地民族自决为基”，同时又以各民族国家命运与共为要。正是由于将民族独立摆在首要位置，毛泽东找到了“经过人民共和国到达社会主义和共产主义”的大道，而康有为“没有也不可能找到一条到达大同的路”。康有为《大同书》与张鲁“五斗米道”的结果一样，但都是传统文化中具有人类普遍性的社会主义因子。

The young Mao Zedong, guided by the zeitgeist of world history, adhered to the dialectical unity of universality and particularity, and established the modern civilizational ideal of socialism. Lenin pointed out: “All nations will inevitably move toward socialism.” But Mao did not mechanically copy Russian socialism; rather, he creatively understood and grasped socialism through Chinese traditional culture. In the process of spreading Marxism, Mao always leveraged the pre-understanding advantage of Chinese traditional culture, emphasizing the cultural soil in which Marxism could take root and sprout in China. As socialism, as the zeitgeist, was scattered across the land of China and sown in the hearts of Communists, the “spark” of the era’s civilization ignited the passion of the broad masses of Chinese people to become the subjects of modern civilization.

青年毛泽东以世界历史的时代精神为引领，坚持普遍性与特殊性的辩证统一，确立社会主义的现代文明理想。列宁指出：“一切民族都将走向社会主义，这是不可避免的。”但毛泽东并非机械照搬俄国社会主义，而是经过中国传统文化来创造性领会和把握社会主义。毛泽东在传播马克思主义过程中，始终发挥中国传统文化的思想前见优势，注重马克思主义在中国生根发芽的文化土壤。随着作为时代精神的社会主义撒播在中国大地上、撒种于共产党人心中，时代文明的“星星之火”点燃了广大中国人民创造现代文明主体性的激情。

II. Foundation and Base: The Ideological Emancipation That Opened the Source of Chinese Modern Civilizational Power

二、基点与基地：开源中国现代文明力量的思想解放

Mao Zedong insisted on integrating Marxism with Chinese traditional culture, unifying the enhancement of subjective self-awareness with the exertion of subjective power, and, in the process of ideological emancipation, opened the source of Chinese modern civilizational power.

毛泽东坚持马克思主义同中国传统文化相结合，将增强自身主体性自觉与发挥自身主体性力量相统一，在思想解放中开源中国现代文明力量。

The realization of China’s socialist modern civilizational ideal could only depend on the masses of the people removing obstacles through revolution. The masses of the people are the main force of social change. In 1919, the young Mao Zedong put forward the startling assertion that “the power of the united masses is the strongest,” which, with its profound revelation of the subjective power of the people, suddenly awakened the Chinese people who had long “lived the lives of slaves”; by revealing the roots of the power of the nobility, capitalists, and other power-holders, he placed the ideological emancipatory role of “knowledge” in the first position. Revolution is both an ideological emancipation that remolds the subjective world of the masses and depends on the immense power of the ideologically emancipated masses, thereby defining the primary question of revolution: “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends?” Mao did not provide a theoretical demonstration of the historical materialist view of the masses; rather, he used the practical effects of the Chinese peasant revolution as clear proof. In 1927, in his “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” he pointed out that hundreds of millions of peasants, breaking through the net of the traditional “four ropes,” [6]6 Wang Ming (1904–1974) was a senior CCP leader in the 1930s whose dogmatic adherence to Comintern directives was blamed for major setbacks in the Chinese revolution. “could not be suppressed by any force, no matter how great,” accomplishing in a few months what Sun Yat-sen had failed to achieve in forty years. The Chinese revolution took the peasants as its main force; “in essence, it was a peasant revolution.” To win the Chinese revolution, the first priority was to liberate and win over the peasants; the peasants were the invincible, ever-victorious army of the Chinese revolution, and winning the peasants meant winning the whole country.

中国实现社会主义的现代文明理想，唯有依赖人民群众通过革命扫除障碍。人民群众是社会变革的主体力量，1919年青年毛泽东提出“民众联合的力量最强”的惊世论断，以其对人民主体性力量的深刻揭示，将长期“干着奴隶的生活”的中国人猛然惊醒；揭示贵族资本家及其他强权者强的根源，将“知识”的思想解放作用摆在首位。革命既是改造人民群众主观世界的思想解放，又依赖于思想解放了的人民群众伟力，从而规定着革命的首要问题：“谁是我们的敌人?谁是我们的朋友?”毛泽东并非对其进行群众史观的理论论证，而是以中国农民革命的实践效果作明证。1927年他在《湖南农民运动考察报告》中指出，几万万农民冲决传统“四条绳索”的罗网，“无论什么大的力量都将压抑不住”，几个月之内干成孙中山四十年未竟之事。中国革命以农民为主体力量，“质言之即为农民革命”。夺取中国革命胜利，首在解放和赢得农民；农民是中国革命所向披靡、天下无敌的常胜军，赢得了农民就赢得了天下。

The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, and it must always walk at the forefront of ideological emancipation. Without the ideological emancipation of Chinese Communists, there would be no emergence of an ideologically emancipated Chinese people. In 1925, Mao Zedong pointed out that “the revolutionary party is the guide of the masses,” guiding and helping the masses to achieve freedom and liberation. This was not a self-proclamation by the CPC, nor did it come solely from a firm communist ideal; rather, it had to be recognized by the masses. The CPC was established with the help of the Communist International, “reporting its work monthly to the Communist International.” At the beginning of its founding, the CPC not only lacked sufficient theoretical preparation and revolutionary experience, but especially “lacked the ability to independently apply Marxism-Leninism” to handle the major and urgent issues facing the revolution. In terms of revolutionary armed forces, it was ideologically backward and passively inactive, leaving the Great Revolution powerless in the face of the White Terror. In 1927, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The broad masses of Party members and non-Party people wanted revolution, but the Party’s leadership was not revolutionary.” The most fatal was the abandonment of revolutionary leadership in two aspects, [7]7 “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” (1981), adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. which fundamentally put the Party in a passive position at the critical juncture of the Great Revolution. How to create a revolutionary theory armed by the revolutionary CPC, and use revolutionary theory to arm the revolutionary CPC and the masses, became the key issue for Mao Zedong in connecting revolutionary modernity to Chinese modern civilization.

中国共产党是中国人民和中华民族的先锋队，必须始终走在思想解放的前列。没有中国共产党人的思想解放，就不会涌现解放思想的中国人民。1925年毛泽东即指出“革命党是群众的向导”，指引和帮助群众自由解放。这并非中国共产党自封自许，亦非坚定共产主义理想而成，而是非人民群众公认不可。中国共产党由第三国际帮助成立，“每月向第三国际报告工作”。中国共产党成立之初不仅理论准备不足、革命经验不足，尤其“还没有能力独立地运用马克思列宁主义”来处理革命面临的重大和紧急问题。在革命武装方面思想落后而消极无为，致使大革命在白色恐怖面前无力反击，1927年毛泽东指出：“广大的党内党外的群众要革命，党的指导却不革命。”最致命的是放弃两个方面的革命领导权，在大革命的危急关头从根本上使党陷于被动地位。如何由革命的中国共产党创造革命的理论武装，用革命的理论武装革命的中国共产党和人民群众，成为毛泽东以革命现代性通向中国现代文明的关键问题。

First, leading the liberation cause of overthrowing the three great mountains, [8]8 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 1945). and thoroughly emancipating thought in the direction of revolution.

