Further In-depth Study of Marxist Thought on Power and Power Supervision

At the Second Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC, Xi Jinping delivered an important speech. In discussing the improvement

在党的第十九届中央纪律检查委员会第二次全体会议上，习近平发表重要讲话。他在论述健全党和国家监督体系、增强自我净化能力时指出：“自我监督是世界性难题，是国家治理的哥德巴赫猜想。”因此，有必要深刻理解和把握习近平用哥德巴赫猜想来比喻自我监督的意蕴，充分认识解答该问题的复杂性、艰巨性和长期性，进一步增强搞好自我监督的信心。笔者认为，要解决好执政者自我监督这一世界性难题，就需要回到马克思主义经典作家的理论原点，进一步研究马克思主义权力和权力监督思想。

I. The Basic Points of Marxist Thought on Power

一、马克思主义权力思想的基本点

Marxist thought on power and power supervision is an important treasure in the treasure house of Marxist theory. Marx and Engels mainly had two basic points for examining power: analyzing the issue of power from its commonality; and discussing the issue of power supervision from its particularity.

马克思主义权力和权力监督思想，是马克思主义理论宝库的重要瑰宝。马克思、恩格斯主要有两个考察权力的基本点：从共性上分析权力问题；从个性上论述权力监督问题。

From the perspective of commonality, Marx and Engels believed that power is generated by the state, and as long as the state exists, power exists. Based on this, the academic community classifies the theory of power and power supervision under the category of Marxist state theory. Since power is generated by the state, where does the state come from? Marx and Engels did not agree with the view of Enlightenment scholars that the state originates from a "social contract," but rather believed that the state is the result of productive forces having developed to a certain extent yet not fully developed. In *The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State*, Engels comprehensively and profoundly discussed the origin of the state, pointing out: "The state is by no means a power imposed on society from without; just as little is it 'the reality of the ethical idea,' 'the image and reality of reason,' as Hegel maintains. Rather, it is a product of society at a certain stage of development; it is the admission that this society has become entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, that it is cleft into irreconcilable antagonisms which it is powerless to dispel. But in order that these antagonisms, these classes with conflicting economic interests, might not consume themselves and society in fruitless struggle, a power seemingly standing above society became necessary, a power which would moderate the conflict and keep it within the bounds of 'order'; and this power, which arose out of society but places itself above it and increasingly alienates itself from it, is the state." [1]1 Friedrich Engels, *The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State* (1884), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 26 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 269. In addition, Engels discussed three effects of power on economic development: "It can work in the same direction, and then things move more quickly; it can work in the opposite direction, and then, as is the case with every great nation today, it goes to pieces after a certain period; or it can block the economic development along certain lines and prescribe other lines—this case ultimately reduces itself to one of the two previous ones." [2]2 Friedrich Engels, letter to Conrad Schmidt, 27 October 1890, in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 49 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 2001), p. 59. This is also said from the commonality of power.

从共性上看，马克思、恩格斯认为，权力由国家产生，只要国家存在，权力就存在。基于此，学界把关于权力和权力监督的理论归入马克思主义国家学说范畴。既然权力由国家产生，那么国家从何而来？马克思、恩格斯不赞成启蒙学者的观点，即国家起源于“社会契约”，而认为国家是生产力有一定的发展而又发展不充分的结果。在《家庭、私有制和国家的起源》中，恩格斯对国家的起源做了全面而深刻的论述，指出：“国家决不是从外部强加于社会的一种力量。国家是社会在一定发展阶段上的产物；国家是承认：这个社会陷入了不可解决的自我矛盾，分裂为不可调和的对立面而又无力摆脱这些对立面。而为了使这些对立面，这些经济利益互相冲突的阶级，不致在无谓的斗争中把自己和社会消灭，就需要有一种表面上凌驾于社会之上的力量，这种力量应当缓和冲突，把冲突保持在‘秩序’的范围以内；这种从社会中产生但又自居于社会之上并且日益同社会相异化的力量，就是国家。”此外，恩格斯还论述了权力对经济发展的三种作用：“它可以沿着同一方向起作用，在这种情况下就会发展得比较快；它可以沿着相反方向起作用，在这种情况下，像现在每个大民族的情况那样，它经过一定的时期都要崩溃；或者是它可以阻止经济发展沿着某些方向走，而给它规定另外的方向——这种情况归根到底还是归结为前两种情况中的一种。”这也是从权力的共性上说的。

The inevitable withering away of the state is a fundamental principle of Marxism. Marx and Engels believed that the state has not always existed, nor will it exist forever; on the contrary, the state will ultimately wither away, and the prerequisite for the withering away of the state is the full development of the socialist economy. Lenin highly praised this fundamental Marxist principle of the "withering away of the state." *The State and Revolution* devotes a special chapter (Chapter V) to discussing this issue. Lenin believed that Marx and Engels' proposal and discussion of the withering away of the state fully proved that Marxist theory is "the most thorough, complete, and comprehensive theory of development, the richest in content." [3]3 V. I. Lenin, *The State and Revolution* (1917), in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 25 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p. 461. Lenin pointed out: "The expression 'the state withers away' is very well chosen, for it indicates both the gradual and the spontaneous nature of the process." [4]4 Ibid., p. 462. We must not, because the process of the state's withering away has a gradual and long-term nature, ignore or even dare not mention this fundamental Marxist principle, thereby contradicting the spirit of historical materialism.

国家必然消亡，这一思想属于马克思主义基本原理。马克思、恩格斯认为，国家并非从来就存在，也不会永远存在；相反，国家最终是要消亡的，而国家消亡的前提是社会主义经济充分发展。列宁高度评价“国家消亡”这一马克思主义基本原理。《国家与革命》专设一章（第五章），论述了这个问题。列宁认为，马克思、恩格斯提出并论述国家消亡问题，充分证明了马克思主义理论是“最彻底、最完整、最周密、内容最丰富的发展论”。列宁指出：“‘国家消亡’这个说法选得非常恰当，因为它既表明了过程的渐进性，又表明了过程的自发性。”我们决不能因国家消亡过程具有渐近性、长期性，就忽视甚至不敢提及这一马克思主义基本原理，从而与历史唯物主义精神相悖。

