The Triple Logic of the Development and Evolution of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era

The 20th National Congress of the CPC raised the epochal proposition of “always maintaining the sobriety and resolve to solve the unique problems of a large party.” Supervision, especially self-supervision, is a worldwide challenge, the “Goldbach’s conjecture” of state governance. As an ancient social practice, supervision has played an important role in the development of both Chinese and Western civilizations, giving rise to distinct political cultures of supervision. The Communist Party of China, grounded in the Marxist theory of supervision, has continuously kept pace with the times and introduced innovations throughout the more than one hundred years of its history of uniting and leading the Chinese people in revolution, construction, and reform, thereby forming and steadily developing and perfecting the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. Analyzing the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, which germinated during the period of the New Democratic Revolution and matured and was perfected in the New Era, from the three dimensions of theory, history, and practice, can provide reference for further improving the system for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and perfecting the Party and state supervision system in the New Era.

党的二十大提出“时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒与坚定”时代命题，而监督尤其是自我监督是世界性难题，是国家治理中的“哥德巴赫猜想”。作为一个古老的社会行为，监督在中西方文明发展中都发挥了重要作用，形成了独特的监督政治文化。中国共产党立足马克思主义监督理论，在团结带领中国人民进行革命、建设和改革的百余年历史进程中不断与时俱进、推陈出新，形成了中国特色社会主义监督制度并不断发展完善。从理论、历史和实践三个维度对萌芽于新民主主义革命时期、成熟完善于新时代的中国特色社会主义监督制度进行分析，有助于为新时代进一步健全全面从严治党体系、完善党和国家监督体系提供借鉴。

I. The Evolutionary Logic of the Socialist Supervision Theory with Chinese Characteristics

一、中国特色社会主义监督理论的演进逻辑

An institution is a collection of certain social norms, a system of rules regulating relations between people. As an important component of society, institutions are often the collection of mature and systematic social rules, capable of constraining and guiding social behavior. To truly achieve social harmony and stability and long-term peace and order for the state, the fundamental reliance must be on institutions. In the modern context, the supervision system is formed in response to behaviors such as the abuse of power and corruption, aiming to regulate the operation of social public power. The theory of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics originates from the Marxist theory of power supervision, is based on the actual national conditions of China’s revolution, construction, and reform, and is cultivated by drawing on the excellent content of civilizations, both ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign.

制度是某种社会规范的集合，是调节人与人之间关系的规则体系。作为社会的重要组成部分，制度往往是系统成熟的社会规则的合集，能够对社会行为产生约束和引导作用，要真正实现社会和谐稳定、国家长治久安，根本还是要靠制度。在现代语境下，监督制度是针对权力滥用、贪污腐败等行为形成的，旨在规范社会公共权力运行的社会规范。中国特色社会主义监督制度的理论，源于马克思主义权力监督理论，立足于中国革命、建设和改革的实际国情，汲取古今中外文明中的优秀内容化育而成。

(1) The Theoretical Foundation of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

（一）中国特色社会主义监督制度的理论基础

Marx and Engels deeply analyzed the historical laws of the development of human society, scientifically revealed the origins of classes and the state, and clearly answered basic questions such as whether power needs to be supervised under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, how to implement supervision, and the great significance of supervising state power under the proletariat, thereby laying the theoretical foundation for the supervision of socialist ruling parties and state power. Starting from the question of leadership, Marx and Engels revealed that the democratic supervision of the working class must be premised on seizing political power. At the same time, summarizing the experience of the Paris Commune, they put forward the major theoretical viewpoint of “social servants.” Marx and Engels pointed out that the ruling class “always makes the entire society subservient to the conditions for their enrichment, attempting thereby to consolidate their already acquired position in life,” [n] therefore supervision needs to be strengthened to prevent public power from becoming a hotbed for all corrupt things in society. Marx and Engels advocated using the Paris Commune as a blueprint to adopt the electoral system to elect officials, and to “prevent the state and state organs from changing from social servants into masters of society” through supervision and paying equal wages, outlining the power supervision blueprint of the proletarian regime. Marx and Engels also attached great importance to the self-construction of the proletarian party, strengthening the party’s self-supervision through democratic elections, emphasizing the establishment and maintenance of authority, strict party discipline and purity, and daring to carry out ideological struggle and self-criticism. The Supervisory Commission of the Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Germany, established in 1869, as the first intra-party supervision body in the history of proletarian parties, pioneered the supervision of proletarian parties.

马克思恩格斯深刻分析了人类社会发展的历史规律，科学揭示了阶级和国家的起源，明确回答了在无产阶级专政条件下，要不要对权力进行监督、怎样实行监督、无产阶级国家权力监督的重大意义等基本问题，奠定了社会主义执政党监督、国家权力监督的理论基础。马克思恩格斯从领导权入手，揭示了工人阶级的民主监督必须以掌握政权为前提条件，同时总结巴黎公社经验提出“社会公仆”的重大理论观点。马克思恩格斯指出，统治阶级“总是使整个社会服从于它们发财致富的条件，企图以此来巩固它们已经获得的生活地位”，因此需要强化监督防止公权力异化为社会一切腐败事物的温床。马克思恩格斯主张以巴黎公社为蓝本采用普选制选举官员，通过监督、付给同等工资的方式来“防止国家和国家机关由社会公仆变为社会主人”，勾勒出无产阶级政权的权力监督图谱。马克思恩格斯还高度重视无产阶级政党自身建设，通过民主选举、强调建立和维护权威、严明党的纪律和纯洁性以及敢于开展思想斗争和自我批评等方式强化党的自我监督。1869年成立的德国社会民主工党监察委员会作为无产阶级政党史上第一个党内监督机构，开创了无产阶级政党监督的先河。

Starting from his participation in leading the practice of the Russian revolution and construction, Lenin regarded supervision as an indispensable element for advancing towards communism and a necessary main condition for the normal functioning of communist society. He revealed that its class essence lies in “who supervises whom,” and explained the importance of supervision for the construction of the proletarian party and state power. Lenin believed: “Universal (truly universal) supervision over every move of Party members on the political stage can create an automatic mechanism that plays a role akin to what biology calls ‘survival of the fittest.’” [n] As the state power of the working people, “the Soviet government should immediately introduce workers’ supervision over production and distribution throughout the country,” and regard this as “the first basic step that any socialist workers’ government must take.” [n] To consolidate the proletarian state power, Lenin advocated opposing corruption and bureaucracy in state organs through supervision, inspection, and checking, adopting diverse and bottom-up forms and methods of supervision, “in order to eliminate all possible defects of Soviet power and repeatedly and tirelessly weed out the tares of bureaucracy.” [n] Lenin emphasized that the focus of power restriction and supervision should be the leading organs and leading cadres of the Party and state, and that supervision and law enforcement should be stricter for Party members and cadres who abuse their power. Lenin also advocated establishing specialized organs for supervision, creating the Party’s specialized supervision organ, the “Control Commission,” and the state power’s specialized supervision organ, the “Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate,” and promoting their joint office operation to enhance the authority and convenience of supervision. Lenin’s supervision theory and the socialist supervision system he created promoted the development of Marxist supervision theory in practice, opened up broad space for the practice of socialist party supervision, and provided important reference and mirror.

列宁从参与领导俄国革命和建设实践出发，将监督视为迈向共产主义必不可少的要素和使共产主义社会能正常运转所必需的主要条件，揭示其阶级实质在于“谁监督谁”，阐释了监督对于无产阶级政党和政权建设的重要性。列宁认为：“对于党员在政治舞台上的一举一动进行普遍的（真正普遍的）监督，就可以造成一种能起生物学上所谓‘适者生存’作用的自动机制。”作为劳动人民的政权，“苏维埃政府应当立即在全国范围内对生产和消费实行工人监督”，并将其作为“任何一个社会主义工人政府必须实行的第一个基本步骤”。为了巩固无产阶级政权，列宁主张通过监督、了解和检查来反对国家机关中的腐败和官僚主义，采取多种多样、自下而上的监督形式和方式，“以便消除苏维埃政权的一切可能发生的弊病，反复地不倦地铲除官僚主义的莠草”。列宁强调，权力制约和监督的重点是党和国家的领导机关、领导干部，对滥用权力的党员干部监督执法要更加严格。列宁还主张建立专门机关进行监督，创设了党的专门监督机关“监察委员会”和政权专门监督机关“工农检查院”，推动两者合署办公以提升监督权威性、便利性。列宁的监督理论及其所创设社会主义监督制度，推动了马克思主义监督理论在实践中发展，为社会主义政党监督实践开辟了广阔空间，提供了重要参考与镜鉴。

(2) The Gradual Formation of the Socialist Supervision Theory with Chinese Characteristics