第一，引领推翻三座大山的解放事业，朝着革命的方向彻底解放思想。

The Chinese revolution, which overthrew the oppression and exploitation of the three great mountains [1]1 The “three great mountains” refers to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which Mao Zedong identified as the main oppressors of the Chinese people before 1949., was the source and living water of the ideological revolution of the Chinese Communist Party. Lenin pointed out: “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?* (1902). But from the perspective of historical materialism, without a revolutionary movement there can be no revolutionary thought, still less a theory that guides revolution. Only by working thoroughly for the “greater self” of the revolution with wholehearted devotion can the “lesser self” rush ideologically in the direction of the revolution, and only then can the proletariat and its party transform from a “class in itself” into a “class for itself.” In 1937, Mao Zedong pointed out in *On Practice* that the proletariat, through education in Marxist theory, comes to understand class relations of exploitation and its own historical task, and “then it becomes a ‘class for itself.’” The Chinese revolution was an armed struggle for national independence and the liberation of the people, not an intra-Party struggle for leadership. Yet before the Zunyi Conference [3]3 The Zunyi Conference (January 1935) was a pivotal meeting of the CCP during the Long March, where Mao Zedong began to establish his leadership over the Party and the Red Army., many of our Party’s leaders “practiced patriarchalism,” carrying out ruthless struggle and merciless blows against comrades who held different or opposing views, causing major losses and fatal damage to our Party’s cause. Patriarchalism was not merely a matter of personal work style; fundamentally, it reflected a lack of ideological cleansing of the poisonous remnants of feudal autocracy, and it had not yet shaken off the domination of “the selfishness of the petty bourgeoisie.” It was not the true communist style needed for the Chinese revolution, but an obstacle that had to be thoroughly eliminated in building a socialist modern civilization. For the Chinese Communist Party to emancipate the mind in a way consistent between theory and practice, it must always be “the most conscious, the most farsighted, and able to see the future clearly.”

推翻三座大山压迫剥削的中国革命，是中国共产党思想革命的源头活水。列宁指出：“没有革命的理论，就不会有革命的运动。”但从唯物史观考察，没有革命的运动，就不会有革命的思想，更不会有指导革命的理论。全心全意为着革命的“大我”而彻底工作，“小我”才会从思想上朝着革命的方向奔跑，无产阶级及其政党才能从“自在的阶级”变成“自为的阶级”。1937年毛泽东在《实践论》中指出，无产阶级经过马克思主义理论教育，理解了阶级剥削关系和自身历史任务，“这时就变成了一个‘自为的阶级’”。中国革命是争取民族独立、人民解放的武装斗争，而不是为着争夺革命领导权的党内斗争。然而遵义会议之前，我们党的领袖多是“搞家长制的”，对持不同和反对意见的同志进行残酷斗争、无情打击，给我们党的事业造成重大损失和致命打击。家长制并不仅仅是个人工作作风问题，在根本上是缺乏对封建专制遗毒的思想清洗，更未摆脱“小资产阶级的自私自利”支配；不是中国革命所需要的真正的共产主义风格，而是建设社会主义的现代文明必须彻底清除的障碍。中国共产党要理论与实践相一致地解放思想，必须始终做到“最有觉悟，最有预见，能够看清前途”。

Second, putting forward the proposition of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, thereby manifesting the subjectivity of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.

第二，提出马克思主义中国化的命题，彰显中国共产党领导的主体性。

Only by taking Marxism as its guiding ideology and mastering and applying the ideological weapon of Marxism can the Chinese Communist Party continuously emancipate the mind without betraying Marxism. Summarizing the lessons of the Party’s revolutionary experience, Mao Zedong pointed out at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Party in 1938: “To make Marxism concrete in China, so that in every one of its manifestations it acquires the necessary Chinese characteristics, that is, to apply it in accordance with Chinese characteristics – this has become a problem that the whole Party urgently needs to understand and solve.” [4]4 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938). This adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context, initiated by Mao Zedong, is the “First Integration,” which actually contains the “Second Integration,” namely, integrating the basic principles of Marxism with the fine traditional Chinese culture, hence the emphasis on “Chinese characteristics” and “Chinese features.” The scientific proposition of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context established a scientific attitude toward Marxism and affirmed a position of subjectivity in possessing Marxism, that is, what Marx called “understanding from the subjective side.” [5]5 Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach” (1845), Thesis 1. When Mao Zedong wrote *On Practice*, he integrated it with the traditional Chinese theory of knowledge and action, criticizing idealism and mechanical materialism for “separating the subjective from the objective,” and establishing practice as the primary and foremost viewpoint. By treating Marxism from the standpoint of practice, he restored Marxism to its nature of “changing the world” and simultaneously restored the Chinese Communist Party’s subjective self-awareness. From the standpoint of practice, Mao Zedong drew on the essence of traditional Chinese culture, making a “theoretical summation at the highest level” of the wisdom of the Chinese nation, enriching and developing the treasure house of Marxist thought, and thereby manifesting the revolutionary subjectivity of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership through the Party’s theoretical innovation.

中国共产党以马克思主义为指导思想，掌握和运用好马克思主义思想武器，才能不断解放思想而不负马克思主义。毛泽东总结党领导革命经验教训，1938年在党的六届六中全会上指出：“使马克思主义在中国具体化，使之在其每一表现中带着必须有的中国的特性，即是说，按照中国的特点去应用它，成为全党亟待了解并亟须解决的问题。”这个毛泽东开创的马克思主义中国化就是“第一个结合”，实际上包含“第二个结合”，即将马克思主义基本原理与中华优秀传统文化相结合，因而强调“中国的特性”“中国的特点”。马克思主义中国化的科学命题，树立了对待马克思主义的科学态度，确立了拥有马克思主义的主体性立场，即马克思所说“从主体方面去理解”。毛泽东创作《实践论》时将其与中国传统知行观相结合，批评唯心论和机械唯物主义“主观和客观相分裂”，把实践确立为第一的和首要的观点。以实践的观点对待马克思主义，使马克思主义回归“改变世界”的本性，又使中国共产党恢复了主体性自觉。毛泽东从实践的观点汲取中国传统文化精华，对中华民族智慧做出了“理论上的最高概括”，丰富和发展了马克思主义思想宝库，从党的理论创新上彰显了中国共产党领导的革命主体性。

Third, educating and arming the whole Party with Marxism, and eradicating the erroneous roots of dogmatism within the Party.

第三，用马克思主义教育和武装全党，清除党内教条主义的错误根源。

The reason Mao Zedong put forward the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context was to overcome the harm of dogmatism within the Party. *On Practice* was directly aimed at “some comrades who are dogmatists.” The dogmatism represented by Wang Ming [6]6 Wang Ming (1904–1974) was a senior CCP leader in the 1930s whose dogmatic adherence to Comintern directives was blamed for major setbacks in the Chinese revolution. did not “understand China’s yesterday and the day before yesterday,” “always spoke of Greece” while forgetting “their own ancestors,” and nearly ruined the entire cause pioneered by the Chinese Communists. The “Resolution” adopted in 1981 pointed out: “The erroneous tendency prevalent in our Party of dogmatizing Marxism, sanctifying the resolutions of the Communist International and the experience of the Soviet Union once brought the Chinese revolution to the brink of total failure.” [7]7 “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China” (1981), adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee. Dogmatism is a long-standing enemy within the Party; it is necessary to educate and arm the whole Party with the Marxist stand, viewpoint, and method, so that it can be “liberated from the obscurantism of dogmatism.” Dogmatism takes theoretical texts, higher-level resolutions, and the experience of others as its criteria for judgment. It not only turns Marxism into a theoretical philosophy that “interprets the world,” but also suppresses and attacks the subjectivity of the Chinese Communists. Mao Zedong creatively transformed the traditional concept of “seeking truth from facts,” basing the emancipation of the mind of the whole Party on objective reality. The fundamental point was to use the “arrow” of Marxism to shoot at the “target” of the Chinese revolution, thereby indicating the principles and methods for the exertion of the whole Party’s subjectivity. By using Marxism to overcome the subjectivist error of dogmatism, Mao Zedong united and consolidated the whole Party on the foundation of Marxism, making the entire Party a community like a family, thereby unifying the thought, will, and action of the whole Party for the victory of the War of Liberation.