From the perspective of particularity, Marx and Engels discussed that the private ownership system and the system of exploitation are the economic and political basis for the emergence of power corruption. Marx believed that the phenomenon of corruption is an inevitable product of the private ownership of the means of production, accompanies the ideology of the exploiting classes, and that the system of exploitation is the hotbed of all "filthy things." [5]5 This phrase is a paraphrase of Marx's description of the capitalist system in *Capital*, vol. 1, ch. 10, section 5. Engels pointed out that since the emergence of private ownership and the system of exploitation, the public power that spontaneously formed in primitive society began to deviate from social members, gradually losing its public, democratic, and service-oriented nature, and progressively alienated into a tool for the exploiting classes to seek their own interests—the alienated public power was "precisely the ugliest thing in this society, precisely the hotbed of all corrupt things in this society." [6]6 Friedrich Engels, "Introduction" to *The Civil War in France* (1891), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 189. That is to say, when human society had private ownership and the system of exploitation, corruption, as an alienated product of public power, emerged. In this sense, corruption is the corruption of power; absolute power leads to absolute corruption. Of course, Marx and Engels also discussed the issue of power and power supervision in socialist society, which will be discussed next.

从个性上看，马克思、恩格斯论述了私有制和剥削制度是产生权力腐败的经济、政治基础。马克思认为，腐败现象是生产资料私有制的必然产物，与剥削阶级意识形态相伴而生，并且剥削制度是一切“龌龊事物”的温床。恩格斯指出，自出现私有制和剥削制度，原始社会自发形成的公共权力就开始背离社会成员，日渐丧失公共性、民主性和服务性，逐步异化为剥削阶级谋取自身利益的工具——异化后的公共权力，“正是这个社会最丑恶的东西，正是这个社会一切腐败事物的温床”。这就是说，当人类社会有了私有制和剥削制度，腐败作为公共权力的异化产物就产生了。在这个意义上，腐败就是权力的腐败，绝对权力导致绝对腐败。当然，马克思、恩格斯也论述了社会主义社会的权力和权力监督问题，接下来就讨论这一点。

II. The Focal Point of Marxist Thought on Power Supervision

二、马克思主义权力监督思想的着眼点

Marx and Engels discussed the issue of power under private ownership and the system of exploitation, especially capitalism; in the process of founding historical materialism, they took the complete negation of private ownership, especially the capitalist system of exploitation and the power of the ruling class, as the premise of their state theory. Marx and Engels also discussed the issue of power and power supervision in future society (socialist society). It should be noted that the focal point of Marx and Engels' analysis was how to prevent the socialist state power and public officials from degenerating from "public servants" into "masters," that is, how to ensure that "good people wield power well." On this point, what cannot be avoided is Marx and Engels' summary of the experience of the Paris Commune revolution.

马克思、恩格斯论述了私有制和剥削制度尤其是资本主义的权力问题；在创立历史唯物主义过程中，他们把彻底否定私有制尤其是资本主义剥削制度和统治阶级权力作为国家学说的前提。马克思、恩格斯同样论述了未来社会（社会主义社会）的权力和权力监督问题。应当看到，马克思、恩格斯论析的着眼点是如何防止社会主义国家政权和公务人员由“公仆”蜕变为“主人”，也即如何使“好人掌好权”。对此，无法回避的一点是马克思、恩格斯对巴黎公社革命经验的总结。

There is a view that *The Civil War in France* is not only not a representative work of Marx, but also should not be overestimated for its summary of the experience of the Paris Commune, because it was written by Marx emotionally on the third day after the failure of the Paris Commune revolution. The author disagrees with this view, because *The Civil War in France* was written on the basis of tracking and studying the entire process of the Paris Commune revolution's occurrence, development, and failure, fully reflecting Marx's profound theoretical insight. Twenty years after the outbreak of the Paris Commune revolution, in 1891, Engels wrote a preface for this book, the famous 1891 "Introduction" to *The Civil War in France* (hereinafter referred to as the "Introduction").

有一种观点认为，《法兰西内战》不仅不是马克思的代表作，而且不宜过高评价其对巴黎公社经验的总结，因为它是马克思在巴黎公社革命失败后第三天带着感情写成的。笔者不同意这种观点，原因在于，《法兰西内战》一书是在跟踪研究巴黎公社革命发生、发展和失败过程的基础上写成的，充分体现了马克思深燧的理论眼光。在巴黎公社革命爆发20年后的1891年，恩格斯为此书作序，即著名的1891年《〈法兰西内战〉导言》（以下简称《导言》）。

In the "Introduction," Engels reviewed the process of the brave uprising of the Paris Commune fighters and their spirit of heroic sacrifice, and again denounced the brutal suppression of the Paris Commune revolution by the Prussian and French reactionary ruling classes. In summarizing the experience, Engels highly praised the two measures (actions) taken by the Commune to prevent the future socialist state power and public officials from degenerating from "public servants" into "masters": "Against this transformation of the state and the organs of the state from servants of society into masters of society—an inevitable transformation in all previous states—the Commune employed two infallible expedients. In the first place, it filled all posts—administrative, judicial, and educational—by election on the basis of universal suffrage, subject to the right of recall at any time by the electors. And, in the second place, it paid all officials, high and low, only the wages received by other workers." [7]7 Ibid., p. 190.

在《导言》中，恩格斯回顾了巴黎公社战士勇敢起义的过程和英勇献身的精神，并再次控诉了普法反动统治阶级对巴黎公社革命的残酷镇压。在总结经验时，恩格斯高度评价了巴黎公社为防止未来社会主义国家政权和公务人员由“公仆”蜕变为“主人”而采取的两个做法（举措）：“为了防止国家和国家机关由社会公仆变为社会主人——这种现象在至今所有的国家中都是不可避免的——公社采取了两个可靠的办法。第一，它把行政、司法和国民教育方面的一切职位交给由普选选出的人担任，而且规定选举者可以随时撤换被选举者。第二，它对所有公职人员，不论职位高低，都只付给跟其他工人同样的工资。”

Lenin highly praised Engels' "Introduction," believing that it "can fully be called the highest achievement of Marxism on the question of the state." [8]8 V. I. Lenin, *The State and Revolution*, p. 420. In Chapter IV of *The State and Revolution*, Lenin quoted this entire passage from Engels and made some elaborations. Lenin believed that the future socialist state power "must make it impossible for those positions in the state apparatus which are unprofitable but 'honorable' to become a bridge to a fat job in a bank or a joint-stock company." [9]9 Ibid., p. 421.