（二）中国特色社会主义监督理论的逐步形成

After the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921, the supervision theory of the Marxist classical writers was gradually accepted by the Chinese Communists and applied to Party building, initiating the process of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times in the field of supervision, and laying the theoretical cornerstone for the establishment of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, based on the mission of the times, absorbed and drew lessons from the historical experience of the rise and fall of Chinese dynasties, and creatively proposed “letting the people supervise the government.” Based on the Party’s class nature, people’s nature, and revolutionary nature, Mao Zedong clarified different types of supervision, such as “class supervision, mass supervision, and supervision by people’s organizations.” He proposed mutual supervision among comrades represented by “convening regular meetings to carry out criticism and self-criticism” as a form of self-supervision, party supervision represented by mutual criticism and opinion-giving among different parties as a form of inter-party supervision, and people’s supervision through democracy to let the people supervise the government, preventing the alienation of power to break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall, thereby constructing a supervision system led by intra-party supervision. Regarding democratic supervision among parties under the new type of socialist party relations, Mao Zedong emphasized, “So-called mutual supervision is certainly not one-sided; the Communist Party can supervise the democratic parties, and the democratic parties can also supervise the Communist Party.” He used the metaphor that a person’s “ears need very much to hear different voices” to illustrate the positive role of mutual supervision between parties. In the historical process of revolution and construction, focusing on ensuring the Party’s combat effectiveness and discipline in the revolutionary war environment, ensuring that the Party adheres to the “Two Musts” [n] after taking power, maintaining the stability of the people’s political power, and the Party’s own advanced nature and purity, Mao Zedong pioneered the construction of a supervision system with Chinese characteristics, fitting the people’s democratic dictatorship regime, mainly characterized by intra-party supervision, people’s supervision, and democratic supervision among parties, laying the theoretical and practical foundation for the establishment of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics.

1921年中国共产党成立后，马克思主义经典作家的监督理论逐渐被中国共产党人接受并运用到党的建设之中，开启了马克思主义监督理论中国化时代化的历程，为中国特色社会主义监督制度的建立提供了理论基石。以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人立足时代使命，吸收借鉴中国历史上治乱兴衰的经验教训，创造性提出了“让人民监督政府”。基于党的阶级性、人民性和革命性，毛泽东明确了“阶级的监督，群众的监督，人民团体的监督”等不同监督类型，提出以“定期召开会议，进行批评和自我批评”的同志间相互监督为代表的自我监督，以各党派相互提意见、做批评的党派间相互监督为代表的政党监督，以及通过民主让人民监督政府，防止权力异化以跳出历史周期率的人民监督，构建以党内监督为统领的监督体系。对于社会主义新型政党关系下政党民主监督，毛泽东强调，“所谓互相监督，当然不是单方面的，共产党可以监督民主党派，民主党派也可以监督共产党”，并以人的“耳边很需要听到不同的声音”为比喻，说明党派之间互相监督的积极作用。毛泽东在革命和建设的历史进程中，着眼于确保党在革命战争环境下的战斗力和纪律性，确保党在执政后坚持“两个务必”、维护人民政权的稳定性以及党自身的先进性、纯洁性，开创性构建起具有中国特色的契合人民民主专政政权体制的以党内监督、人民监督和党派民主监督为主要特点的监督体系，为中国特色社会主义监督制度的建立奠定了理论和实践基础。

During the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, Chinese Communists, based on the broad context of the era of reform and opening up, and targeting problems such as impure Party spirit, improper work style, abuse of power, privileged thinking, and corruption that emerged during the transition of the political and economic systems, gradually explored and established a set of practical and effective supervision systems under the guidance of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC [6]6 The "historical cycle of rise and fall" (历史周期率) refers to the recurring pattern in Chinese dynastic history whereby a ruling regime rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls due to corruption and loss of popular support., Deng Xiaoping, from the perspective of strengthening intra-Party supervision, placed major tests facing the Party—such as the Party's work style, institutional issues, and corruption—at the height of the survival or demise of the ruling Party for overall consideration. He proposed "rectifying the Party's work style, opposing privileges, improving institutions, and strengthening supervision," demanded that efforts to punish corruption be intensified while reform and opening up were persistently carried out, and advocated that the masses and Party members supervise leading cadres, stipulating the scope of cadres' authority through institutionalized forms and conducting supervision and inspection, in order to thoroughly resolve the problems of脱离群众搞特权 [7]7 The phrase “巩固党的一致及威权” (consolidate the Party’s unity and authority) is a direct quotation from the 1927 Party constitution. and violations of law and discipline. Deng Xiaoping's thought on establishing a supervision system was a powerful response to maintaining and consolidating the Party's leadership under internal and external pressures in the early period of reform and opening up, providing supervisory guarantees for purifying Party spirit, rectifying the Party's work style, regulating the exercise of power, and protecting the stability of state power and economic and social development.

改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，中国共产党人立足改革开放时代大背景，针对政治经济体制转轨过程中出现的党性不纯、作风不正、权力滥用、特权思想以及腐败等问题，在中国特色社会主义理论体系指导下逐步探索建立一套切实有效的监督制度体系。党的十一届三中全会后，邓小平从强化党内监督的角度，把党风问题、制度问题、贪污腐败问题等党面临的重大考验摆在关乎执政党生死存亡的高度进行统筹考虑，提出“整顿党风、反对特权、健全制度、加强监督”，要求在坚持进行改革开放的同时加紧惩治腐败，主张让群众和党员监督领导干部，以制度化的形式对干部职权范围等作出规定并进行监督检查，以彻底解决脱离群众搞特权和违法乱纪的问题。邓小平关于建立监督制度的思想是改革开放初期面临内外压力下维护和巩固党的领导的有力回应，为纯洁党性、端正党风、规范权力运行、保护国家政权稳定和经济社会发展提供了监督保障。

After the Fourth Plenary Session of the 13th Central Committee of the CPC [8]8 This quotation is from the “Decision on the Establishment of the Central and Local Discipline Inspection Commissions” adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1978, which re-established the discipline inspection system after the Cultural Revolution., in response to corruption problems emerging during economic and social development, Jiang Zemin made the major judgment that "the situation of the anti-corruption struggle is severe," placed supervision in a key position within anti-corruption and integrity promotion, and proposed the general approach of "education is the foundation, the rule of law is the guarantee, supervision is the key, and reform is the fundamental." He advocated "adopting methods that combine mobilizing and relying on the masses to report and expose with specialized agencies handling cases according to law, concentrating efforts to investigate and deal with a number of major and important cases in the near term," and explicitly demanded strengthening supervision over leading cadres, governing the Party strictly, and establishing a supervision system compatible with the socialist market economy system. After the 16th National Congress of the CPC [9]9 The “Three-Anti” campaign (1951–1952) targeted corruption, waste, and bureaucracy within the Party and government; the “Five-Anti” campaign (1952) targeted bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing state economic information among private industrialists and merchants., in response to problems of ruling Party construction and social issues accompanying economic development, Hu Jintao deeply grasped the era's positioning of the ruling Party, proposed strengthening intra-Party supervision, intra-Party democracy, and transparency of Party affairs, regarded supervision capacity as an important indicator of socialist democratic political construction, emphasized linking intra-Party supervision with democratic supervision, legal supervision, and public opinion supervision, valued moral supervision, established the work policy for anti-corruption and integrity promotion as "addressing both symptoms and root causes, comprehensive governance, combining punishment and prevention, with emphasis on prevention," demanded strengthening the effectiveness of institutional supervision, and explored establishing a power operation and supervision system in which decision-making power, executive power, and supervisory power mutually check and coordinate with each other. In the face of problems of ideological alienation, power abuse, and corruption that emerged during the process of establishing and improving the socialist market economy system, Chinese Communists, starting from the need to safeguard the Party's and the state's central tasks, emphasized the unity of intra-Party supervision and various types of supervision, unequivocally opposed corruption, and further enriched supervision theory.