毛泽东之所以提出马克思主义中国化，目的在于克服党内教条主义的危害。《实践论》直接针对的就是“一部分教条主义的同志”。以王明为代表的教条主义不“懂得中国的昨天和前天”，“言必称希腊”而忘记“自己的祖宗”，几乎断送了中国共产党人开创的整个事业。1981年通过的“决议”指出：“我们党内盛行的把马克思主义教条化、把共产国际决议和苏联经验神圣化的错误倾向，曾使中国革命几乎陷于绝境。”教条主义是党内长期存在的敌人，必须用马克思主义立场观点方法教育和武装全党，使其从“教条主义的蒙蔽中间解放出来”。教条主义以理论文本、上级决议、他者经验为评判标准，不仅将马克思主义变成“解释世界”的理论哲学，而且压制和打击中国共产党人的主体性。毛泽东将传统文化中的“实事求是”进行创造性转换，立足客观实际推进全党思想解放，根本在于用马克思主义之“矢”去射中国革命之“的”，为全党主体性的发挥指明原则和方法。毛泽东用马克思主义克服教条主义的主观主义错误，将全党团结凝聚在马克思主义基础之上，使全党成为像一个家庭那样的共同体，为夺取解放战争胜利统一了全党思想、意志、行动。

Fourth, promoting the modern transformation of traditional Chinese culture and facilitating the ideological emancipation of the broad masses of the people.

第四，推动中国传统文化向现代转型，促进广大人民群众的思想解放。

Mao Zedong merged national liberation with individual liberation, emphasizing that “national liberation is the liberation of individuality.” [8]8 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 1945). No matter which kind of liberation is achieved, it is constrained by the ideological weapon of the revolutionary subject. Mao Zedong Thought is Chinese Marxism. It not only enabled Marxism to take root, blossom, and bear fruit in China, but also transformed the traditional concepts that the people use daily without awareness into a modern form, making them an ideological weapon that the masses can learn and use. In 1938, when expounding the study of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong emphasized “a fresh, lively Chinese style and Chinese manner that the common people of China like to see and hear.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938). The Yan’an Rectification Movement [10]10 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1944) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, sectarianism, and stereotyped Party writing, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology. took opposing stereotyped Party writing as a main task, requiring its replacement with a lively, vigorous, and fresh Marxist style of writing, because the former “not only fails to express the revolutionary spirit, but very easily suffocates it.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing” (February 1942). Promoting the modernization of traditional Chinese culture aimed to create a modern Chinese culture that unifies modernity and national character. In 1940, Mao Zedong proposed building a “new China that is culturally advanced and therefore civilized and progressive.” [12]12 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy” (January 1940). This “new culture” was the New Democratic culture, that is, a modern culture that is national, scientific, and popular. Starting from the construction of Chinese modern civilization, Mao Zedong critically inherited traditional Chinese culture, emphasizing “discarding its feudal dross and absorbing its democratic essence,” [13]13 Ibid. with the aim of liberating the masses from the shackles of old feudal ideas. Once Sinicized Marxism became a sharp weapon in the hands of the masses, “the Chinese people, in their spiritual life, moved from the passive to the active,” [14]14 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (June 1949). which would fundamentally reverse the historical fate of being oppressed and exploited.

毛泽东将民族解放与个性解放合而为一，强调“民族解放就是解放个性”。不论实现哪种解放，都受制于革命主体的思想武器。毛泽东思想是中国的马克思主义，既让马克思主义在中国落地生根开花结果，又使人民日用不觉的传统观念向现代转化，成为人民群众能学会用的思想武装。1938年毛泽东在阐述马克思列宁主义的学习时，就强调“新鲜活泼的、为中国老百姓所喜闻乐见的中国作风和中国气派”。延安整风运动以反对党八股作为主要内容，要求代之以生动活泼新鲜有力的马克思主义文风，在于前者“不但不便于表现革命精神，而且非常容易使革命精神窒息”。推进中国传统文化现代化，旨在创造现代性与民族性相统一的中国现代文化。1940年毛泽东提出要建设一个“被新文化统治因而文明先进的中国”。这个“新文化”就是新民主主义文化，即民族的、科学的、大众的现代文化。毛泽东从建设中国现代文明出发，批判地继承中国传统文化，强调“剔除其封建性的糟粕，吸收其民主性的精华”，旨在把人民群众从封建旧观念的束缚中解放出来。中国化马克思主义一旦变成群众手中的尖锐武器，“中国人在精神上就由被动转入主动”，必将从根本上扭转被压迫剥削的历史命运。

The adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context is the base for ideological emancipation and the hub for building one’s own foundation of strength. In 1945, Mao Zedong, looking to the future and summing up the experience of the War of Resistance Against Japan, asked and answered himself: “On what foundation should we place our policy? On the foundation of our own strength.” [15]15 Mao Zedong, “The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan” (August 1945). Relying on one’s own strength means independence and self-reliance. The Party must base its subjective strength on seeking truth from facts, promote the ideological emancipation of the masses through its own ideological emancipation, and thereby form a mighty force of the masses supporting and upholding the Party’s leadership. Mao Zedong creatively put forward the “First Integration” and consciously practiced and advanced the “Second Integration,” enabling Marxism to merge and interpenetrate with traditional Chinese culture, thereby laying the historical foundation of Chinese civilization for continuously opening up the Chinese path.

马克思主义中国化是思想解放的基地，是构筑自己力量基点的枢纽。1945年毛泽东面向未来总结抗战经验，自问自答道：“我们的方针要放在什么基点上?放在自己力量的基点上。”依靠自己的力量就是独立自主，党要把主体性力量立于实事求是之上，在自身思想解放中促进人民群众思想解放，形成人民群众支持拥护党的领导的磅礴力量。毛泽东创造性地提出“第一个结合”，自觉践行和推进“第二个结合”，使马克思主义同中国传统文化融通贯通，为不断开辟中国道路奠定了中华文明的历史根基。

III. Steps and Pace: The Historical Initiative in Opening Up the Path of Chinese Modern Civilization

三、步骤与步伐：开辟中国现代文明道路的历史主动

Mao Zedong adhered to the integration of Marxism with traditional Chinese culture, unifying the basic laws of human development with the greatest possibilities of Chinese social development, and opened up the path of Chinese modern civilization through historical initiative.

毛泽东坚持马克思主义同中国传统文化相结合，将人类发展基本规律同中国社会发展最大可能性相统一，在历史主动中开辟中国现代文明道路。

For China to realize the socialist ideal of modern civilization, it must firmly establish historical confidence on the basis of Marxism. Historical materialism is the theoretical source of Mao Zedong’s historical confidence. In early 1921, Mao Zedong explicitly stated that “historical materialism is the philosophical foundation of our Party,”[16]16 Mao Zedong, “Letter to Cai Hesen” (January 21, 1921), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 4. initially laying the theoretical groundwork for scientific socialism from five aspects – the theory of revolution, the theory of class, the theory of dictatorship, the theory of strategy and tactics, and the theory of the Party – and he struggled for the socialist modern civilization of China throughout his life. In 1926, when Mao Zedong presided over the Sixth Peasant Movement Training Institute, he read Zhang Bojian’s *A Brief History of Social Evolution* and understood its “eight-stage” theory of the evolution of social formations. While overcoming the limitations of the traditional cyclical view of history and the evolutionary view of history, he became even more convinced that socialism would inevitably replace capitalism. Summarizing the Party’s experience in leading the revolution, Mao Zedong learned to use the ideological weapon of Marxism and firmly established the confidence to overcome all difficulties and defeat all enemies. In 1935, Mao Zedong pointed out: “We the Chinese nation have the spirit to fight the enemy to the last drop of our blood, the determination to recover our lost territory on the basis of self-reliance, and the ability to stand on our own feet among the nations of the world.” Looking back over human history since the beginning of the communist movement, “the history of the revolutionary people is a history of victory.” The inevitable victory of socialism is the inevitable trend of human history.