列宁高度评价恩格斯的《导言》，认为它“完全可以称为马克思主义在国家问题上的最高成就”。在《国家与革命》第四章，列宁全文引用恩格斯这段论述，而且做了些发挥。列宁认为，未来的社会主义国家政权“就必须使国家机关中那些无利可图但是‘荣耀的’职位不能成为在银行和股份公司内找到肥缺的桥梁”。

Thus, it can be seen that regarding the issue of power supervision in socialist society, the focal point of the Marxist classical writers was to prevent the state power and public officials from degenerating from "public servants" into "masters." Marx emphasized that all power in a socialist state belongs to the people, and all public officials must "work under public supervision." [10]10 Karl Marx, *The Civil War in France* (1871), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 22 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1986), p. 332. This fully demonstrates that the Marxist classical writers were revolutionary leaders with long-term vision, and also fully demonstrates that socialist power supervision is extremely important and extremely arduous.

可见，关于社会主义社会的权力监督问题，马克思主义经典作家着眼点就是防止国家政权和公务人员由“公仆”蜕变为“主人”。马克思强调，社会主义国家的一切权力属于人民，一切公职人员必须“在公众监督之下进行工作”。这既充分体现出马克思主义经典作家是具有长远眼光的革命领袖，也充分体现出社会主义权力监督极端重要且极其艰巨。

III. The Essence of Marxist Thought on Power Supervision

三、马克思主义权力监督思想的实质

Advocating a return to the theoretical origins of Marxism does not mean advocating that we should seek ready-made answers from the classical works for everything we do, engaging in "book worship." In fact, such a spirit does not conform to the ideological line of seeking truth from facts. However, we must return to the theoretical origins of Marxism to find standpoints, viewpoints, and methods, and this naturally involves the extremely important issue of "understanding and grasping the essence of Marxist thought on power supervision."

主张回到马克思主义的理论原点，并不是主张做什么事都要到经典著作中寻找现成答案，搞“本本主义”。事实上，这样的精神不符合实事求是思想路线。但是，我们必须回到马克思主义的理论原点寻找立场、观点和方法，而这自然就涉及“理解和把握马克思主义权力监督思想的实质”这一极为重要的问题。

The author refers to the two major measures of the Paris Commune—summarized by Marx and Engels and highly affirmed by Lenin—to prevent state power and its public servants from degenerating from "public servants" into "masters," as the "democratic electoral system" and the "equal wage system." [11]11 The Paris Commune (18 March – 28 May 1871) was a revolutionary socialist government that briefly ruled Paris. Marx and Engels analyzed it as the first example of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

笔者将——由马克思和恩格斯总结、被列宁高度肯定的——巴黎公社为防止国家政权及其公务人员由“公仆”蜕变“主人”的两大举措，称为“民主选举制”和“均等工资制”。

First, the democratic electoral system (this system or measure) has as its essence democracy, i.e., electing leaders by democratic means and recalling leaders according to democratic principles. However, one should not overemphasize or mechanically understand Marx and Engels's statement that they "can be recalled at any time"—saying this is consistent with the original intent of Marx and Engels. The Paris Commune changed 28 chairmen in 72 days, but as Engels pointed out, "the Paris Commune perished precisely because of a lack of centralization and authority." [12]12 Friedrich Engels, "On Authority" (1872), a polemic against anarchists arguing that authority and centralization are necessary for revolution and production. Engels, in *On Authority*, again criticized the leaders of the Paris Commune for failing to implement centralized unified leadership and to exercise the role of revolutionary authority during the revolution, which was an important reason for the failure of the Paris Commune.

第一，民主选举制（这一制度或举措)的实质是民主，即以民主的方式选举领导，依照民主的原则撤换领导。但是，不能过分强调或机械理解马克思、恩格斯讲的“可以随时撤换”——这么说是符合马克思、恩格斯原意的。巴黎公社在72天里更换了28个主席，但正如恩格斯指出，“巴黎公社遭到灭亡，就是由于缺乏集中和权威”。恩格斯在《论权威》中再次批评了巴黎公社领导人在革命中没有实行集中统一领导和发挥革命权威作用，这是巴黎公社失败的重要原因。

Therefore, the democratic electoral system cannot be simply understood as "leaders can be recalled at any time." In fact, looking at the entire process of Marx and Engels reforming the League of the Just and founding the Communist League, it can be seen that they emphasized both democracy and centralization. Marx and Engels placed great emphasis on the role of the party congress. The *Rules of the Communist League*, formulated with the participation of Marx and Engels, stipulated that the congress was the legislative body of the League; the Central Committee was the executive organ of the League's power, reporting its work to the congress; and the congress was subject to the constraints of the branches (all legislative resolutions of the congress had to be submitted to the branches for discussion to decide whether they could be accepted). This changed the original situation where the leaders of the League of the Just held absolute power and branches had to absolutely obey their will, establishing a bottom-up supervision and restraint system and laying the foundation for democratic supervision. The Communist League "was itself thoroughly democratic, with all its committees elected and subject to recall at any time, and this alone blocked any path to the dictatorial ambitions of conspiratorial fanatics." [13]13 Friedrich Engels, "On the History of the Communist League" (1885), describing the democratic reforms of the secret revolutionary organization. The *Provisional Rules of the International Working Men's Association* drafted by Marx stipulated that the Central Council (General Council) was elected by the congress and must implement the congress's resolutions. This further expanded the supervisory power of the congress, making the Central Council an executive body operating under the supervision and restraint of the congress.

因此，不能把民主选举制简单理解为“可以随时撤换领导”。事实上，联系马克思、恩格斯改造正义者同盟和创建共产主义者同盟的整个过程，可以看出，他们既讲民主又强调集中。马克思、恩格斯非常强调发挥党的代表大会的作用。马克思、恩格斯参与制定的《共产主义者同盟章程》规定，代表大会是同盟的立法机关；中央委员会是同盟的权力执行机关，向代表大会报告工作；代表大会受各支部制约（代表大会的一切立法性决议必须提交各支部讨论，决定是否可以接受）的规定。这改变了原来正义者同盟领导拥有绝对权力且各支部要绝对服从其意志的状况，建立起自下而上的监督制约体制，奠定了民主监督的基础。共产主义者同盟“组织本身是完全民主的，它的各委员会由选举产生并随时可以罢免，仅这一点就已堵塞了任何要求独裁的密谋狂的道路”。马克思为第一国际起草的《国际工人协会共同章程》规定：中央委员会（总委员会）由代表大会产生，必须执行代表大会的决议。这进一步扩大了代表大会的监督权力，使中央委员会成为在代表大会监督制约下的执行机构。

Second, the equal wage system. This system (measure) emphasizes equality, i.e., equality between leaders and the masses. Therefore, it cannot be understood as leaders and the masses taking the same wage. If understood this way, it would be overly simplistic. People's understandings of equality are diverse; the most famous is the Enlightenment thinkers' "all men are born equal." However, for Marx and Engels, equality was no longer a moral category derived from natural law and abstract human nature, but a category of historical materialism rooted in economic relations and real life. In the view of Marx and Engels, in the future socialist society, the proletariat has become the ruling class, social ownership of the means of production is implemented, and the people become masters of themselves and society; this is the true realization of social equality. Therefore, Marx and Engels used the concept of "equality" more often than "fairness" in their works. From this, it can be seen why Marx and Engels so favored the equal wage system created by the Paris Commune.