党的十三届四中全会后，针对经济社会发展过程中出现的腐败问题，江泽民作出“反腐败斗争形势是严峻的”重大判断，将监督置于反腐倡廉的关键位置，提出了“教育是基础、法治是保证、监督是关键、改革是根本”的总体思路，主张“采取发动和依靠群众检举、揭发与专门机关依法处理相结合的方法，集中力量在近期内查办一批大案要案”，并明确要求强化对领导干部的监督，从严治党，建立与社会主义市场经济体制相适应的监督体制。党的十六大后，针对伴随经济发展出现的执政党建设问题与社会问题，胡锦涛深刻把握执政党的时代定位，提出加强党内监督、党内民主、党务公开，把监督能力作为社会主义民主政治建设的重要标志，强调贯通党内监督与民主监督、法律监督、舆论监督，重视道德监督，确立反腐倡廉工作方针为“标本兼治、综合治理、惩防并举、注重预防”，要求强化制度监督的效能，探索建立决策权、执行权、监督权相互制约、相互协调的权力运行和监督体制。在面对社会主义市场经济体制建立健全过程中出现的思想异化、权力滥用与腐败问题，中国共产党人从保障党和国家中心任务出发，强调党内监督与各类监督相统一，旗帜鲜明反对腐败，进一步丰富了监督理论。

(3) The Maturation and Perfection of the Socialist Supervision Theory with Chinese Characteristics

（三）中国特色社会主义监督理论的成熟完善

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [10]10 The “Four Forms” (四种形态) refer to a graduated system of disciplinary responses within the CPC, ranging from criticism and self-criticism (Form 1) to light organizational measures (Form 2), heavy organizational measures and demotion (Form 3), and arrest and prosecution for serious violations (Form 4). This system was formally articulated after the 18th National Congress in 2012., Xi Jinping, proceeding from the overall situation of the development of the Party's and the state's undertakings, has systematically expounded on issues such as "the significance of supervision," "who supervises," "what is supervised," and "how to supervise," theoretically clarified the relationship of supervisory authority within the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and put forward propositions such as "the Party and state supervision system" and "the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics," enriching the scientific connotation of the socialist supervision theory with Chinese characteristics. Xi Jinping emphasized that "power must be checked and supervised; absolute power leads to absolute corruption." Power, as a special resource with influence and dominance, must be provided with necessary institutional boundaries to prevent possible alienation and obstruction of the normal operation of power. The CPC, as a Marxist political party in long-term governance, "faces the greatest challenge in supervising power." Under the leadership system of the Party's comprehensive leadership and long-term governance, the characteristic of highly concentrated Party and government power means that Party members and cadres are constantly at risk of being "hunted" and corrupted. To this end, Xi Jinping proposed the "second answer" [11]11 The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC, held in December 1978, marked the beginning of the reform and opening up era and a shift in the Party’s focus to economic development. to escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall—self-revolution, which is also an effective path for strengthening supervision over public power under the conditions of the Party's long-term governance. Xi Jinping emphasized that the courage to engage in self-revolution is a distinctive mark distinguishing our Party from other political parties, and having no special self-interest of its own is the source of courage and the foundation of confidence for our Party to dare to engage in self-revolution. The Party's ruling position determines that the Party's self-supervision and the supervision by the masses are the most important forms of supervision; a scientific and effective mechanism for preventing and correcting errors must be formed, continuously enhancing the Party's capacity for self-purification, self-improvement, self-reform, and self-enhancement. Xi Jinping also pointed out that "power, regardless of its

党的十八大以来，习近平从党和国家事业发展全局出发，系统阐释了“监督的意义”“谁来监督”“监督什么”“怎样监督”等问题，从理论上厘清了中国特色社会主义理论体系中的监督权属关系，提出了“党和国家监督体系”和“中国特色社会主义监督制度”等命题，丰富了中国特色社会主义监督理论的科学内涵。习近平强调，“权力必须有制约和监督，绝对权力导致绝对腐败”。权力作为一种具有影响力、支配力的特殊资源，必须设置必要的制度边界来防止可能出现的异化和妨碍权力正常运行的情况。中国共产党作为长期执政的马克思主义政党，“面临的最大挑战是对权力的监督”。在党全面领导、长期执政的领导体制下，党政权力高度集中的特点使得党员干部时刻面临被“围猎”、被腐蚀的风险。为此，习近平提出了跳出历史周期率的“第二个答案”——自我革命，这也是党长期执政条件下强化公权力监督的有效路径。习近平强调，勇于自我革命是我们党区别于其他政党的显著标志，而没有任何自己特殊的利益则是我们党敢于自我革命的勇气之源、底气所在。党的执政地位决定了党的自我监督和人民群众的监督是最为重要的监督，必须形成科学管用的防错纠错机制，不断增强党的自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高能力。习近平还指出，“权力不论大小，只要不受制约和监督，都可能被滥用”，必须构建起决策科学、执行坚决、监督有力的权力运行和监督体系，把监督融入治理的全过程，确保公权力始终在正确轨道上运行，不断为党和国家事业发展提供监督保证，并将“坚持完善党和国家监督制度”列为管党治党“九个坚持”规律性认识之一，要求形成全面覆盖、常态长效的监督合力。

II. The Process of Exploring the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

二、中国特色社会主义监督制度的探索进程

As a political system born from the revolutionary roots of China, the process of the initiation, germination, establishment, maturation, and perfection of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics is a process in which the Communist Party of China, with a historical initiative spirit, has explored how to break the historical cycle of rise and fall [6]6 The "historical cycle of rise and fall" (历史周期率) refers to the recurring pattern in Chinese dynastic history whereby a ruling regime rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls due to corruption and loss of popular support. and advanced the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times over more than a century of struggle. In each historical period of revolution, construction, and reform and opening up, Chinese Communists, while inheriting the supervisory thought and clean governance culture from fine traditional Chinese culture, creatively combined Marxist theory of power supervision with China's specific national conditions. In vivid and concrete practices of the times, they explored and established the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese manner, which takes intra-Party supervision as the leading force and coordinates various types of supervision.

作为生发于中国革命根脉之中的政治制度，中国特色社会主义监督制度发轫、萌芽、建立、成熟完善的过程，是中国共产党以历史主动精神在百余年奋斗历程中探索破解历史周期率、推进马克思主义中国化时代化的过程。在革命、建设、改革的各个历史时期，中国共产党人在继承中华优秀传统文化中的监察思想和廉政文化的同时，创造性地把马克思主义权力监督理论与中国具体国情相结合，在生动具体的时代实践中探索建立起以党内监督为主导，各类监督贯通协调，具有中国特色、中国风格和中国气派的中国特色社会主义监督制度。

(1) The Germination of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

（一）中国特色社会主义监督制度的萌芽

The Communist Party of China, as a proletarian party armed with the advanced theory of Marxism, possesses the innate disposition and unique genes of strengthening power supervision and adhering to clean governance. The First Programme of the Communist Party of China of 1921 clearly stipulated the supervision of the organization over individuals and of the central authorities over local authorities, fully reflecting the political nature of a Marxist party and the political requirement of self-supervision. In revolutionary practice, Chinese Communists integrated Marxist supervision theory into revolutionary practice and their own Party building, exploring concrete and institutionalized methods of supervision around maintaining Party discipline, purifying the Party’s style of work, and preventing public officials from engaging in corruption and degeneration. In terms of intra-Party supervision, they began to explore the use of specialized bodies to supervise the Party’s style of work and discipline, forging the Party’s revolutionary character, discipline, and combat effectiveness. In 1925, the Executive Committee of the Guangdong Region of the CPC established a supervisory committee, initiating the exploration of local specialized supervisory bodies. The Third Amended Constitution of the Communist Party of China of 1927 added a “Supervisory Committee” to the Party’s organizational structure, responsible for intra-Party supervision and maintaining discipline in order to “consolidate the unity and authority of the Party,” [7]7 The phrase “巩固党的一致及威权” (consolidate the Party’s unity and authority) is a direct quotation from the 1927 Party constitution. creating an institutional system of specialized intra-Party supervisory bodies that has continued to this day and become the main force of intra-Party supervision. The system of special commissioners and inspectors born in this period strengthened communication and contact between Party organizations at all levels and upheld the leadership authority of the Party Central Committee. During the period of partial political power, through the creation of formal institutions such as the Soviet worker-peasant inspection system, the border region administrative supervision system, and the people’s supervision system, as well as the functioning of many informal institutions such as mass supervision and public opinion supervision, the realization of revolutionary goals was ensured, while the mass base was continuously consolidated and the scope and effectiveness of supervision were expanded, further safeguarding the people’s character and democratic character of political power. During this period, the CPC continuously forged the advanced nature, purity, combat effectiveness, and discipline of Party organizations and Party members with the revolutionary courage of self-supervision, forming a number of effective institutions for intra-Party supervision and supervision of public power, greatly enhancing the connectivity and coordination of supervision, ensuring that the Party’s will and various decisions could be directly reflected in political power construction and military operations, and creating social conditions for the germination of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics.