中国实现现代文明的社会主义理想，必须坚定马克思主义基础上的历史自信。唯物史观是毛泽东历史自信的理论源泉，1921年初毛泽东明确指出“唯物史观是吾党哲学的根据”，从革命论、阶级论、专政论、战略和策略论、政党论等五个方面，初步奠定了科学社会主义的理论基础，并为中国社会主义的现代文明奋斗终生。1926年毛泽东主持第六届农民运动讲习所时，曾阅读张伯简《社会进化简史》，了解其“八分法”的社会形态演进理论，在克服传统循环史观和进化论史观局限性的同时，更加坚信社会主义必然取代资本主义。毛泽东总结我们党领导革命经验，学会运用马克思主义思想武器，坚定克服一切困难、战胜一切敌人的信心，1935年毛泽东指出：“我们中华民族有同自己的敌人血战到底的气概，有在自力更生的基础上光复旧物的决心，有自立于世界民族之林的能力。”纵览自共产主义运动以来的人类历史，“革命人民的历史都是胜利的历史”。社会主义必然胜利，这是人类历史的必然趋势。

Historical confidence is merely an overall conviction about the direction and tendency of history; it lacks the concrete steps to turn it into practice. Historical initiative overcomes the limitation of historical confidence being confined to itself, and realizes the ideal of socialist civilization by opening up a path. Historical initiative follows the universal laws of human history. Mao Zedong was familiar with the Marxist theory of the “five forms” of society, but he placed greater emphasis on bringing human subjective initiative into play, deepening the “First Integration” with the “Second Integration” to reveal the specific laws of Chinese social development. Historical initiative is the opposite of “blindness” and “spontaneity.” In 1945, at the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong pointed out that all social revolutions before the emergence of Marxism were spontaneous. Guided by Marxism, historical initiative has a very clear view of the prospects, steps, and conditions of the revolution; it is both a spiritual quality of subjective initiative and, even more so, a revolutionary quality of the greatest possibility. Mao Zedong divided the Chinese revolution into an “upper chapter and a lower chapter” and proposed the “two-step” strategic conception for China’s modernization, both of which concretely and vividly demonstrated the historical initiative spirit of our Party. Mao Zedong used historical initiative to plan extraordinary development, opposing both tailism and chronic disease, as well as adventurism and acute disease. It is the greatest possible actuality of “transcending existence in the face of being,” realizing the ideal of socialist civilization with the stride of crossing the “Caudine Forks.”[17]17 “Caudine Forks” (卡夫丁峡谷) refers to a narrow mountain pass in ancient Italy where the Samnites forced a Roman army to surrender in 321 BCE. Marx and Engels used it as a metaphor for the possibility of a society bypassing the capitalist stage of development, a concept later taken up in debates on the “Asiatic mode of production” and the path of non-capitalist development.

历史自信只是对历史方向和趋向的总体确信，缺乏将其化为实践的具体步骤。历史主动克服历史自信囿于自身的弊端，通过开辟道路实现社会主义文明理想。历史主动遵循人类历史普遍规律，毛泽东熟悉马克思主义“五形态”理论，但更强调发挥人的主观能动性，以“第二个结合”深化“第一个结合”，揭示中国社会发展特殊规律。历史主动与“盲目”和“自发”相对，1945年在党的七大上毛泽东指出，马克思主义产生之前的社会革命都是自发的。历史主动以马克思主义为指导，对革命前途、步骤、条件看得非常清楚，既是主观能动性的精神品格，更是最大可能性的革命品格。毛泽东将中国革命分为“上篇与下篇”，提出我国现代化战略构想“两步走”，都具体生动彰显了我们党的历史主动精神。毛泽东以历史主动谋划超常规发展，既反对尾巴主义和慢性病，又反对冒险主义和急性病，是“在面对存在中超越实存”的最大可能现实性，以跨越“卡夫丁峡谷”的步伐实现社会主义文明理想。

First, continuously open up the path of the Chinese revolution and inherit the excellent traditions of Chinese civilization.

第一，接续开辟中国革命道路，传承中华优秀文明传统。

The key to realizing the socialist ideal of modern civilization lies in continuously opening up the path of the Chinese revolution. This is the only way to reach and enter socialism, and it is also the sole thoroughfare for continuing and promoting Chinese civilization since modern times. The history of the Chinese nation over five thousand years has never been interrupted; inheriting Chinese civilization is our active spirit rooted in history. In 1938, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Today’s China is a development of historical China.” The Chinese Communists are the faithful inheritors and promoters of Chinese civilization; they must not sever, negate, or nihilize history. “From Confucius to Sun Yat-sen, we should sum it up and inherit this precious legacy.” Proceeding from the historical and cultural fact that China is a large agricultural country, Mao Zedong innovatively developed the “agriculture and warfare” spirit of the Mohist and Legalist schools, opened up the New Democratic Revolution path of “encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing political power by armed force,” opened up the socialist transformation path with “one transformation and three reforms”[18]18 “One transformation and three reforms” (一化三改) refers to the General Line for the Transition Period (1953): socialist industrialization (the “one transformation”) and the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce (the “three reforms”). as its main content, and opened up the socialist construction path with correctly handling relations and contradictions among the people as its main content. This not only enabled the Chinese nation to step onto the broad road of socialist modern civilization construction and achieve world-renowned accomplishments, but also enabled the Chinese civilization tradition to adapt to the continuously opened-up revolutionary path and to constantly innovate and develop. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, “The New Democratic Revolution path, the socialist revolution path, the socialist construction path, and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics opened up by our Party are all great creations that integrate the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities,” and they are all great creations that integrate the basic tenets of Marxism with the excellent traditional Chinese culture.

实现社会主义的现代文明理想，关键在于接续开辟中国革命道路。这是通达并进入社会主义的必由之路，又是近代以来赓续弘扬中华文明的唯一通途。中华民族五千多年历史从未间断，传承中华文明就是我们扎根历史的主动精神，1938年毛泽东指出：“今天的中国是历史的中国的一个发展。”中国共产党人是中华文明的忠实继承者和弘扬者，不能割裂、否定、虚无历史，“从孔夫子到孙中山，我们应当给以总结，承继这一份珍贵的遗产”。毛泽东从我国农业大国的历史文化事实出发，创新性发展墨法思想的“农战”精神，开辟“农村包围城市，武装夺取政权”的新民主主义革命道路，开辟以“一化三改”为主要内容的社会主义改造道路，开辟以正确处理人民内部关系和矛盾为主要内容的社会主义建设道路，不仅使中华民族跨入社会主义现代文明建设的康庄大道并取得举世瞩目成就，而且使中华文明传统适应接续开辟的革命道路并不断创新发展。习近平总书记指出，“我们党开辟的新民主主义革命道路、社会主义革命道路、社会主义建设道路、中国特色社会主义道路，都是把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合的伟大创造”，都是把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合的伟大创造。

Second, utilize the wisdom of traditional Chinese culture to successfully leap over the capitalist system.