第二，均等工资制。该制度(举措)强调的是平等，即领导和群众的平等。因此，不能把它理解为领导和群众拿一样的工资。如果这样理解，就过于简单化了。人们对平等的认识五花八门，最著名的要算启蒙学者的“人人生而平等”。但是，在马克思、恩格斯那里，平等不再是源于自然法和抽象人性的道德范畴，而是根植于经济关系和现实生活的历史唯物主义范畴。在马克思、恩格斯看来，未来社会主义社会无产阶级已成为统治阶级，实行生产资料社会所有制，人民成为自己和社会的主人，这是社会平等的真正实现。因此，马克思、恩格斯在著作中更多使用“平等”而非“公平”这一概念。由此可以看出，马克思、恩格斯为何如此青睐巴黎公社创造的均等工资制。

IV. Lenin's Application and Development of Marx and Engels's Thought on Power Supervision

四、列宁对马克思恩格斯权力监督思想的运用和发展

As a faithful inheritor and staunch defender of Marxism, Lenin's practice of leading socialist construction was very short, but he was skilled at summing up experience. Lenin grasped the essence of Marxist thought on power and power supervision theoretically and applied and developed this thought in the practice of leading the Russian revolution and construction. On the issue of power supervision in socialist society, Lenin put forward many profound ideas with foresight, which were partially implemented in the construction practice of Soviet Russia, becoming a valuable ideological asset for communists of all countries.

作为马克思主义忠实继承者和坚定捍卫者，列宁领导社会主义建设实践虽然很短，但他善于总结经验。列宁从理论上把握了马克思主义权力和权力监督思想的实质，并在领导俄国革命和建设实践中运用、发展了这一思想。在社会主义社会权力监督问题上，列宁提出了有很多具有前瞻性的深刻思想，并在苏维埃俄国的建设实践中得到部分贯彻，成为各国共产党人的宝贵思想财富。

(I) Clearly Proposed and Elaborated on Democratic Centralism

（一）明确提出并论述民主集中制

In the process of founding the Communist League, the centralism thought proposed by Marx and Engels contained democratic content. However, in the history of the development of Marxist political parties, Lenin was the first to clearly propose the idea of democratic centralism and make it the fundamental organizational principle of the Bolshevik Party.

在创建共产主义者同盟过程中，马克思、恩格斯提出的集中制思想包含了民主内容。但是，在马克思主义政党发展史上，列宁第一个明确提出民主集中制思想并把它作为布尔什维克党的根本组织原则。

In December 1905, the conference of the Bolshevik Party led by Lenin pointed out: "The principle of democratic centralism is indisputable." In April 1906, the Fourth Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, based on Lenin's proposal, for the first time wrote the principle of democratic centralism into the Party Constitution. In March 1919, the Communist International was founded, and Lenin drafted the *Conditions for Admission to the Communist International*, making the principle of democratic centralism a fundamental requirement for joining the Communist International.

1905年12月，列宁领导的布尔什维克党代表会议指出：“民主集中制原则是不容争论的。”1906年4月，俄国社会民主工党第四次全国代表大会（四大）根据列宁提议，首次把民主集中制原则写入党章。1919年3月，共产国际成立，列宁起草《加入共产国际的条件》，把民主集中制原则作为加入共产国际的根本要求。

Lenin elaborated on the fundamental principles of democratic centralism: the minority is subordinate to the majority; the part is subordinate to the whole; the lower-level Party organs are subordinate to the higher-level organs. Proceeding from this principle, Lenin placed great emphasis on the role of discipline, believing that without discipline or iron discipline, not only would democratic centralism be impossible to implement, but even the life of the entire Party would be threatened. In summing up the historical experience of the Bolshevik Party, Lenin pointed out: without extremely strict discipline, without the wholehearted support of the entire working class, the Bolsheviks could not have retained Soviet power. It can be seen that, in Lenin's view, democratic centralism was both an important part of Marxist political party supervision thought and the fundamental guideline for establishing a supervision system.

列宁论述了民主集中制的根本原则：少数服从多数；部分服从整体；党的下级机关服从上级机关。从这一原则出发，列宁十分强调纪律的作用，认为如果没有纪律或铁的纪律，那么别说民主集中制无法实行，甚至整个党的生命都要受到威胁。在总结布尔什维克党的历史经验时，列宁指出：如果没有极严格的纪律，如果没有得到整个工人阶级全心全意的拥护，那么布尔什维克是无法保住苏维埃政权的。可见，在列宁看来，民主集中制既是马克思主义政党监督思想的重要内容，又是建立监督制度的根本遵循。

(II) Established and Continuously Strengthened Party and Government Supervision Institutions

（二）创建并不断强化党政监督机构

Lenin attached great importance to establishing specialized supervision institutions within the Party. In its early days, the inner-Party supervision of the Bolshevik Party was mainly manifested as top-down supervision by the Party Central Committee over Party organizations and members at all levels. In 1905, the Sixth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) stipulated for the first time in the Party Constitution the establishment of an inspection committee within the Party, responsible for inspecting all Party affairs. Lenin placed great emphasis on ensuring the independence of the Party's supervision institutions. At Lenin's suggestion, the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) held in September 1920 decided: "Establish a Central Control Commission parallel to the Central Committee, composed of comrades who are the most cultivated, most experienced, most impartial, and most capable of strictly implementing Party supervision." [14]14 The Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was held in March–April 1920, focusing on economic construction and Party organization, including the creation of the Central Control Commission. The newly established Central Control Commission was at the same level as the Party Central Committee and exercised its powers in parallel, but it had to report its work to the corresponding Party conference and congress. The congress also stipulated that members of the Central Control Commission could not concurrently hold positions in Party committees or Soviets, and the resolutions of the Control Commission must be implemented by the Party committee at the same level and could not be revoked.