中国共产党作为用马克思主义先进理论武装起来的无产阶级政党，拥有强化权力监督与恪守廉洁政治的天赋秉性和独特基因。1921年《中国共产党第一个纲领》中明确规定党组织对个人、中央对地方的监督，充分体现了马克思主义政党的政治本色和自我监督的政治要求。在革命实践中，中国共产党人把马克思主义监督理论融入革命实践与自身建设之中，围绕维护党纪、纯洁党风、防止公职人员贪污腐化探索监督的具体化制度化方式。在党内监督上，开始探索以专门机构监督党风党纪，锻造党的革命性、纪律性和战斗性。1925年中共广东区执行委员会成立监察委员会，开始了地方专责监督机构的探索。1927年《中国共产党第三次修正章程决案》在党的组织中增设“监察委员会”，负责党内监督和维护纪律以“巩固党的一致及威权”，开创了党内专责监督机构的体制并沿用至今，成为党内监督的主干力量。诞生于这一时期的特派员——巡视员制度加强了党的各级组织间沟通和联系，维护了党中央的领导权威。在局部执政时期，通过创建苏维埃工农检查制度、边区行政督察制度、人民监察制度等正式制度以及发挥群众监督、舆论监督等诸多非正式制度的作用，既确保了革命目标的实现，也在不断巩固群众基础的同时扩大了监督的范围和有效性，进一步维护了政权的人民性和民主性。这一时期，中国共产党不断以自我监督的革命魄力锻造党组织和党员的先进性、纯洁性、战斗性和纪律性，形成了一些党内监督和公权力监督的有效制度，极大提升了监督的贯通性和协调性，确保了党的意志和各项决策能够直接体现在政权建设和军事行动上，为中国特色社会主义监督制度的萌芽创造了社会条件。

(2) The Foundation of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

（二）中国特色社会主义监督制度的奠基

After the founding of New China, in order to strengthen the Party’s overall leadership, consolidate the people’s political power, and ensure the people’s position as masters of the country, a set of political systems of the Party and the state suited to the actual national conditions was gradually established, and the exploration of building a socialist supervision system under the conditions of ruling the whole country began. In the course of socialist revolution and construction, the Party Central Committee, through the systematic construction of specialized Party and state supervision bodies, the formulation and promulgation of intra-Party regulations and national laws, and the conduct of specialized supervision over the implementation of major Party and state decisions and deployments, important tasks and plans, and acts of corruption and waste, initially explored the methods and means of building a socialist supervision system, laying the foundation for the formation of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. In terms of organizational construction, in order to “better implement the Party’s political line and various specific policies, maintain state and Party secrets, strengthen the Party’s organization and discipline, maintain close ties with the masses, overcome bureaucracy, and ensure the correct implementation of all Party resolutions,” [8]8 This quotation is from the “Decision on the Establishment of the Central and Local Discipline Inspection Commissions” adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC in 1978, which re-established the discipline inspection system after the Cultural Revolution. Party Central and local discipline inspection commissions at all levels were established. Correspondingly, in terms of supervising whether state organs at all levels and all types of public personnel violated state policies, laws, decrees, or harmed the interests of the people and the state, and detecting and correcting illegal and derelict organs and personnel, the People’s Supervision Commission of the Government Administration Council and local supervision organs at all levels were also established nationwide, forming an organizational framework for intra-Party supervision and state power supervision bodies from the central to local levels, clarifying the responsibilities and working systems of Party discipline inspection organs and administrative supervision organs, and carrying out work under the unified leadership of Party committees. In terms of institutional construction, normative documents on Party discipline building, Party conduct and clean governance building, and anti-corruption and anti-waste were formed, promoting national legislative activities against corruption. For example, in order to rectify the Party’s style of work and prevent the influence of erroneous tendencies such as corruption and waste, the Party Central Committee successively launched movements such as Party consolidation and rectification, the “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” campaigns, [9]9 The “Three-Anti” campaign (1951–1952) targeted corruption, waste, and bureaucracy within the Party and government; the “Five-Anti” campaign (1952) targeted bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing state economic information among private industrialists and merchants. promulgated the first national anti-corruption law, the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China for the Punishment of Corruption, and issued provisions to guide specific issues such as how to calculate the amount of corruption, the four categories of boundaries dividing corruption and waste, and the classification of large, medium, and small corrupt elements, striving to carry out work in a targeted manner on the basis of uniting the majority, and consolidating the results of supervision by institutional means. The concept of “learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient,” which had been continued since the Yan’an period, was concretized in the “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” campaigns into a working method of handling Party members’ disciplinary and illegal acts by classification according to different circumstances, laying the foundation for the proposal of the concept of the “Four Forms” [10]10 The “Four Forms” (四种形态) refer to a graduated system of disciplinary responses within the CPC, ranging from criticism and self-criticism (Form 1) to light organizational measures (Form 2), heavy organizational measures and demotion (Form 3), and arrest and prosecution for serious violations (Form 4). This system was formally articulated after the 18th National Congress in 2012. after the 18th National Congress of the CPC. In the process of exploration, in order to enhance the effectiveness of supervision and inspection, the model whereby Party committees’ discipline inspection commissions at all levels and people’s supervision commissions at all levels could, as appropriate, implement joint office work was first proposed at the national level, providing a preliminary exploration for the joint office work of discipline inspection and supervision organs. Unlike the highly integrated supervision model of the revolutionary war era, building a supervision system suited to the new people’s political power after ruling the whole country meant transforming the supervision experience under conditions of partial political power during the New Democratic Revolution into institutionalized construction based on the Party and state leadership system and organizational framework, and carrying out the practice of intra-Party supervision, state power supervision (administrative supervision), and people’s supervision under the political system of the Party’s overall leadership. It was precisely in the process of exploration and adjustment that the institutions, bodies, positioning, and responsibilities of Party and state supervision were fully tested by practice, laying the political and institutional foundation for the formal formation and development of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics after reform and opening up.

新中国成立后，为加强党的全面领导，巩固人民政权，确保人民当家作主地位，逐步建立了一套契合实际国情的党和国家政治制度体系，开始在全国执政条件下探索建立社会主义监督制度。在社会主义革命和建设的过程中，党中央通过体系化建设党和国家专门监督机构，制定颁布党内法规和国家法律，对党和国家重大决策部署、重要任务计划贯彻落实和贪污浪费等行为开展专门监督，初步探索了建立社会主义监督制度的方式方法，为中国特色社会主义监督制度的形成奠定了基础。在组织建设上，为“更好地执行党的政治路线及各项具体政策，保守国家的与党的机密，加强党的组织性与纪律性，密切地联系群众，克服官僚主义，保证党的一切决议的正确实施”，建立了党的中央及地方各级纪律检查委员会。与之对应，在监察全国各级国家机关和各类公务人员是否违反国家政策、法律、法令或损害人民及国家之利益，并检举纠正其中之违法失职的机关和人员方面，政务院人民监察委员会及地方各级监察机关也在全国范围内建立，形成了从中央到地方的党内监督和国家政权监督机构组织框架，明晰了党的纪律检查机关和行政监察机关职责定位和工作制度，在党委的统一领导下开展工作。在制度建设上，形成了关于党的纪律建设、党风廉政建设和反贪污浪费等内容的规范性文件，推动了反腐败的国家立法活动。例如，为端正党风，防止腐化浪费等错误倾向的影响，党中央先后开展整党整风、“三反”“五反”等运动，颁布首部反腐败国家法律《中华人民共和国惩治贪污条例》，并出台规定对如何计算贪污金额、划分贪污与浪费的四项分类界限、划分大中小贪污分子等具体问题进行指导，力求在团结大多数的基础上有针对性地开展工作，以制度的方式巩固监督成果。而从延安时期延续下来的“惩前毖后、治病救人”理念，在“三反”“五反”运动中具化为根据不同情况分类处置党员违纪违法行为的工作方式，为党的十八大后“四种形态”理念的提出奠定了基础。在探索过程中，为加强监督监察的效能，各级党委的纪律检查委员会与各级人民监察委员会可酌情实行合署办公的模式首次在国家层面提出，为纪检监察机关合署办公进行了先行探索。不同于革命战争年代高度一体化的监督模式，全国执政后构建契合新生人民政权的监督制度，是将新民主主义革命时期的局部执政条件下的监督经验转化为立足党和国家领导体系和组织架构的制度化建设，是在党全面领导的政治体制下开展党内监督、政权监督（行政监察）和人民监督的实践。正是在探索和调整过程中，党和国家监督的制度、机构、定位和职责充分接受了实践的检验，为改革开放后中国特色社会主义监督制度的正式形成与发展奠定政治与制度基石。