第二，运用中国传统文化智慧，成功跨越资本主义制度。

The New Democratic Revolution path is a great creation that leaps over the capitalist system, enabling the Chinese nation to cross from a feudal and backward society into a socialist society with historical initiative. This is the far-sightedness of revolutionary utilitarians in creating history, and it is also Mao Zedong’s creative application and development of traditional utilitarian thought. Mozi advocated the “unity of will and result” and was a primitive socialist in ancient China. Mao Zedong criticized the idealist poison of Dong Zhongshu’s saying, “Rectify the righteousness without seeking its benefit, illuminate the Way without calculating its merit.” In 1943, he creatively put forward the proposition of “revolutionary utilitarianism,” emphasizing the unity of the immediate interests and future interests of the vast majority of the people, and the consistency of the motive for the masses with the effect welcomed by the masses. Revolutionary utilitarianism follows the Marxist view of practice, opposes the idealism of feudal and bourgeois utilitarianism with “revolutionary character,” and opposes the most selfish and short-sighted utilitarianism of hypocrites with “effect theory.” Its purpose is to pass through the democratic revolution and lead to socialism and communism. The New Democratic Revolution, as a bourgeois democratic revolution led by our Party, leaps over the “Caudine Forks” of the capitalist system. It “does not undergo the terrible shocks of capitalist production,” yet it appropriates all the positive achievements created by the capitalist system, and moreover realizes “the great leap of China from thousands of years of feudal autocratic politics to people’s democracy.” It achieves the optimal effect that could not be attained by mechanically following the laws step by step, concretely interpreting the profound connotation of revolutionary utilitarianism through the great practice of opening up the path.

新民主主义革命道路是跨越资本主义制度的伟大创造，使中华民族以历史主动精神从封建落后社会跨入社会主义社会。这是革命功利主义者创造历史的高瞻远瞩，也是毛泽东对传统功利主义思想的创造性运用和发展。墨子主张“志功合一”，是中国古代朴素的社会主义者。毛泽东批评董仲舒“正其谊不谋其利，明其道不计其功”的唯心流毒，1943年创造性提出“革命的功利主义”命题，强调最广大群众的目前利益和将来利益相统一，为大众的动机和被大众欢迎的效果相一致。革命功利主义遵循马克思主义的实践观点，以“革命性”反对封建阶级和资产阶级功利主义的唯心论，以“效果论”反对伪善者最自私最短视的功利主义，目的是经过民主革命而通向社会主义和共产主义。新民主主义革命作为我们党领导的资产阶级民主革命，跨越资本主义制度的“卡夫丁峡谷”，既“不经受资本主义生产的可怕的波折”，又占有资本主义制度创造的一切积极成果，更实现了“中国从几千年封建专制政治向人民民主的伟大飞跃”，取得了遵循规律亦步亦趋所无法达到的最优效果，以道路开辟的伟大实践具体诠释了革命功利主义的深刻内涵。

Third, guide and make good use of capitalism, and plan ahead for the transition to socialism.

第三，引导和利用好资本主义，超前谋划迈向社会主义。

The most important and thorny issue in entering socialism via the New Democratic Revolution path is correctly dealing with capitalism. The New Democratic society is a transitional stage between capitalist society and socialist society. It is necessary both to fully utilize the advantages of capitalist development and to guide and restrict the development of capitalism, thereby creating a more solid foundation for entering socialism. Capitalism in the New Democratic society is a contradiction, both opposing and uniting with the socialist prospect. In 1937, Mao Zedong’s *On Contradiction* explained the law of the unity of opposites of contradiction and creatively transformed the allusion “opposites complement each other” from the *Book of Han*, providing a methodology for dialectically treating capitalism. The extensive development of New Democratic capitalism “has only benefits, no harm” for China. This is also a Leninist factor on the New Democratic path. Mao Zedong cited Lenin’s thesis in *Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution*: “The bourgeois democratic revolution is more advantageous to the proletariat than to the bourgeoisie.” In 1945, in a series of speeches at the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong not only analyzed the great significance of developing capitalism but also formulated economic policies to regulate and guide capitalist development. Thus, the New Democratic society not only benefited the development of socialism but also proactively implanted socialist factors ahead of time with historical initiative. Mao Zedong’s use of capitalist development of productive forces in the New Democratic society was an innovative development of the Marxist theory of the Eastern path, preparing the initially developed conditions of modern civilization for the Chinese people to actively enter socialism.

经过新民主主义革命道路跨入社会主义，最重要最棘手的在于正确对待资本主义。新民主主义社会是处于资本主义社会与社会主义社会之间的过渡阶段，既要充分利用资本主义发展的优势，又要引导限制资本主义的发展，从而为跨入社会主义创造更为坚实的基础。资本主义在新民主主义社会是一个矛盾体，与社会主义前途既对立又统一。1937年毛泽东《矛盾论》阐释矛盾的对立统一法则，并对《汉书》典故“相反相成”进行创造性转化，为辩证对待资本主义提供了方法论。广泛发展新民主主义的资本主义，对中国而言“只有好处，没有坏处”。这也是新民主主义道路上的列宁主义因素，毛泽东援引列宁《在民主革命中社会民主党的两个策略》中的论断：“资产阶级民主革命，与其说对资产阶级有利，不如说对无产阶级更有利。”1945年毛泽东在党的七大的系列讲话中，不仅剖析了发展资本主义的重大意义，而且制定了规范和引领资本主义发展的经济政策。因而新民主主义社会不仅有助于社会主义的发展，而且以历史主动精神超前植入了社会主义因素。毛泽东以新民主主义社会的资本主义发展生产力，是对马克思主义东方道路理论的创新性发展，为中国人民主动跨入社会主义准备了初步发展的现代文明条件。

Fourth, struggle against erroneous political lines to avoid detours in the development of the Chinese revolution.

第四，与错误政治路线作斗争，规避中国革命发展歧途。

Only by correctly understanding the nature and orientation of the New Democratic Revolution and firmly committing to the socialist future of New Democracy can the Chinese revolution be led to develop along the correct line. New Democracy is “neither socialism nor old capitalism”; it opposes both Chen Duxiu’s “theory of two-stage revolution” and Wang Ming’s “theory of one-stage revolution.” The “theory of two-stage revolution” severs the relationship between the two stages of the Chinese revolution, lacks confidence in the leadership of the proletariat, and thus plunges the historical initiative into fatalism; the “theory of one-stage revolution” blurs the boundary between the two stages of the Chinese revolution, exaggerates the power of the proletariat, and thus plunges the historical initiative into voluntarism. Mao Zedong adhered to the truth of the “Two Integrations” in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, scientifically expounded the theory of the “two-step” Chinese revolution, and refuted erroneous political lines both inside and outside the Party, aiming to steer the Chinese revolution away from deviant paths. In 1939, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The democratic revolution is the necessary preparation for the socialist revolution, and the socialist revolution is the inevitable trend of the democratic revolution.” These are two distinct stages of the Chinese revolution; “there is no such thing as ‘accomplishing the whole task at one stroke,’” and they must be linked to each other without being severed. He opposed “the illusion of a third road” and would not tolerate “a stage of bourgeois dictatorship” being inserted in between. It is unrealistic to dream of rapidly eliminating capitalism, and it is impossible to dream of establishing a capitalist society; neither conforms to the dialectical materialism of China’s social development. The Chinese people, by taking the path of New Democracy, “are leaning to the side of socialism.” Only socialism can save China, and only socialism can realize the ideal of Chinese modern civilization.