列宁非常重视创建党内专门的监督机构。初创之时，布尔什维克党的党内监督主要体现为党中央自上而下对各级党组织和党员进行监督。1905年，俄共（布）六大第一次在党章中规定了在党内设立检查委员会，负责检查党的一切事务。列宁非常重视确保党的监督机构的独立性。在列宁的建议下，1920年9月召开的俄共（布）九大决定：“成立一个同中央委员会平行的中央监察委员会，由受党的培养最多、最有经验、最大公无私并最能严格执行党的监督的同志组成。”新成立的中央监察委员会与党的中央委员会平级，且平行行使职权，但是必须向本级代表会议和代表大会报告工作。会议还规定，中央监察委员会成员不能兼任党的委员会和苏维埃的职务，监察委员会的决议本级党委必须执行，不得加以撤销。

The Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate was the highest supervisory organ in Soviet Russia, the majority of whose staff were members of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Given that after the October Revolution the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate failed to play its due supervisory role, Lenin proposed merging it with the Central Control Commission, thereby making it the highest and most authoritative supervisory body of the Party and state organs — in this way, it could supervise both the Party’s central leading organs and ordinary Party members in Party and government organs. The Tenth and Eleventh Congresses of the RCP(b) respectively adopted the “Resolution on the Control Commission,” the “Resolution on the Tasks and Purposes of the Control Commission,” and the “Regulations on the Control Commission,” further expanding the scope of authority of the Central Control Commission, stipulating that the work of the Central Control Commission could, without exception, “involve all state institutions.” This raised the status of the Central Control Commission, stipulating that the Central Control Commission enjoyed equal power with the Central Committee. Lenin also pointed out that strengthening inner-Party supervision was more importantly about establishing a set of rigorous institutions to increase the intensity of inner-Party supervision, forming a relatively balanced supervisory mechanism of using power to check power. The three important documents respectively adopted by the Tenth and Eleventh Congresses of the RCP(b) institutionalized Party and government supervision in Soviet Russia. In sum, Lenin placed great emphasis on raising the status, specifications, and authority of supervisory organs, establishing a supervisory system encompassing inner-Party supervision, popular supervision, and legal supervision, in order to prevent public officials from becoming “persons divorced from the masses, standing above the masses, and enjoying privileges.”

工农检查院是苏维埃俄国的最高监察机关，其大部分工作人员是俄共（布）党员。鉴于十月革命后，工农检查院未能发挥应有的监督作用，列宁提议将它与中央监察委员会合并，使之成为党和国家机关最高最有权威的监督机构——这样，就既可以监督党的中央领导机关，又可以监督党政机关的普通党员。俄共（布）十大和十一大分别通过《关于监察委员会》的决议、《关于监察委员会的任务和目的》的决议和《监察委员会条例》，进一步扩大了中央监察委员会的职权范围，规定中央监察委员会工作可以毫无例外地“涉及所有一切国家机构”。这提高了中央监察委员会的地位，规定中央监察委员会与中央委员会享有同等权力。列宁还指出，加强党内监督，更重要的是要建立一套严密的制度来加大党内监督力度，形成以权力制约权力的相对平衡的监督机制。俄共（布）十大和十一大分别通过的上述3份重要文件，使苏维埃俄国的党政监督工作实现制度化。总之，列宁非常强调提高监督机关的地位、规格、权威，建立起包括党内监督、人民监督、法律监督在内的监督体系，以防止公职人员成为“脱离群众、站在群众之上、享有特权的人物”。

(3) Leading the Party Purge Movement and the Anti-Corruption Struggle

（三）领导清党运动和反腐败斗争

As the founder of the world’s first Marxist ruling party, Lenin always attached great importance to the construction of the Party’s advanced nature and purity. He pointed out that in the world, only the Bolshevik Party pursued the quality of its members rather than quantity, and “we do not want a single member who is a Communist in name only.” After the victory of the October Revolution, the Bolshevik Party became the ruling party in Russia, and the number of Party organizations and members surged. Some non-proletarian elements, even “careerists,” infiltrated the Party, and corruption and degeneration quickly emerged and spread. To ensure the purity of the Party’s ranks, Lenin proposed and personally led the Party purge movement. He pointed out that it was necessary to “extremely strictly ‘expel those who have sneaked in’ from our Party, while doing our utmost to absorb the best elements from among the workers and peasant masses into the Party.”

作为世界上第一个马克思主义执政党的缔造者，列宁始终高度重视党的先进性纯洁性建设。他指出，世界上只有布尔什维克党追求党员的质量而不是数量，“徒有其名的党员，就是白给，我们也不要”。十月革命胜利后，布尔什维克党成为俄国执政党，党组织和党员数量激增，一些非无产阶级分子甚至“野心家”混入党内，贪污腐化现象很快滋生蔓延。为保证党的队伍纯洁性，列宁提出并亲自领导了清党运动。他指出，要“极其严格地把‘混进来的人’清除出我们党，同时尽力把工人和农民群众中的优秀分子吸收到党里来”。

In March 1919, the Eighth Congress of the RCP(b) decided to re-register and re-examine all Party members. Lenin wrote “On the Conditions for Admitting New Party Members,” proposing stricter standards and procedures for Party admission. In June 1921, Lenin submitted “Proposals on the Party Purge” to the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party. The Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party and the Central Control Commission adopted the “Resolution on the Examination, Screening, and Purge of Party Members,” making specific arrangements for the purge work. Lenin pointed out that the main purpose of the purge was “to expel from the Party deceivers, bureaucratized elements, disloyal and unsteady Communists, and Mensheviks who, though having ‘changed their appearance,’ remained the same at heart.” During the purge movement, for Party members who could not prove their Party membership but had rendered special merits, and for comrades who had committed serious errors, criticism should be used to help them correct their mistakes; for “alien elements” who only sought to “enjoy” the benefits of being in power and were unwilling to fight on the front lines, they should be mercilessly expelled from the Party. In the process of the purge, the opinions of the working masses about Party members should be valued and taken as an important basis for examining whether a member was qualified. Under Lenin’s leadership, the two purge movements expelled a large number of Party members (the first expelled nearly half of the Party members, the second expelled a quarter of the Party members), yet greatly enhanced the Party’s cohesion and combat effectiveness, safeguarding the Party’s advanced nature and purity.