(3) The Basic Formation of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

（三）中国特色社会主义监督制度的基本形成

After the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC [n11], exploring China’s own path of socialist construction, liberating and developing the productive forces, and enabling the people to shake off poverty and become prosperous as quickly as possible became the primary issues facing the Party in governance. Confronted with the institutional destruction brought about by the “decade of twists and turns” [n12] and the ideological clashes triggered by the influx of Western thought after reform and opening up, the Party, through specialized supervisory organs, rectified Party conduct, strictly enforced discipline, and carried out special rectifications. It smoothly navigated the special period of political and economic system transition in the early years of reform and opening up, and, in the unremitting exploration of relying on its own strength to solve its own problems through institutionalized and legalized means, established a socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. Regarding the restoration and reconstruction of specialized supervisory organs, the 11th National Congress of the CPC raised the issue of rebuilding the Party’s specialized supervisory organs, requiring the establishment of discipline inspection commissions at all levels from the Party Central Committee down to local counties and military units at and above the regimental level. The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee elected the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection with Chen Yun [n13] as its First Secretary. In the following year, documents such as the “Provisions of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC on Work Tasks, Scope of Authority, and Institutional Setup” and the “Opinions on Rapidly Establishing and Improving Discipline Inspection Institutions at All Levels” were formulated, stipulating and requiring the conduct of intra-Party supervision work. To clarify the functions of the Party and government and concentrate efforts on combating corruption and embezzlement, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, based on a proposal from the State Council, decided to strengthen national supervision work and establish the Ministry of Supervision of the People’s Republic of China. The restoration and reconstruction of the Party’s discipline inspection commissions and administrative supervision organs signified that the supervision system now had concrete carriers and working bodies. In particular, the implementation in 1993 of the system where the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the Ministry of Supervision worked together under one roof [n14] provided practical experience for the reform of the discipline inspection and supervision system in the New Era. In purifying Party conduct and strengthening the Party’s governance capacity building, there was full recognition that “the issue of the governing Party’s conduct is a matter of life and death for the Party.” To rectify Party conduct, on the one hand, the Party sought to solve its own problems through Party consolidation, striving to prove the scientific nature and correctness of the proposition that “only socialism can eliminate the various kinds of greed, corruption, and injustice inevitably produced by capitalism and other systems of exploitation.” On the other hand, it consolidated institutional achievements through “impartial supervision and inspection by specialized bodies.” Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “From the perspective of Party work, the focus is on rectifying Party conduct, but from an overall perspective, it is on strengthening the legal system.” Only by rectifying Party conduct through institutional and legal means could the Party’s political environment be fundamentally purified. Consequently, a series of intra-Party regulations were promulgated, including the “Decision on Strengthening the Party’s Governance Capacity Building,” the “Implementation Measures of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC on Reaffirming and Establishing Five Systems for Intra-Party Supervision,” and the trial versions of the “Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Intra-Party Supervision” and the “Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Inspection Work.” Systems such as the intra-Party inspection tour system and the派驻 system [n15] were clarified as institutional norms for strengthening intra-Party supervision, rectifying Party conduct, and enforcing Party discipline, ensuring that the Party’s self-construction became stronger and more robust. In the governance of corruption, the policy of “first, be resolute; second, be persistent” was implemented, and exploration began into effective ways to combat corruption through institutional construction and legal means. In 1993, the Second Plenary Session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection clarified the three main tasks of anti-corruption work: leading cadres’ self-discipline in integrity, investigating and handling cases, and correcting unhealthy tendencies in departments and industries. The supervision system, with anti-corruption as its focus, became further concretized. By strengthening national anti-corruption legislation, promulgating the “Implementation Outline for Establishing a System of Punishment and Prevention of Corruption that Integrates Education, Institutions, and Supervision,” and establishing specialized anti-corruption and anti-bribery agencies, institutional innovation for anti-corruption and the construction of a long-term mechanism to resist corruption and prevent degeneration were strengthened, aiming to enhance supervision at the source and prevent and control corruption. Through unremitting exploration, and alongside the formation of the institutional framework of socialism with Chinese characteristics, a socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics gradually took shape. This system, with the Party’s specialized supervisory organs and administrative supervisory organs as its working bodies, and based on the Party Constitution, the national Constitution, intra-Party regulations, and national laws, aimed to strengthen the Party’s governance capacity building, continuously purify the Party’s political ecosystem and the social atmosphere of the country and state, regulate the exercise of public power by public officials of the Party and state organs, punish and prevent corruption, and ensure that the people are the masters of the country. This system provided institutional guarantees for reform and opening up and socialist modernization.

党的十一届三中全会后，探索中国自己的社会主义建设道路，解放和发展生产力，使人民摆脱贫困、尽快富裕起来成为党执政面临的首要问题。面对“十年曲折”带来的制度破坏以及改革开放后西方思潮涌入引起的思想交锋，党通过专门监督机构整顿党风、严抓纪律、开展专项整治，平稳度过了改革开放初期政治经济体制转轨特殊时期，在坚持不懈探索依靠自身力量以制度化、法治化方式解决自身问题的实践中建立起一套具有中国特色的社会主义监督制度。在专门监督机构的恢复重建上，党的十一大提出了重建党的专门监督机构的问题，要求从党中央到地方县和军队团以上组织都要设立纪律检查委员会。党的十一届三中全会选举产生了以陈云为第一书记的中央纪律检查委员会，并在次年先后制定了《中共中央纪律检查委员会关于工作任务、职权范围、机构设置的规定》《关于迅速建立健全各级纪律检查机构的意见》等文件，对开展党内监督工作进行规定和要求。为了厘清党政职能，集中力量打击贪污腐败，全国人大常委会根据国务院的提请，决定加强国家监察工作，设立中华人民共和国监察部。党的纪律检查委员会和行政监察机构的恢复重建标志着监督制度有了具体的承载和工作机关，尤其是1993年开始实行中央纪委与监察部合署办公，为新时代纪检监察体制改革提供了实践经验。在纯洁党风、加强党的执政能力建设上，充分认识到“执政党的党风问题是关系到党的生死存亡的问题”。为整顿党风，一方面，通过整党解决自身问题，力证“只有社会主义才能消除资本主义和其他剥削制度所必然产生的种种贪婪、腐败和不公正现象”的科学性与正确性。另一方面，通过“专门的机构进行铁面无私的监督检查”来巩固制度化成果。邓小平指出，“现在从党的工作来说，重点是端正党风，但从全局来说，是加强法制”。只有通过制度和法治的方式来端正党风，才能从根本上净化党的政治环境。因此，包括《关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》《中共中央纪律检查委员会关于重申和建立党内监督五项制度的实施办法》和试行的《中国共产党党内监督条例》《中国共产党巡视工作条例》在内的系列党内法规制度先后颁布，党内巡视制度、派驻制度等作为强化党内监督、端正党风、严肃党纪的制度规范得以明确，以确保党的自身建设更加坚强有力。在腐败治理上，贯彻“一要坚决，二要持久”的方针，开始探索通过制度建设和法治方式开展反腐败斗争的有效途径。1993年，中央纪委二次会议明确了反腐败工作的三项格局，即领导干部廉洁自律、查办案件、纠正部门和行业不正之风，以反腐败为重点的监督制度进一步具体化。通过加强反腐败国家立法，颁布《建立健全教育、制度、监督并重的惩治和预防腐败体系实施纲要》，成立专门反贪污受贿机构等方式加强反腐败制度创新和拒腐防变长效机制建设，力图从源头上加强监督，防治腐败。经过不懈努力探索，伴随着中国特色社会主义制度框架的形成，一个以党内专责监督机构、行政监察机构为工作主体，以党章宪法、党内法规和国家法律为依据，旨在加强党的执政能力建设、不断净化党的政治生态和国家社会风气、规范党和国家机关公职人员行使公权力、惩治预防腐败、保证人民当家作主的中国特色社会主义监督制度体系逐渐形成，为改革开放和社会主义现代化建设提供了制度保障。

(IV) Maturation, Perfection, Innovation, and Development of the Supervision System in the New Era

（四）新时代监督制度的成熟完善与创新发展

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [n16], the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, based on the new historical juncture of the development of the cause of the Party and the state, has profoundly grasped the laws governing the governance of the Communist Party, the laws of socialist construction, and the laws of the development of human society. With a high degree of political consciousness and a strong sense of historical mission, it has advanced the revolutionary forging of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, continuously strengthened supervision, and put forward many new ideas, viewpoints, and judgments. These have guided Party and state supervision from theoretical breakthroughs to practical innovations, from focused supervision to comprehensive coverage, and from strengthening individual units to systemic integration, achieving profound changes and all-around improvements, and promoting the continuous development and improvement of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. In terms of the framework system, guided by the top-level institutional design of the central authorities, a framework system for Party and state supervision has been established. Xi Jinping attaches great importance to strengthening the construction of the supervision system. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee, he pointed out the need to strengthen the institutional construction of intra-Party supervision, people’s congress supervision, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, audit supervision, social supervision, and public opinion supervision, striving to form a scientific and effective system for restricting and supervising the exercise of power. The newly revised “Regulations of the Communist Party of China on Intra-Party Supervision” clarified the “five-in-one” [n17] intra-Party supervision system and eight key supervision tasks. The 19th National Congress of the CPC formally proposed the major proposition of “improving the Party and state supervision system,” and at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee, it was deployed to take intra-Party supervision as the leading force to promote the organic integration and mutual coordination of various types of supervision, forming a socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics with “1+9” [n18] supervision as the main body, achieving comprehensive coverage and coordinated synergy. At the same time, the supervision system of the New Era extensively absorbed the historical experience of the Party’s struggles, institutionalizing some beneficial practices. It also further revised and improved historically effective institutional designs, such as the inspection tour system, the派驻 system, the reporting and request-for-instructions system, and the specialized supervision system, in light of actual conditions. In terms of the organizational system, with comprehensively deepening reform as the guide, the reform of the discipline inspection and supervision system was advanced during the reform of Party and state institutions. The Supervisory Commissions were established to work together under one roof with the Party’s discipline inspection commissions, exercising supervisory powers uniformly and strengthening the Party’s overall leadership over supervision work. In terms of institutional implementation, an organic unity was formed where Party discipline precedes the law, Party discipline is stricter than the law, and Party discipline and state law are connected, coordinated, and applied in tandem. On the one hand, Party discipline and state laws were continuously improved, and institutional shortcomings were rapidly addressed with a spirit of reform and innovation. Regarding intra-Party regulations, in January 2022, Xi Jinping pointed out at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection: “We have formed a relatively complete system of intra-Party regulations.” As of June 2023, there were 3,802 current intra-Party regulations, including 227 central intra-Party regulations. Regarding national laws, through amendments to the Constitution, the Criminal Law, the Criminal Procedure Law, and other laws, and the promulgation of laws and regulations such as the Supervision Law, the Law on Government Affairs Sanctions, the Law on Supervisory Officials, and the Regulations on the Implementation of the Supervision Law, the achievements of supervision practice and the reform of the national supervision system were consolidated. On the other hand, coordination and cooperation among various supervision systems were promoted, connecting various supervisory entities to form a supervisory synergy, ensuring the implementation and landing of the various arrangements of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. It is precisely by grasping the historical trend, strengthening historical confidence, and deepening the understanding of the historical experience of “externally relying on developing people’s democracy and accepting people’s supervision, internally relying on comprehensive and strict governance of the Party and advancing self-revolution” through theoretical and practical creation and innovation, and transforming this into an inexhaustible driving force for the great new project of Party building, that the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics has been continuously improved, providing supervisory guarantees for transforming the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics into governance effectiveness.