正确认识新民主主义革命的性质方位，坚定新民主主义的社会主义前途，才能领导中国革命沿着正确路线发展。新民主主义“不是社会主义，也不是老资本主义”；既反对陈独秀的“二次革命论”，又反对王明的“一次革命论”。“二次革命论”割裂中国革命两个阶段之间的关系，对无产阶级领导缺乏信心而使历史主动精神陷入宿命论；“一次革命论”混淆中国革命两个阶段之间的界限，夸大无产阶级力量而使历史主动精神陷入唯意志论。毛泽东坚持马克思主义中国化“两个结合”的真理性，科学阐述中国革命“两步走”理论，驳斥党内外错误政治路线，旨在规避中国革命发展歧途。1939年毛泽东指出：“民主主义革命是社会主义革命的必要准备，社会主义革命是民主主义革命的必然趋势。”这是中国革命的两个不同阶段，“无所谓‘毕其功于一役’”，必须相互衔接而不分割；反对“第三条道路的幻想”，不容横插“一个资产阶级专政的阶段”。妄想迅速消灭资本主义是不现实的，妄想建立资本主义社会是不可能的，都不合乎中国社会发展的唯物辩证法。中国人民经过新民主主义的道路，“就是倒向社会主义一边”。只有社会主义才能救中国，才能实现中国现代文明理想。

The opening of the path of the New Democratic Revolution made full use of the actual conditions of the Chinese revolution and also fully utilized the positive factors of traditional Chinese culture; it was the result of the interaction of the “Two Integrations.” In the “First Integration,” Mao Zedong based himself on the concrete realities of the Chinese revolution, avoiding the errors of dogmatism and populism in opening the path; with the “Second Integration,” he inherited the fine traditional Chinese culture, avoiding the errors of pragmatism and empiricism in opening the path. Mao Zedong “adhered to the correct line of Marxism-Leninism and waged victorious struggles against all erroneous ideas opposed to it,” opening the only correct path for the Chinese nation to transcend historical time and space, providing earth-shaking valuable experience for building a socialist modern civilization.

新民主主义革命道路的开辟充分利用中国革命现实条件，又充分运用中国传统文化的积极因素，是“两个结合”相互作用的结果。毛泽东在“第一个结合”中立足中国革命具体实际，避免道路开辟犯教条主义和民粹主义错误；又以“第二个结合”传承中华优秀传统文化，避免道路开辟犯实用主义和经验主义错误。毛泽东“坚持了正确的马克思列宁主义的路线，并向一切与之相反的错误思想作了胜利的斗争”，开辟出一条使中华民族跨越历史时空的唯一正确道路，为建设社会主义现代文明形态提供了改天换地的宝贵经验。

IV. Ideas and Rationale: Practical Exploration in Building the Chinese Modern Civilizational Form

四、理念与理路：开建中国现代文明形态的实践探索

Mao Zedong adhered to the integration of Marxism with traditional Chinese culture, unifying the civilizational tradition of “all under heaven is held in common” (天下为公) with socialist modernization, and in practical exploration, began to build the Chinese modern civilizational form.

毛泽东坚持马克思主义同中国传统文化相结合，将天下为公文明传统与社会主义现代化建设相统一，在实践探索中开建中国现代文明形态。

China’s construction of a socialist modern civilization is a continuation and promotion of the civilizational tradition of the great way of “all under heaven is held in common.” “All under heaven is held in common” is the civilizational ideal of the sages of the Chinese nation. Confucianism not only has the canonical basis of “When the great way prevails, all under heaven is held in common,” but also hopes that the civilizational order of “all under heaven is held in common” will endure forever and transform all directions. According to the explanation of Zheng Xuan, a classical scholar of the Eastern Han dynasty, “common” (公) in “all under heaven is held in common” means “shared” (共). The *Lüshi Chunqiu* states: “All under heaven is not the world of one person; it is the world of all under heaven.” [19]19 The "three great mountains" (三座大山) refers to imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, which Mao Zedong identified as the three oppressive forces weighing on the Chinese people before the revolution. Everyone practices the “great learning” (大学) of cultivating the self, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to all under heaven, which historically sedimented into the Chinese civilizational tradition of “all under heaven is held in common.” Mao Zedong, from childhood, read the “Four Books” and “Five Classics,” [20]20 The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC (March 1949) was a key meeting held on the eve of the nationwide victory of the Chinese revolution, where Mao Zedong outlined the shift from rural to urban focus and the transition from New Democracy to socialism. but grew up in an era when the civilizational order of family, state, and all under heaven was collapsing and breaking. The violent collision between the civilizational order of family, state, and all under heaven and Western industrial civilization resulted in “China, though not having perished as a state, had already lost ‘

中国建设社会主义的现代文明，是对天下为公大道文明传统的赓续弘扬。“天下为公”是中华民族先贤的文明理想，儒家不仅有“大道之行也，天下为公”之典据，而且希冀天下为公的文明秩序永世长存化育八方。按照东汉经学家郑玄的解释，“天下为公”的“公”，即“共”的意思，《吕氏春秋》曰：“天下，非一人之天下，乃天下之天下也。”人人行修身齐家治国平天下的“大学之道”，历史地沉积为“天下为公”的中华文明传统。毛泽东自幼诵读“四书”“五经”，但又生长在家国天下文明秩序崩坏断裂时代。家国天下的文明秩序与西方工业文明急遽碰撞，结果“中国虽未曾亡国，却已经亡了‘天下’”。“亡天下”意味着“天下为公”沦为“天下为私”，以现代“力”的秩序取代传统“礼”的秩序，致使近代国人思想空虚腐败至极，在西方这位“老师”面前屡战屡败。重新使天下为公的文明传统焕发生机，并成为中华民族“立国之根本”，已然成为建设中国现代文明的核心问题。

The key to the modern transformation of the traditional civilization of the Great Way of the world being for all (天下为公) lies in possessing a modern state in which the world is for all. The rupture of the traditional civilizational order of family-state-world elevated the status of the "state" from the periphery to the center. Only by placing the traditional civilizational state above the modern nation-state can the civilizational ideal of the world being for all have the possibility of revival. Modern China suffered under the brutal rule of the three great mountains [n]; without striving for national independence, it could not stand up. As early as its Second National Congress, the Communist Party of China had already established the minimum goal of a "genuine democratic republic." In leading various stages of the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong not only proposed and established republics exercising partial governance but also implemented the concept of the world being for all in all aspects of republic-building. In 1940, Mao Zedong quoted the old Chinese saying "let everyone have food to eat," pointing out that "since we have enemies for everyone to fight, we should have food for everyone to eat, work for everyone to do, and books for everyone to read." In 1945, on the eve of victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong proposed building "a new country that is independent, free, democratic, unified, and prosperous"; in 1949, on the eve of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong outlined the beautiful blueprint of a "new China that is independent, democratic, peaceful, unified, and prosperous." Mao Zedong led the comprehensive and coordinated advancement of the cause of building a modern socialist country, fully demonstrating the logic of common possession, common construction, and common sharing in Chinese-path civilization.