1919年3月，俄共(布)八大决定对全体党员重新登记、重新审查，列宁撰写《关于接受新党员的条件》，提出更严格的入党标准和程序。1921年6月，列宁向苏共中央提出《关于清党的建议》，苏共中央和中央监察委员会通过了《关于党员审查、甄别和清党问题的决议》，对清党工作做出具体部署。列宁指出，清党的主要目的是“必须把欺骗分子、官僚化分子、不忠诚分子和不坚定的共产党员以及虽然‘改头换面’但内心里依然故我的孟什维克从党内清除出去”。在清党运动中，对于不能证明入党但取得了特别功绩的党员和犯了严重错误的同志，应当采取批评的方式帮助纠正；对于只图“享受”执政好处，不愿上前线战斗的“异己分子”，要毫不留情地清除出党。在清党过程中，要重视劳动群众对党员的意见，并将其作为审查党员合格与否的重要依据。在列宁领导下，两次清党运动清除了大量党员（第一次清除了将近一半的党员，第二次清除了四分之一的党员），却大大增强了党的凝聚力、战斗力，维护了党的先进性、纯洁性。

After the October Revolution, the Soviet regime was established, and the Bolshevik Party became the ruling party. However, corruption cases soon appeared in the Party and state organs. Lenin attached great importance to this, instructing that corrupt elements be severely punished and the causes of corruption be deeply analyzed. Lenin believed: from a political perspective, although the revolution had smashed the old state machine, the Soviet regime had to retain hundreds of thousands of officials from the tsarist era, who carried the habits of the old bureaucracy; from an economic perspective, Russia was a backward agricultural country, with very poor transportation, a prevalence of small commodity economy, and at the same time, small producers were characterized by dispersion and indiscipline, and many were illiterate; from an ideological perspective, although the October Revolution had overthrown tsarist autocracy, the ideology of the old society would not die out immediately, “it rots and poisons us in our midst.” Lenin also pointed out that all Communist Party members, regardless of their position, faced “three major enemies: (1) the arrogance of Communists, (2) illiteracy, and (3) bribery and corruption.” The corruption brought “one of the most serious and dangerous dangers, which is being divorced from the masses.”

十月革命后，苏维埃政权建立，布尔什维克党成为执政党，但党和国家机关很快就出现了贪腐案件。列宁极为重视，指示要严肃惩处贪腐者，深入分析腐败滋生的原因。列宁认为：从政治上看，革命虽然打碎了旧的国家机器，但苏维埃政权不得不留用几十万沙皇时代官吏，这些人身上带有旧官僚习气；从经济上看，俄国是落后的农业国家，交通非常闭塞，小商品经济盛行，同时，小生产者具有分散性和散漫性，且许多是文盲；从思想上看，十月革命虽然推翻了沙皇专制，但旧社会的意识形态不会马上灭亡，“它在我们中间腐烂发臭并且毒害我们”。列宁还指出，所有共产党员，无论职务高低，“面前的三大敌人就是：（一）共产党员的狂妄自大，（二）文盲，（三）贪污受贿。”腐败带来的“最严重最可怕的危险之一，就是脱离群众”。

V. Properly Handling Power Supervision Is a Unique Challenge That Major Parties Must Solve

五、搞好权力监督是必须解决的大党独有难题

At the Second Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Xi Jinping pointed out: “Our Party is the world’s largest political party, established under the guidance of Marxist party-building theory and in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism. It has been in power for a long time in the world’s most populous country. With a long history, a large number of members, and a huge scale, it has both the enormous advantage of accomplishing great things and building great undertakings, and it also faces special difficulties in governing the Party and the country.” Xi Jinping profoundly discussed the six difficulties our Party needs to solve, namely the six “how to always”: how to always remain true to the original aspiration and keep the founding mission firmly in mind; how to always unify thought, will, and action; how to always possess strong governing capacity and leadership level; how to always maintain the entrepreneurial spirit in undertaking work; how to always be able to promptly discover and solve one’s own problems; how to always maintain a clean and upright political ecosystem. The six “how to always” directly or indirectly involve the Party’s self-supervision.

在二十届中央纪律检查委员会第二次全体会议上，习近平指出：“我们党是在马克思主义建党学说指导下、按照民主集中制原则建立起来的世界最大政党，在世界上人口最多的国家长期执政，历史久、人数多、规模大，既有办大事、建伟业的巨大优势，也面临治党治国的特殊难题。”习近平深刻论述了我们党需要解决的六个难题，即六个“如何始终”：如何始终不忘初心、牢记使命；如何始终统一思想、统一意志、统一行动；如何始终具备强大的执政能力和领导水平；如何始终保持干事创业精神状态；如何始终能够及时发现和解决自身存在的问题；如何始终保持风清气正的政治生态。六个“如何始终”直接或间接涉及党的自我监督。

It should be recognized that the Communist Party of China, in solving the unique challenges of a major party, both maintains a clear head and possesses confidence and resolve. The 20th National Congress of the CPC [15]15 The "Thirteen Persistences" (十三个坚持) is a summary of the main content of Xi Jinping's important thought on Party building, first systematically elaborated in 2023. proposed for the first time that we must always maintain the sobriety and firmness to solve the unique challenges of a major party. Since the 20th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has emphasized and profoundly discussed this issue on many important occasions, pointing out that solving the unique challenges of a major party is a hurdle that must be overcome to fulfill the Party’s mission and tasks in the New Era, and a hard bone that must be gnawed through for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party to adapt to new situations and new requirements. Our Party clearly sees that for a long time, there have been such prominent problems in inner-Party supervision as unwillingness to supervise, fear of supervision, and resistance to supervision: supervising subordinates for fear of losing “votes,” supervising peers for fear of harming “harmony,” supervising superiors for fear of being given “small shoes.” [16]16 The "second answer" (第二个答案) refers to the Party's self-revolution, proposed by Xi Jinping This has led to inner-Party supervision being hung high and put down lightly in many places and departments, becoming a mere slogan. The absence of inner-Party supervision inevitably leads to the weakening of Party leadership, the deficiency of Party building, and even corruption. As