党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央立足党和国家事业发展新的历史方位，深刻把握共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律和人类社会发展规律，以高度政治自觉和强烈历史使命感推进全面从严治党革命性锻造，不断强化监督，提出许多新思想新观点新论断，指引着党和国家监督从理论突破到实践创制、从重点监督到全面覆盖、从做强单体到系统集成，实现了深层次变革和全方位提升，推动中国特色社会主义监督制度不断发展完善。在框架体系上，以中央顶层制度设计为牵引，搭建起党和国家监督的框架体系。习近平高度重视加强监督制度体系建设，在党的十八届四中全会上指出，要加强党内监督、人大监督、民主监督、行政监督、司法监督、审计监督、社会监督、舆论监督制度建设，努力形成科学有效的权力运行制约和监督体系。新修订的《中国共产党党内监督条例》明确了“五位一体”的党内监督体系和八个方面重点监督任务。党的十九大正式提出“健全党和国家监督体系”重大命题，并在党的十九届四中全会上部署以党内监督为主导推动各类监督有机贯通、相互协调，形成“1+9”监督为主体、全面覆盖、协同发力的中国特色社会主义监督制度体系。与此同时，新时代监督制度体系广泛吸纳党的历史奋斗经验，将一些有益做法以制度化方式固定下来，同时将历史上行之有效的制度设计如巡视巡察制度、派驻制度、请示报告制度、专责监督制度等进一步结合实际加以修订完善。在组织体系上，以全面深化改革为统领，在党和国家机构改革过程中推进纪检监察体制改革，组建监察委员会与党的纪律监察委员会合署办公，统一行使监督职权，加强党对监督工作的全面领导。在制度执行上，形成纪在法前、纪比法严，纪法贯通衔接、双施双守的有机统一体。一方面，不断健全党纪国法，以改革创新精神加快补全制度短板。党内法规方面，2022年1月，习近平在十九届中央纪委六次全会上指出：“我们形成了比较完善的党内法规体系。”截至2023年6月，有现行党内法规3802部，中央党内法规227部。国家法律方面，通过修改《宪法》《刑法》《刑事诉讼法》等法律，颁布《监察法》《政务处分法》《监察官法》《监察法实施条例》等法律法规，固化监督实践和国家监察体制改革成果。另一方面，推进各项监督制度之间的协作配合，贯通各类监督主体，形成监督合力，使得中国特色社会主义监督制度的各项安排得以落实落地。正是因为把握历史大势、坚定历史自信，在理论和实践的创造创新中深化对“党外靠发展人民民主、接受人民监督，内靠全面从严治党、推进自我革命”历史经验的认识，并转化为党的建设新的伟大工程的不竭动力，推动中国特色社会主义监督制度不断完善，为中国特色社会主义制度优势转化为治理效能提供监督保障。

III. The Era Characteristics of the Socialist Supervision System with Chinese Characteristics

三、中国特色社会主义监督制度的时代特征

Since the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921, how to strengthen supervision and ensure that the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission, its nature and purpose, do not degenerate, change color, or lose flavor has been an important element running through more than a century of Party building. As an institutional achievement of adapting Marxist supervision theory to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics is a systematic condensation of practical, theoretical, and institutional innovations in governing the Party and running it strictly, and in comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, based on the Party’s century-long experience of struggle and historical experience. It is also an important manifestation of the historic and pioneering achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the institutional sphere, bearing distinct characteristics of the times.

自1921年中国共产党成立至今，如何加强监督，确保党的初心使命、性质宗旨不变质、不变色、不变味就成为贯穿百余年党的建设的重要内容。作为马克思主义监督理论中国化时代化的制度成果，中国特色社会主义监督制度是在党的百余年奋斗经验、历史经验基础上对管党治党、全面从严治党的实践创新、理论创新和制度创新后进行规律性总结凝结而成，也是中国特色社会主义在制度方面所取得历史性、开创性成就的重要体现，具有鲜明的时代特征。

(I) An Institutional Arrangement Unifying the “Two Answers” for Escaping the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall

（一）跳出历史周期率的“两个答案”相统一的制度安排

How to escape the historical cycle of order and disorder, rise and fall, is a challenge of national governance and a major issue that our Party has diligently sought and continuously explored to resolve. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong, in a cave dwelling in Yan’an, in response to a question from the democratic figure Huang Yanpei, gave our Party’s first answer: taking a new path of democracy, “only by letting the people supervise the government will the government not dare to slack off.” [19]19 The “1+9” grand supervision framework refers to the system in which intra-Party supervision (the “1”) is the leading force, and it is integrated and interconnected with nine other types of supervision: people’s congress supervision, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision, public opinion supervision, audit supervision, statistical supervision, and financial and accounting supervision. To this end, our Party has striven to develop whole-process people’s democracy, cultivate the people’s supervisory awareness and capacity, and establish a set of people’s democratic institutions to ensure that the people’s principal position as masters of the country remains firmly entrenched. Based on the Party’s century-long experience of struggle, especially the new practices since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has summarized and refined the “second answer”: the Party’s self-revolution. [20]20 The Two Establishments (两个确立): The Relying on the spirit of self-revolution, our Party, as an indestructible and unbreakable Marxist political party, has remained true to its original aspiration despite vicissitudes and retained its true character despite hardships. For more than a century, it is precisely by adhering to the unity of developing people’s democracy and accepting people’s supervision with comprehensively and strictly governing the Party and advancing self-revolution that our Party has been able to endure long-term prosperity and grow stronger, always serving as the mainstay of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the strong leading core for upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. In terms of specific institutional design, the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics is precisely an institutional arrangement that unifies the “two answers.” Whether it is strengthening the Party’s self-supervision through the spirit of self-revolution or promoting people’s democracy and emphasizing mass supervision, the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics organically integrates the “two answers” through institutional means, standardizes the operation and restriction of power, ensures that the power entrusted by the Party and the people is always used to seek happiness for the people, and realizes the unity of the Party’s self-supervision and people’s supervision, jointly safeguarding the development of the Party’s and the state’s undertakings.