传统天下为公的大道文明向现代转换，关键是拥有天下为公的现代国家。传统家国天下的文明秩序断裂，使“国”的地位从边缘升至中心。将传统文明型国家立于现代民族国家之上，天下为公的文明理想方有复活可能。近代中国备受三座大山的残酷统治，非争取民族独立不可能站立起来。中国共产党早在二大就已确立“真正民主共和国”的最低目标。毛泽东在领导中国革命的各个阶段，不仅提出并建立局部执政的共和国，而且将天下为公理念贯彻共和国建设各方面。1940年毛泽东引用中国老话“有饭大家吃”，指出“既然有敌大家打，就应该有饭大家吃，有事大家做，有书大家读”。1945年在抗日战争胜利前夕，毛泽东提出建立“一个独立、自由、民主、统一和富强的新国家”；1949年在新中国成立前夕，毛泽东勾画了“独立民主和平统一富强的新中国”的美好蓝图。毛泽东领导全面建设社会主义现代化国家事业协同推进，充分彰显了中国现代文明的共有共建共享理路。

First, establish an advanced socialist system to realize the most extensive and profound transformation.

第一，确立先进的社会主义制度，实现最为广泛深刻的变革。

The return of the civilizational form from the world being for private interests (天下为私) to the world being for all fundamentally lies in establishing a social structure of universal independence and equality for all people, and the key lies in creating an institutional system of the world being for all. China's civilizational tradition of the world being for all is highly compatible with the values of scientific socialism. After the founding of New China, establishing a socialist social structure meant undergoing socialist transformation through the "Second Integration." In 1957, Mao Zedong pointed out that socialist transformation had two aspects: "on the one hand, the transformation of the system; on the other hand, the transformation of people." The transformation of the system first involved the socialist transformation of private ownership of the means of production, thereby realizing public ownership of the means of production and the system of distribution according to work, laying the economic foundation for the civilizational rebirth of the world being for all from an institutional perspective. Economic public ownership depends on political democracy. In 1944, Mao Zedong pointed out: "Politics and military affairs are placed first because without them, the productive forces cannot be liberated, and there is no possibility of discussing other issues." Mao Zedong led the establishment of a democratic political system with the system of people's congresses as its main body, providing political guarantees for the civilizational rebirth of the world being for all from an institutional perspective. Mao Zedong also explored and formulated various specific systems. The unity of the democratic political system and the economic public ownership system constituted the "advanced socialist system" of New China. Its advanced nature lay in enabling the civilization of the Great Way of the world being for all to be reborn institutionally in China, not only realizing "the most extensive and profound social change in the history of the Chinese nation" but also laying the fundamental institutional foundation for building the modern civilization of the Chinese nation.

文明形态从天下为私复归天下为公，根本在于确立人人独立平等的社会结构，关键在于创建天下为公的制度体系。中国天下为公的文明传统与科学社会主义价值观高度契合。新中国成立之后确立社会主义社会结构，也就是经过“第二个结合”的社会主义改造。1957年毛泽东指出社会主义改造有两个方面：“一方面是制度的改造，一方面是人的改造。”制度的改造首先是对生产资料私有制的社会主义改造，从而实现生产资料公有制和按劳分配制度，从制度上为实现天下为公的文明新生奠定经济基础。经济上的公有制依赖于政治上的民主制，1944年毛泽东即指出：“政治、军事之所以放在第一，是因为如果没有它们，生产力得不到解放，就没有可能谈其他问题。”毛泽东领导确立以人民代表大会制度为主体的民主政治制度体系，从制度上为天下为公的文明新生提供了政治保证。毛泽东还探索制定了各方面具体制度。民主政治制度与经济公有制度相统一，构成新中国“先进的社会主义制度”。其先进性就在于让天下为公的大道文明从制度上在中国重生，不仅实现了“中华民族有史以来最为广泛而深刻的社会变革”，而且为建设中华民族现代文明奠定了根本制度基础。

Second, promote comprehensive modernization through industrialization and build a great modern socialist country.

第二，以工业化促进全面现代化，建设社会主义现代化强国。

The transformation of civilization from an agricultural civilization to an industrial civilization is an urgent requirement for building a socialist modern civilization, and it must be advanced through industrialization promoting comprehensive modernization. In 1944, Mao Zedong analyzed that the root cause of modern China’s backwardness and vulnerability to aggression lay in its failure to establish a strong industry. In 1949, at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC [n], a historical juncture, Mao strategically planned for China to transform from a backward agricultural country into an advanced industrial country. Mao actively explored an industrialization path suited to China’s national conditions, with the core issue being the correct handling of the relationship among agriculture, light industry, and heavy industry. Influenced by the mercantilist thinking of Sima Qian, Sang Hongyang, Wang Fu, Yan Yuan, and Zheng Guanying [n], he proposed in 1957 the policy of “developing industry and agriculture simultaneously.” After a decade of exploration in socialist modernization, the strategic framework of the “Four Modernizations” – “modern agriculture, modern industry, modern national defense, and modern science and technology” – was formally established in 1963. Within the overall layout of the “Four Modernizations,” industrial modernization was the focus, agricultural modernization the foundation, national defense modernization the safeguard, and scientific and technological modernization the key. The “Four Modernizations” highlighted four important domains; they proceeded in parallel and mutually reinforced each other, but without industrial modernization, modernization in other areas was inconceivable. In 1964, when reviewing the draft of the *Government Work Report*, Mao emphasized that “we must break with conventions and adopt advanced technology as much as possible,” with the fundamental goal of building China into a powerful modern socialist country. By advancing comprehensive modernization through the “Four Modernizations,” Mao established a relatively complete industrial system and national economic system.

文明演进从农业文明转变为工业文明，是建设社会主义现代文明的迫切要求，必须以工业化促进全面现代化。1944年毛泽东分析近代中国落后挨打根源，就在于中国没有建立起强大的工业。1949年毛泽东在历史交汇的党的七届二中全会上，战略谋划中国由落后的农业国变成先进的工业国。毛泽东积极探索适合我国国情的工业化道路，核心问题是正确处理农、轻、重的关系，受司马迁、桑弘羊、王符、颜元、郑观应等重商思想影响，1957年提出“发展工业必须和发展农业同时并举”的方针。社会主义现代化建设历经十年探索，于1963年正式确立“现代农业、现代工业、现代国防和现代科学技术”的“四化”战略格局。在“四个现代化”的总体布局中，工业现代化是重点，农业现代化是基础，国防现代化是保障，科学技术现代化是关键。“四个现代化”突出四个重要领域，四者同时并行、相互促进，但没有工业现代化，其它方面现代化不可想象。1964年毛泽东审阅《政府工作报告》草稿时，强调“必须打破常规，尽量采用先进技术”，根本目的是把我国建设成为社会主义现代化强国。毛泽东以“四个现代化”推进全面现代化，建立起了较为完整的工业体系和国民经济体系。

Third, practice the fundamental purpose of serving the people and consolidate the spiritual force of collectivism.

第三，践行为人民服务根本宗旨，凝聚集体主义的精神力量。

The transformation of the subject of civilization from the traditional person to the modern person is the fundamental goal of socialist civilization construction, and it must use cultural modernization to lead the modernization of people. Since its founding, our Party has advocated advanced Marxist culture, focusing on solving the fundamental questions of who I am, whom I serve, and whom I rely on, thereby greatly changing the spiritual outlook of the Chinese people. In 1961, Mao Zedong pointed out that “the basic principle of Marxism is to serve the people.” Members of the Communist Party of China are a special kind of person; “they seek no private gain at all, but only the welfare of the nation and the people.” Serving the people wholeheartedly is the fundamental purpose of our Party. “Wholeheartedly” means with single-minded devotion and utmost effort, opposing individualism that disregards the people’s interests, thereby developing traditional Chinese people-oriented thought. Communists come together from all corners of the country for a common purpose, forming a community dedicated to serving the people. “Collectivism is the ideology of the proletariat” and is the ethical principle of socialist modern civilization construction. Individuals exist in a collective form and depend on the collective for survival and development; the collective is formed by the union of independent individuals and depends on their common progress. Collectivism advocates “taking into account the interests of the state, the collective, and the individual,” while also adhering to the principle of “collective ethics first,” opposing individualism and departmentalism that disregard collective interests. Collectivism is consistent with human nature; in 1943, Mao Zedong pointed out that “sociality” is the unique characteristic of human beings. Collectivism represents a comprehensive innovation and modern transformation of the ethical spirit of traditional Confucianism and Daoism, becoming the core code for gathering strong spiritual force in building Chinese modern civilization.