应该看到，中国共产党在解决大党独有难题上既保持头脑清醒，又具有信心和定力。党的二十大首次提出，必须时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒和坚定。党的二十大以来，习近平多次在重要场合强调并深刻论述该问题，指出解决好大党独有难题，是实现新时代新征程党的使命任务必须迈过的一道坎，是全面从严治党适应新形势新要求必须啃下的硬骨头。我们党清醒地看到，长期以来，党内监督存在着这样的突出问题，就是不愿监督、不敢监督、抵制监督等现象：监督下级怕丢“选票”，监督同级怕伤“和气”，监督上级怕穿“小鞋”。这就造成在不少地方和部门，党内监督被高高挂起、轻轻放下，成了一句口号。党内监督缺位，必然导致党的领导弱化、党的建设缺失甚至导致贪污腐败。正如习近平指出，“全党要深刻认识到，党内监督是永葆党的肌体健康的生命之源，要不断增强向体内病灶开刀的自觉性，使积极开展监督、主动接受监督成为全党的自觉行动”。

The Communist Party of China is full of confidence and resolve in solving the aforementioned unique challenges facing a major party, which is mainly manifested in the following three aspects.

中国共产党对解决上述大党独有难题充满信心和定力，主要现在以下三方面。

First, take Marxist Party-building theory as the guide. Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology of the CPC, and Marxist Party-building theory is the theoretical guide for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and for self-revolution. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC

第一，以马克思主义建党学说为指导。马克思主义是中国共产党的根本指导思想，马克思主义建党学说是全面从严治党和进行自我革命的理论指引。党的十八大以来，习近平在许多重要场合都谈及该问题。习近平在十九届中央政治局第十五次集体学习时的讲话，把中国共产党继承和发展马克思主义建党学说、形成全面从严治党的深刻认识概括为：加强党性修养；坚定理想信念；严肃党内政治生活；从严管党治党；勇于开展批评和自我批评；加强党内监督；接受人民监督；坚持经常性教育和集中性教育相结合；不断纯洁党的思想、组织、作风和肌体。在十九届中央纪律检查委员会第六次全体会议上，习近平指出：“党的十八大以来，我们继承和发展马克思主义建党学说，总结运用党的百年奋斗历史经验，深入推进管党治党实践创新、理论创新、制度创新，对建设什么样的长期执政的马克思主义政党、怎样建设长期执政的马克思主义政党的规律性认识达到新的高度。”

It must be pointed out in particular that, on the basis of summing up the positive and negative experiences of Party building over more than one hundred years, especially the experience of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Communist Party of China has formed Xi Jinping's important thought on Party building, which is the latest achievement in adapting Marxist Party-building theory to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. Party documents use the "Thirteen Persistences" to summarize its main content: persist in and strengthen the Party's overall leadership; persist in using the Party's self-revolution to lead social revolution; persist in using the Party's political construction to lead all aspects of Party building; persist in the principle that the country is the people and the people are the country; persist in building the Party ideologically and strengthening the Party theoretically; persist in tightening the Party's organizational system; persist in cultivating a high-caliber cadre contingent that is loyal, clean, and responsible; persist in gathering talents from all over the world and using them well; persist in unremittingly rectifying work style and enforcing discipline; persist in promoting the integrated approach of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and do not want to engage in corruption; persist in improving the Party and state supervision systems; persist in governing the Party with institutions and regulations; persist in implementing the political responsibility for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party. In this regard, Xi Jinping's important thought on Party building should be used to consolidate the soul, educate and guide Party cadres to build a solid foundation of faith, replenish the calcium of the spirit, steady the rudder of thought, adhere to the original aspiration of founding and starting the undertaking, adhere to the Party's ideals, beliefs, and purposes, always seek happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation, always maintain the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the masses, forever preserve the Party's advanced nature and purity, and lay a solid ideological and theoretical foundation for doing a good job of power supervision on the new journey of the New Era.

尤其需要指出的是，在总结一百多年来党的建设正反两方面经验特别是党的十八大以来全面从严治党经验的基础上，中国共产党形成了习近平关于党的建设的重要思想，这是马克思主义建党学说中国化时代化的最新成果。党的文献用“十三个坚持”来概括其主要内容：坚持和加强党的全面领导；坚持以党的自我革命引领社会革命；坚持以党的政治建设统领党的建设各项工作；坚持江山就是人民，人民就是江山；坚持思想建党，理论强党；坚持严密党的组织体系；坚持造就忠诚干净担当的高素质干部队伍；坚持聚天下英才而用之；坚持持之以恒正风肃纪；坚持一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐；坚持完善党和国家监督体系；坚持制度治党，依规治党；坚持落实全面从严治党政治责任。对此，应该用习近平关于党的建设重要思想凝心聚魂，教育引导党员干部筑牢信仰之基、补足精神之钙、把稳思想之舵，坚守奠基创业时的初心，坚守党的理想信念宗旨，始终为中国人民谋幸福、为中华民族谋复兴，始终保持党同人民群众的血肉联系，永葆党的先进性和纯洁性，为搞好新时代新征程上的权力监督，奠定坚实的思想理论基础。

Second, providing the "second answer" to breaking out of the historical cycle of rise and fall. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has frequently raised the issue of breaking out of the historical cycle of rise and fall. The nature and purpose of the Communist Party of China are fundamentally different from those of the ruling classes in history, but it also faces this issue. In July 1945, the democratic personage Huang Yanpei, in a cave dwelling in Yan'an, said to Mao Zedong that he hoped the regime to be established by the Communist Party of China in the future could break out of the cycle of "rising swiftly" and "perishing suddenly." This is a question of history and a question of the people on the issue of power supervision. "Comrade Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the cave dwelling in Yan'an, which is 'Only by letting the people supervise the government can the government not dare to slack off.' After a century of struggle, especially the new practice since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has given the second answer, which is self-revolution." It must be pointed out that giving the "second answer" does not mean that the Communist Party of China has completed the task of self-revolution or solved the historical issue of breaking out of the historical cycle of rise and fall. Combining theory with practice to truly break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall is a unique problem that the Communist Party of China, as a major party, must solve. In this regard, Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "The Party's cause is great and arduous, with a heavy responsibility and a long way to go. Some people, as they walk, forget why they set out, forget the lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, forget who I am, for whom I act, and on whom I rely, thus losing the true character of Communists." This actually speaks to the fundamental issue that the Communist Party of China still faces today: breaking out of the historical cycle of "rising swiftly" and "perishing suddenly." It should be seen that giving the "second answer" means that the Communist Party of China has united and led the entire Chinese people to forge an anti-corruption path with Chinese characteristics. This is to persist in promoting the integrated approach of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and do not want to engage in corruption, simultaneously exerting efforts in punishment and deterrence, institutional constraints, and raising awareness (abbreviated as the "Three Nots, One Integration"), punishing corruption with the rule-of-law thinking and methods, governing the Party and managing it with the concept of systematic treatment and addressing both symptoms and root causes, and achieving clean cadres, clean government, and clean politics.