如何跳出治乱兴衰历史周期率是国家治理的难题，也是我们党孜孜以求、不断探索解决的重大问题。抗日战争时期，毛泽东在延安的窑洞面对民主人士黄炎培的提问时，给出了我们党的第一个答案，即通过民主的新路，“只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈”。为此，我们党着力发展全过程人民民主，培育人民群众的监督意识和监督能力，建立起一套人民民主制度，确保人民当家作主的主体地位始终牢固。习近平立足党的百余年奋斗历史经验尤其是党的十八大以来的新实践，总结提炼出“第二个答案”，即党的自我革命。依靠自我革命精神，我们党作为打不倒、压不垮的马克思主义政党，历经沧桑而初心不改、饱经风霜而本色依旧。百余年来，正是坚持发展人民民主、接受人民监督与全面从严治党、推进自我革命相统一，我们党才能长盛不衰、发展壮大，始终成为中华民族伟大复兴事业的中流砥柱，成为坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的坚强领导核心。在具体制度设计上，中国特色社会主义监督制度就是“两个答案”相统一的制度安排。无论是以自我革命精神强化党的自我监督，还是发扬人民民主强调群众监督，中国特色社会主义监督制度通过制度的方式有机贯通了“两个答案”，规范了权力的运行与制约，确保党和人民赋予的权力始终用来为人民谋幸福，实现了党的自我监督和人民的监督相统一，共同保障党和国家事业的发展。

(II) An Institutional Vehicle for Strengthening the Party’s Overall Leadership, Upholding the People’s Principal Position, and Perfecting Rule-Based Governance over the Party and Law-Based Governance

（二）加强党的全面领导、维护人民主体地位、完善依规治党和依法治国的制度载体

The leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature and the greatest institutional advantage of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and it is the fundamental leadership system. As an important component of the social system, the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics necessarily belongs to and serves the Party’s leadership system, which also determines its distinct political attributes and functional positioning. Xi Jinping pointed out: “The general requirement for improving the Party and state supervision system is unified leadership by the Party, full coverage, and authoritative and efficient operation.” [21] Therefore, the primary task and goal of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics is to uphold and strengthen the Party’s leadership, ensuring institutionally that the entire Party always maintains a high degree of unity with the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, ensuring that the entire

中国共产党领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征和最大制度优势，是根本领导制度。中国特色社会主义监督制度作为社会制度的重要组成部分，其必然归属并服务于党的领导制度，这也决定了其鲜明的政治属性和职能定位。习近平指出：“完善党和国家监督体系，总要求是党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效。”因此，中国特色社会主义监督制度的首要任务目标就是坚持和加强党的领导，在制度上确保全党始终与以习近平同志为核心的党中央保持高度一致，确保全党更加坚定拥护“两个确立”、做到“两个维护”,自觉把思想和行动统一到党中央决策部署上来，确保党的领导落实在方方面面。与资本主义监督制度服务于形形色色的利益集团不同，党的初心使命决定了中国特色社会主义监督制度以人民为中心的价值取向。作为社会主义的监督制度，就是要坚持和维护人民主体地位，确保人民群众反对什么、痛恨什么，就坚决防范和纠正什么，把发现和纠正人民群众反映强烈的突出问题摆在重要位置，同时注重发挥各类监督联系群众的纽带功能，推动监督力量下沉，不断增强人民群众获得感、幸福感、安全感和参与感。法治是国家治理体系和治理能力的重要依托，是建设现代化强国的必然要求。我们党要履行好执政兴国的职责使命，不断带领中华民族走向复兴必然要依据党章党规管党治党、依据宪法法律治国理政。中国特色社会主义监督制度作为党内监督和国家监察相统一的制度体系，通过依托党内法规和国家法律，对全体党组织和党员干部以及行使公权力的公职人员实现监督全覆盖，体现了党纪国法的内在一致性，确保了依规治党和依法治国的整体谋划、一体落实、有机统一。

(3) An institutional system with intra-Party supervision as its foundation, the four types of supervision coordinated and linked, and the nine major types of supervision integrated and interconnected

（三）以党内监督为基础，四项监督统筹衔接、九大监督贯通融合的制度体系

The Party’s overall leadership and long-term governance are the choice of the Chinese people and historical practice, and constitute China’s greatest national condition. Xi Jinping pointed out: “To ensure that the Communist Party can govern long-term and always seek benefits for the people, we must strengthen our capacity for self-supervision and self-purification, and intensify supervision at the institutional and mechanism level.” Over more than a century of practical development, centered on key points such as ensuring Party unity and solidarity, promoting the implementation of the Party Central Committee’s decisions and deployments, and ensuring the correct exercise and standardized operation of power, the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, with intra-Party supervision as the leading force, the four types of supervision coordinated and linked, and the nine major types of supervision integrated and interconnected, has been gradually constructed and continuously innovated and developed. The Party’s governing position determines that intra-Party supervision is the primary supervision, occupying a leading position. Under the conditions of the Party’s long-term governance, strengthening intra-Party supervision is not only a consistent requirement of Marxist political parties, but also a fine tradition and political advantage of our Party, and moreover an inherent requirement and important means for realizing the Party’s self-revolution leading social revolution. Only when intra-Party supervision is strong and effective can other types of supervision play their role. Discipline inspection supervision, supervision by supervisory commissions, dispatched supervision, and inspection supervision, under the integrated logic of “the Party and government sharing the same structure,” extend and expand intra-Party supervision to the national level, leveraging the interconnectedness and interactivity of the “four types of supervision,” and continuously enhancing the systematic, integrated, and synergistic nature of the supervision system through coordination, linkage, quality improvement, and efficiency enhancement. The integration and interconnection of people’s congress supervision, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision, public opinion supervision, audit supervision, statistical supervision, and financial and accounting supervision fully mobilizes the initiative of various supervision subjects, resonating at the same frequency, and forming an optimized, maximized, normalized, and long-lasting joint force of supervision. From intra-Party supervision to national supervision, and then to the “1+9” [19]19 The “1+9” grand supervision framework refers to the system in which intra-Party supervision (the “1”) is the leading force, and it is integrated and interconnected with nine other types of supervision: people’s congress supervision, democratic supervision, administrative supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision, public opinion supervision, audit supervision, statistical supervision, and financial and accounting supervision. grand supervision framework, the supervision system and institutions under the Party’s unified leadership, comprehensive coverage, authoritative and efficient, have been continuously improved, promoting the socialist system with Chinese characteristics to become more mature and well-established, forming the unique advantages of the governance of the Communist Party of China and the governance of China, and effectively ensuring that Chinese-path modernization strides forward.

党全面领导和长期执政是中国人民和历史实践的选择，是中国最大的国情。习近平指出：“我们要保证共产党长期执政、始终为人民谋利益，就必须加强自我监督、自我净化能力，在体制机制层面加大监督力度。”在百余年实践发展中，围绕着保证党的团结统一、推动贯彻落实党中央决策部署、确保权力正确行使和规范运行等重点，以党内监督为主导，四项监督统筹衔接、九大监督贯通融合的中国特色社会主义监督制度体系逐步构建并不断创新发展。党的执政地位决定了党内监督是第一位的监督，居于主导地位。在党长期执政条件下，强化党内监督既是马克思主义政党的一贯要求，又是我们党的优良传统和政治优势，更是实现以党的自我革命引领社会革命的内在要求和重要手段。只有党内监督有力有效，其他监督才能发挥作用。纪律监督、监察监督、派驻监督、巡视监督在“党政同构”的一体化逻辑之下把党内监督向国家层面延伸和拓展，发挥“四项监督”的关联性、互动性，在统筹衔接、提质增效中不断提升监督制度的系统性、集成性和协同性。人大监督、民主监督、行政监督、司法监督、群众监督、舆论监督、审计监督、统计监督、财会监督的贯通融合，则使得各类监督主体的积极性充分调动，同频共振，形成最优化、最大化的常态长效监督合力。从党内监督到国家监察再到“1+9”大监督格局，党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系和监督制度不断完善，推动中国特色社会主义制度体系更加成熟完善，形成了中国共产党之治、中国之治的独特优势，有力保障中国式现代化阔步向前。

(4) The modernized achievements of traditional Chinese supervision culture and the Chinese solution to the world’s supervision and governance challenges

（四）中华传统监督文化的现代化成果与破解世界监督治理难题的中国方案

Institutions are the carriers of civilization; a sound institutional system must be rooted in the national spirit, indigenous traditions, and distinctive culture, and be driven forward by the resultant force of history. The socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics differs from any previous supervision system. By incorporating what is beneficial and discarding what is crude, it has absorbed the useful elements of ancient clean governance culture and supervision institutions, forming a practical and effective institutional system that fully embodies the supervisory wisdom of the Chinese people and the institutional superiority of socialism with Chinese characteristics. For example, in terms of political purpose, it draws on the experience of institutions such as the “imperial inspection tour” (巡狩), “circuit inspection” (巡察), and “censorial surveillance” (监察), which originated in the pre-Qin period and continued through the Ming and Qing dynasties, in maintaining a unified state and central authority. It highlights the function of political supervision, urging the entire Party to firmly uphold the “Two Establishments” [20]20 The Two Establishments (两个确立): The and achieve the “Two Upholds” [21]. In terms of value orientation, it absorbs the beneficial practices of ancient times, where officials were urged to practice the “people-oriented” (民本) thought through methods such as investigation and impeachment, and takes the people-centered value stance as the value orientation of the supervision system. This both safeguards and ensures the principal position of the people and gives play to the important role of popular supervision. In terms of institutional mechanisms, it draws on the ancient design of a supervision system that coordinated central and local supervision, harmonized internal and external supervision, connected ongoing supervision with post-hoc impeachment, and exercised independent supervisory power. It establishes a dedicated supervision system from the central to the local level and an independent state supervisory power under Party leadership. In terms of cadre management, it absorbs the supervisory institutional design that ran through the selection, appointment, punishment, and retirement of officials in ancient officialdom, embedding education, supervision, and management throughout the entire process of cadre selection, appointment, training, and development. In terms of self-construction, it draws on institutional regulations such as the Han Dynasty’s *Nine Articles for Supervising Censors* (监御史九条) and *Six Articles for Inspecting Commanderies* (六条察郡之法), the Tang Dynasty’s *Six Methods of Surveillance* (监察六法), the Song Dynasty’s *Regulations for Evaluating Supervisory Officials* (监司考课法), the Ming Dynasty’s *Constitutional Guidelines and Regulations* (宪纲条例), and the Qing Dynasty’s *Imperially Authorized Regulations for the Censorate* (钦定台规), which clearly defined the powers and matters of supervisory officials. It places special emphasis on the competence, qualifications, and performance requirements for discipline inspection and supervision organs and personnel, strictly regulating and standardizing the supervision of supervisory power.