文明主体从传统的人转变为现代的人，是社会主义文明建设的根本目的，必须以文化现代化引领人的现代化。我们党自成立起即倡导马克思主义的先进文化，着力解决我是谁、为了谁、依靠谁的根本问题，极大地改变了中国人民的精神面貌。1961年毛泽东指出“马克思主义基本原则是为人民服务”。中国共产党党员是一种特别的人，“他们完全不谋私利，而只为民族与人民求福利”。全心全意为人民服务是我们党的根本宗旨，“全心全意”意味着一心一意、竭尽全力，反对无视人民利益的个人主义，发展了中国传统民本思想。中国共产党人为着共同目的，从五湖四海走到一起来，形成为人民服务的共同体。“集体主义是无产阶级的思想”，是社会主义现代文明建设的伦理原则。个人以集体的方式存在，又依赖于集体生存发展；集体由独立的个人联合而成，又依赖于个人的共同进步。集体主义主张“兼顾国家、集体和个人”，又坚持“集体伦理优先”原则，反对不顾集体利益的个人主义和本位主义。集体主义与人的本性相一致，1943年毛泽东指出“社会性”是人的唯一特性。集体主义是对传统儒道伦理精神的综合创新和现代转换，成为了建设中国现代文明凝聚强大精神力量的核心密码。

Fourth, support the liberation cause of oppressed nations and seek lasting peace for human progress.

第四，支持被压迫民族解放事业，为人类进步谋求永久和平。

The mission of civilization shifting from national liberation to human liberation is the responsibility of a major country in promoting the progress of human civilization, and it must guide world peace and development with a vision of embracing the world. The Chinese nation is a peace-loving nation; the culture of “harmony and cooperation” has long been embedded in its soul. As early as 1936, Mao Zedong envisioned “an era of permanent peace for mankind.” After the founding of New China, an independent foreign policy of peace was established, declaring to the world that “we want peace, not war.” Communists oppose war but are not afraid of it. War is not a civilized way to resolve conflicts, nor is it a self-protective strategy to avoid being dragged into war. However, in the era of imperialist colonial rule, national war was undoubtedly the only path to achieve peace; otherwise, national independence and people’s liberation could not be realized. Mao Zedong supported the liberation wars of oppressed nations, regarding the liberation cause of oppressed nations as part of his own cause, and supported “the wars of oppressed peoples against imperialism.” Peace is both the result and the hallmark of the progress of human civilization, and it is also a prerequisite and condition for realizing communism. In 1963, Mao Zedong pointed out: “As long as imperialism exists, socialist countries cannot enter communist society.” China, as a large socialist country, bears the responsibility of promoting world peace. For thousands of years, humanity has dreamed of “building a society without exploitation of man by man,” which requires the unity and solidarity of oppressed nations and peoples. With a broad vision of benefiting the world, Mao Zedong sought world peace and development, making significant contributions to the liberation of oppressed nations and the cause of human progress.

文明使命从民族解放转向人类解放，是推动人类文明进步的大国担当，必须以胸怀天下的格局引领世界和平发展。中华民族是爱好和平的民族，“和合”文化长期浸入灵魂，1936年毛泽东就展望“人类的永久和平的时代”。新中国成立后确立了独立自主的和平外交政策，向全世界表明“我们要和平，不要战争”。中国共产党人反对战争，但并不害怕战争。战争并非解决冲突的文明之道，亦非免受战争拖累的自保之策。但在帝国主义殖民统治的时代，民族战争无疑是实现和平的唯一途径，否则无法实现民族独立和人民解放。毛泽东支持被压迫民族解放战争，把被压迫民族的解放事业视为自己事业的一部分，支持“被压迫人民的反对帝国主义的战争”。和平是人类文明进步的结果和标志，又是实现共产主义的前提和条件，1963年毛泽东指出：“在帝国主义还存在的情况下，社会主义国家不可能进入共产主义社会。”中国是一个社会主义的大国，担负着促进世界和平的责任。千百年来人类梦想“建立一个没有人剥削人的社会”，就需要被压迫民族和人民的联合和团结。毛泽东以兼济天下的宽广胸怀谋求世界和平发展，为被压迫民族的解放和人类进步事业做出了重大贡献。

The socialist modern civilization form integrating politics, economy, and culture was created through the innovative combination of Marxism with Chinese traditional culture. Mao Zedong insisted on “a people’s republic led by the working class,” ensuring that the concept of “the world is shared by all” [n] runs consistently through the construction of socialist modern civilization. This both transcends the “dependence on things” and “dependence on people” caused by the logic of capital, continuously advancing toward the value ideal of free and comprehensive development of the individual, and reconstructs a common value order for humanity, so that “Great Harmony under Heaven” [n] is no longer limited to the vision of a single country or nation but extends to the common pursuit of all humanity. This created vast civilizational space for constructing a new form of human civilization through Chinese-path modernization.

政治、经济、文化三位一体的社会主义现代文明形态，形成于马克思主义同中国传统文化相结合的创新创造。毛泽东坚持“经过工人阶级领导的人民共和国”，使天下为公理念在社会主义现代文明建设中一以贯之，既超越资本逻辑导致的“物的依赖性”和“人的依赖性”，不断朝着人自由全面发展价值理想迈进；又重新构建人类共同价值秩序，使“世界大同”不再局限于一国一族的美好愿景，而延伸至全人类的共同追求，为以中国式现代化构建人类文明新形态创造了广阔的文明空间。

V. Conclusion

五、结语

Mao Zedong was the great founder of China’s socialist modernization cause. In the process of exploring the construction of Chinese modern civilization, he consistently adhered to the “Second Integration.” Mao Zedong integrated the basic principles of Marxism with the excellent traditional Chinese culture, endowing the excellent Chinese civilization with a distinct contemporary character and modern value orientation by adhering to the “soul vein,” while also endowing Chinese modern civilization with distinct national characteristics and profound historical heritage by continuing the cultural “root vein.” At the Symposium on Cultural Heritage and Development in June 2023, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Continuing to promote cultural prosperity, build a strong cultural country, and construct the modern civilization of the Chinese nation at a new starting point is our new cultural mission in the New Era.” On the new journey of constructing the modern civilization of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, we must deeply draw on the wisdom of Mao Zedong Thought from the perspective of the “Second Integration,” and advance Mao Zedong’s unfinished cause of exploring Chinese modern civilization through high-quality development.

毛泽东是中国社会主义现代化建设事业的伟大奠基者，在探索中国现代文明建设过程中始终坚持“第二个结合”。毛泽东将马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化融于一体，既在坚守“魂脉”中赋予中华优秀文明鲜明时代品格和现代价值指向，又在赓续文化“根脉”中赋予中国现代文明鲜明民族特色和深厚历史底蕴。在2023年6月的文化传承发展座谈会上，习近平总书记指出：“在新的起点上继续推动文化繁荣、建设文化强国、建设中华民族现代文明，是我们在新时代新的文化使命。”新征程上以中国式现代化建设中华民族现代文明，我们要从“第二个结合”深层次汲取毛泽东思想智慧，以高质量发展推进毛泽东探索中国现代文明建设的未竟事业。

Online editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