第二，给出跳出历史周期率的“第二个答案”。党的十八大以来，习近平经常提及跳出历史周期率的课题。中国共产党的性质和宗旨与历史上的统治阶级有着根本区别，但也要面对这一课题。1945年7月，民主人士黄炎培在延安窑洞向毛泽东中谈到，希望将来中国共产党建立的政权能跳出“其兴也浡焉”“其亡也忽焉”的周期率。这就是在权力监督问题上的历史之问、人民之问。“毛泽东同志在延安的窑洞里给出了第一个答案，这就是‘只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈’。经过百年奋斗特别是党的十八大以来新的实践，我们党又给出了第二个答案，这就是自我革命。”必须指出的是，给出“第二个答案”，并不等于中国共产党已经完成自我革命的任务、解决了跳出历史周期率的历史课题。以理论结合实际真正跳出历史周期率，这是中国共产党需要解决的大党独有难题。对此，习近平深刻指出：“党的事业伟大而艰巨、任重而道远，有人走着走着就忘记了为什么出发，忘记了共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想，忘记了我是谁、为了谁、依靠谁，从而丧失了共产党人的本色。”这其实讲的就是中国共产党如今仍面临跳出“其兴也浡焉”“其亡也忽焉”的历史周期率这一根本性课题。应该看到，给出“第二个答案”，意味着中国共产党已经团结带领全中国人民走出了一条具有中国特色反腐败之路，这就是坚持不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐一体推进，惩治震慑、制度约束、提高觉悟一体发力（简称“三不、一体”），以法治思维和法治方式惩治腐败，以系统施治、标本兼治理念管党治党，实现干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明。

Third, establishing and continuously improving the Party and state supervision systems, and unremittingly enhancing capabilities such as self-purification. Since the 20th National Congress of the CPC, the Communist Party of China has profoundly summarized the historic achievements of the decade-long sharpening of the sword of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, built a supervision system with unified command by the Party Central Committee, full coverage, and authoritative and efficient operation, integrated intra-Party supervision with state organ supervision, democratic supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision, and public opinion supervision, and also established the strategic institutional arrangement of intra-Party inspections, forging an anti-corruption path that relies on institutional advantages and rule-of-law advantages. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the practice of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party has proven that the Communist Party of China's supervision system and self-purification mechanism are effective.

第三，建立并不断健全党和国家监督体系，坚持不懈增强自我净化等能力。党的二十大以来，中国共产党深刻总结党的十八大以来全面从严治党十年磨一剑的历史性成就，构建起党中央统一指挥、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系，把党内监督同国家机关监督、民主监督、司法监督、群众监督、舆论监督贯通起来，还建立起党内巡视这一战略性制度安排，走出了一条依靠制度优势、法治优势的反腐败之路。党的十八大以来，全面从严治党的实践证明，中国共产党监督体系和自我净化机制行之有效。

The "Six How to Always" pointed out by Xi Jinping at the Second Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection are unique problems that the Communist Party of China, as a major party, must solve. Improving the Party and state supervision systems and enhancing self-purification capabilities must revolve around solving the "Six How to Always." At the 15th collective study session of the Political Bureau of the 20th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping also proposed the "Two Improvements": improving the mechanism for strict management and supervision of cadres, and improving the normalization mechanism for rectifying work style and enforcing discipline; improving the working mechanism for promoting the integrated approach of ensuring that officials dare not, cannot, and do not want to engage in corruption. In this regard, we must adhere to the combination of the Party's self-supervision and people's supervision, promote the coordination and integration of various types of supervision, and improve the supervision system with unified leadership of the Party, full coverage, and authoritative and efficient operation. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee pointed out: adhere to governing the Party with the spirit of reform and strict standards, improve the institutional normative system for the Party's self-revolution, and continuously promote the Party's self-purification, self-improvement, self-renewal, and self-enhancement. Therefore, we must continue to adhere to improving the Party and state supervision systems, form a full-coverage, normal, and long-term supervision synergy, rely on strengthening the Party's self-supervision and people's supervision to promote the Party's self-revolution, build a mechanism with intra-Party supervision as the leading factor and various types of supervision coordinated and integrated, strengthen the restriction and supervision of the operation of power, and better transform the institutional advantages of supervision into the governance effectiveness of the Party and the state.

习近平在二十届中央纪律检查委员会第二次全体会议上指出的“六个如何始终”，是中国共产党必须解决的大党独有难题。健全党和国家监督体系和增强自我净化能力，就要围绕解决“六个如何始终”来进行。在二十届中央政治局第十五次集体学习时，习近平又提出“两个完善”：完善从严管理监督干部机制，健全正风肃纪常态化机制；完善一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐工作机制。对此，要坚持党的自我监督和人民监督相结合，促进各类监督贯通协调，健全党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系。党的二十届三中全会指出：坚持以改革精神和严的标准管党治党，完善党的自我革命制度规范体系，不断推进党的自我进化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高。因此，要继续坚持完善党和国家监督制度，形成全面覆盖常态长效的监督合力，依靠强化党的自我监督和人民监督推进党的自我革命，构建以党内监督为主导、各类监督贯通协调的机制，强化对权力运行的制约和监督，把监督制度优势更好转化为党和国家的治理效能。

(Author: Yan Shuhan, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of the Party School of the CPC Central Committee (National Academy of Governance), Chief Expert of the Marxist Theory Research and Construction Project Research Group, Deputy Director of the World Socialism Research Center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Doctoral Supervisor of the University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Specially Invited Researcher of the National Party Building Research Association)

（作者：严书翰，中共中央党校（国家行政学院）教授、博士生导师，马克思主义理论研究和建设工程课题组首席专家，中国社会科学院世界社会主义研究中心副主任，中国社会科学院大学博士生导师，全国党建研究会特邀研究员）

Online Editor: Jin Qiu

网络编辑：金秋