制度是文明的载体，一套好的制度体系必然根植于民族精神、本土传统和特有文化之中，由历史的合力推动形成。中国特色社会主义监督制度不同于以往任何监督制度，在兼收并蓄、去粗取精中吸收了古代廉政文化和监督制度中有益成分，形成切实管用的制度体系，充分体现了中国人民的监督智慧和中国特色社会主义的制度优越性。比如，在政治目的上，吸收借鉴发轫于先秦并延续至明清的“巡狩”“巡察”“监察”等制度维护大一统国家和中央权威的经验，突出政治监督职能，督促全党坚决拥护“两个确立”，做到“两个维护”。在价值取向上，吸收借鉴古代通过纠察、弹劾等方式督促官员践行“民本”思想的有益做法，将人民至上价值立场作为监督制度的价值取向，既维护保障人民的主体地位，又发挥人民监督的重要作用。在体制机制上，吸收借鉴古代中央监察与地方监察相配合、内部监察与外部监察相协调、事中监督与事后纠劾相衔接以及独立行使监察权的监察体系设计，建立从中央到地方的专责监督体系和党领导下的独立国家监察权。在干部管理上，吸收借鉴古代吏治中贯穿于官员选任、惩戒、致仕的监督制度设计，把教育、监督、管理寓于干部的选拔任用、培养培训全过程。在自身建设上，借鉴汉朝的《监御史九条》《六条察郡之法》、唐朝的《监察六法》、宋朝的《监司考课法》、明朝的《宪纲条例》、清朝的《钦定台规》等制度明确规定监察官员职权、事项等，突出强调对于纪检监察机关和人员的能力素质、任职条件和履职要求，严格对于监督权的监督和规范。

Restricting and supervising public power is an eternal and common challenge faced by all political parties and states. The position and role of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics in “Chinese governance” (中国之治) demonstrate that a Marxist ruling party with 99.185 million members [22] and a large Eastern country with a population of over 1.4 billion have explored a path to effectively restrict and supervise public power. This has formed a “Chinese solution” (中国方案) for identifying problems, correcting deviations, and maintaining vitality under conditions of long-term governance by a single party. It contributes Chinese wisdom to resolving the inherent ills exposed by the separation-of-powers and checks-and-balances supervision model in contemporary Western capitalist states and parties, and to overcoming the development traps that late-developing countries find difficult to avoid when copying Western models.

对公权力进行制约和监督是所有政党和国家面临的永恒课题和共同难题，中国特色社会主义监督制度在“中国之治”中的地位和作用表明，一个拥有99185万名党员的马克思主义执政党、14亿多人口的东方大国探索出了一条有效制约和监督公权力的道路，形成了一党长期执政条件下发现问题、纠正偏差、永葆活力的“中国方案”，为解决当前西方资本主义国家和政党在分权制衡监督模式下暴露出的内生弊病和破解后发国家在照搬西方模式后难以避免的发展陷阱贡献了中国智慧。

Xi Jinping has scientifically summarized more than a century of Party building and the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in the New Era, forming an important thought on the Party’s self-revolution. He has put forward the conceptual principles of the “Six Persistences” (六个坚持) and the “Nine Musts” (九个必须), and the practical requirements of the “Nine withs” (九个以) [23], guiding the century-old Party to open up a new realm of self-revolution. The socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, as an important institutional design and arrangement that carries the concrete practical requirements of the Party’s self-revolution and comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, is formed on the basis of inheriting and developing Marxist party-building theory, through more than a century of the Party’s practical struggle and historical experience. Embarking on a new赶考之路 (road of taking the examination) [24], to promote the continuous improvement and development of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, in terms of ideological guidance, we must adhere to Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, especially Xi Jinping’s important thought on the Party’s self-revolution, as the guide. We must advance the adaptation of Marxist supervision theory to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, promote the improvement of the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, and rely on institutional and legal advantages to forge a path of supervision with Chinese characteristics that suits the Party’s and the nation’s conditions. In terms of goals and tasks, we must take the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity as the direction of effort, continuously leverage the advantages of unified Party leadership, comprehensive coverage, and authoritative efficiency, deepen the reform of the discipline inspection and supervision system, make sustained efforts in institutional mechanisms, integrate the institutional effectiveness of supervision into national governance and social construction, and transform institutional advantages into governance effectiveness. In practice, under the leadership of intra-Party supervision, we must strengthen dedicated supervision, connect various types of supervision, and especially explore the establishment of mechanisms for coordination and cooperation among various supervision systems, truly integrating the supervision of functional organs with popular supervision to enhance institutional synergy. The Communist Party of China, as a long-term ruling Marxist party, promotes comprehensive and strict governance of the Party with the spirit of self-revolution, undergoes revolutionary tempering, and continuously improves the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics. This is both an inherent requirement for perfecting a supervision system under unified Party leadership, comprehensive coverage, and authoritative efficiency, and an inevitable requirement for advancing Chinese-path modernization. The Party’s century-long history and the rise and fall of political parties, both ancient and modern, Chinese and foreign, all indicate that a usable, effective, and convenient social system must take root in the country’s own soil. Copying or imitating the political systems of other countries will not work, and may even ruin the country’s future and destiny. Standing at a new historical starting point, we must increase political sobriety, “not tempted by praise, not afraid of slander” (不诱于誉、不恐于诽), and the political consciousness that comprehensive and strict governance of the Party is always on the way and the Party’s self-revolution is always on the way. We must strengthen historical confidence, seize the historical initiative, lead the great social revolution with the Party’s great self-revolution, continuously improve the system for comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, continuously perfect the socialist supervision system with Chinese characteristics, advance the fight against corruption and promote clean governance, and ensure that our Party always remains a strong leading core on the new journey of the New Era.

习近平对百余年党的建设和新时代全面从严治党进行了科学总结，形成了关于党的自我革命的重要思想，提出了“六个坚持”“九个必须”的理念原则和“九个以”的实践要求，指引百年大党开辟了自我革命新境界。中国特色社会主义监督制度作为承载党的自我革命和全面从严治党具体实践要求的重要制度设计和制度安排，是在继承和发展马克思主义建党学说基础之上，由党的百余年奋斗实践探索和历史经验化蕴而成。踏上新的赶考之路，推动中国特色社会主义监督制度不断完善发展，在思想引领上要坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想，尤其是习近平总书记关于党的自我革命的重要思想为指导，推进马克思主义监督理论中国化时代化，推动完善中国特色社会主义监督制度，依靠制度优势和法治优势走出一条符合党情国情的中国特色监督之路。在目标任务上要以推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化为努力方向，不断发挥党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效的优势，深化纪检监察体制改革，在体制机制上持续发力，让监督的制度效用融入国家治理和社会建设之中，把制度优势转化为治理效能。在实践上要在党内监督主导下，做实专责监督、贯通各类监督，尤其要探索建立起各类监督制度之间的协作配合机制，真正把职能机关监督和群众监督统合起来，增强制度合力。中国共产党作为长期执政的马克思主义政党，以自我革命精神推进全面从严治党，接受革命性锻造，不断完善中国特色社会主义监督制度，既是健全党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系的应有之义，又是推进中国式现代化的必然要求。党的百余年历史和古今中外政党兴衰经验无一不表明：能用、管用、好用的社会制度必须扎根于本国土壤，照抄照搬他国政治制度行不通，甚至会把国家前途命运葬送掉。站在新的历史起点，必须增加“不诱于誉、不恐于诽”的政治清醒和全面从严治党永远在路上、党的自我革命永远在路上的政治自觉，坚定历史自信、赢得历史主动，以党的伟大自我革命引领伟大社会革命，不断健全全面从严治党体系，不断完善中国特色社会主义监督制度，推进党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争，确保我们党在新时代新征程中始终成为坚强领导核心。

(Authors: Xiao Ruining, Assistant Researcher, China Academy of Discipline Inspection and Supervision; Hong Xianghua, Deputy Director of the Scientific Research Department, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC (National Academy of Governance))

（作者：肖瑞宁，中国纪检监察学院助理研究员；洪向华，中共中央党校（国家行政学院）科研部副主任、教授、博士研究生导师）

Online Editor: Jin Qiu

网络编辑：金秋