Learning from Comrade Mao Zedong’s Spirit of Independent Exploration and Practice

Mao Zedong is a great name, and Mao Zedong Thought is a brilliant body of thought. This name and this thought are closely and inseparably linked with the history of our Party, the history of the People’s Army, the history of New China, and the history of the Chinese nation. This year marks the 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth. Studying and commemorating Mao Zedong’s great and glorious achievements, and learning from and carrying forward his lofty spiritual example, are of extremely great significance for us, on the journey of the New Era and the new expedition, under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, to strengthen our confidence, unite as one, work hard with heads down, advance courageously and resolutely, and create new historic accomplishments. This article merely offers some understanding and insights on learning from Mao Zedong’s spirit of independent exploration and practice.

毛泽东是一个伟大的名字，毛泽东思想是一个光辉的思想，这个名字和思想同我们党的历史、人民军队的历史、新中国的历史、中华民族的历史息息相关、紧密相连。今年是毛泽东同志诞辰一百三十周年。学习和缅怀毛泽东伟大而光辉的业绩，学习和继承他崇高的精神风范，对于我们在新时代新征程，在以习近平同志为核心的党中央的坚强领导下，坚定信心、同心同德，埋头苦干、勇毅前行，创造新的历史伟业，具有极其重大的意义。本文仅就学习毛泽东独立自主的探索和实践精神，谈点认识和体会。

Our Party truly understood independence and self-reliance beginning with the Zunyi Conference [1]1 The Zunyi Conference (January 1935) was a pivotal meeting of the CPC Central Committee during the Long March. It ended the dominance of “Left” dogmatism in the Party’s leadership and established Mao Zedong’s de facto leading role, marking the Party’s first independent resolution of its own practical problems without external direction.

我们党真正懂得独立自主是从遵义会议开始

Independence and self-reliance is one of the three basic aspects of the living soul of Mao Zedong Thought, and a precious legacy left to us by Mao Zedong. On 3 September 1963, when meeting with a delegation from the Communist Party of Indonesia led by its Central Committee Chairman Aidit, Mao Zedong reviewed the history of the Communist Party of China and spoke the following words: “Once the teacher is gone, the student learns on his own. Having a teacher has both advantages and disadvantages. Don’t rely on the teacher; read books yourself, write yourself, think through problems yourself. This is a truth. In the past, we had the teacher holding our hand to teach us to write. From the founding of the Party in 1921 to 1934, we suffered because of the teacher: the program was drafted by the teacher, the resolutions of the Central Committee plenums were also drafted by the teacher, and especially in 1934, we suffered great losses. After that, we understood that we had to think through problems ourselves. It took us several decades to understand China. How could it be acceptable for Chinese people not to understand China’s situation? True understanding of independence and self-reliance began with the Zunyi Conference, which criticized dogmatism.” This talk by Mao Zedong is a summary narrative of the history of our Party from its founding in July 1921 to the convening of the Zunyi Conference in January 1935. This narrative is not only accurate and authoritative but also very vivid and lively. Mao Zedong later also said: “The objective world of China, taken as a whole, was understood by the Chinese people, not by the comrades in the Comintern who handled Chinese affairs. Those Comintern comrades did not understand, or did not fully understand, Chinese society, the Chinese nation, or the Chinese revolution. Even we ourselves did not have a clear understanding of this objective world of China for a long time, let alone foreign comrades.” Looking back on this period of history, our Party grew from small to large, from weak to strong, and the journey was extremely difficult.

独立自主是毛泽东思想活的灵魂的三个基本方面之一，是毛泽东留给我们的宝贵财富。1963年9月3日，毛泽东在会见由中央委员会主席艾地率领的印度尼西亚共产党代表团时，回顾中国共产党历史，曾讲过这样一段话：“离开了先生，学生就自己学。有先生有好处，也有坏处。不要先生，自己读书，自己写字，自己想问题。这是一条真理。过去我们就是由先生把着手学写字，从一九二一年党成立到一九三四年，我们就是吃了先生的亏，纲领由先生起草，中央全会的决议也由先生起草，特别是一九三四年，使我们遭到了很大的损失。从那之后，我们就懂得要自己想问题。我们认识中国，花了几十年时间。中国人不懂中国情况，这怎么行？真正懂得独立自主是从遵义会议开始的，这次会议批判了教条主义。”毛泽东的这段谈话，是对我们党从1921年7月建党至1935年1月召开遵义会议的历史所作的概括性叙述，这段叙述不仅讲得准确权威，而且讲得非常形象和生动。毛泽东后来还说过：“中国这个客观世界，整个地说来，是由中国人认识的，不是在共产国际管中国问题的同志们认识的。共产国际的这些同志就不了解或者说不很了解中国社会，中国民族，中国革命。对于中国这个客观世界，我们自己在很长时间内都认识不清楚，何况外国同志呢？”回想这一段历史，我们党从小到大、由弱到强，一路走来是十分不容易的。

One does not know the difficulty of a task without experiencing it; what seems easy is actually hard-won. The Communist Party of China was established with the guidance and assistance of the Communist International (the Third International). When our Party convened its First National Congress in July 1921, the Comintern sent representatives Maring and Nikolsky to attend the meeting; both spoke and gave instructions at the congress. The first program adopted by the First Congress specifically included the content of “uniting with the Third International.” In July 1922, when the Party convened its Second National Congress, it adopted a resolution formally joining the Third International. This meant that the Communist Party of China was a subordinate branch of the Comintern. According to the Comintern’s organizational principles and disciplinary regulations, the individual is subordinate to the organization, the lower level is subordinate to the higher level, and the minority is subordinate to the majority. Consequently, from then on, all resolutions, decisions, and instructions made by the Comintern had to be unconditionally implemented by the CPC, and all important matters within the CPC also had to be promptly reported to the Comintern for instructions. This raised the question of how to handle the relationship between the CPC and the Comintern, and thus also the question of how to maintain the CPC’s own independence. The Third International was founded in 1919 and dissolved in 1943, existing for a total of 24 years. On 22 September 1956, when meeting with foreign guests, Mao Zedong mentioned the Third International and evaluated the relationship between the CPC and the Third International. Mao Zedong said: “The Third International was good at both ends and bad in the middle. Comrade Georgi Dimitrov was relatively cautious. Before Japan’s surrender, the Third International was dissolved, and then our affairs became easier to handle, just as when relations of production change, the productive forces are liberated.” The so-called “good at both ends” means that in its early and late periods, the Comintern gave much correct guidance and assistance to the Chinese revolution. The so-called “bad in the middle” means that in its middle period, especially during the preparation and convening of the Party’s Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee [2]2 The Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee (January 1931) was a CPC meeting that, under Comintern influence, elevated Wang Ming and other “Left” dogmatists to leading positions, leading to a four-year period of erroneous policies that severely damaged the Party and the Red Army., the Comintern made many erroneous decisions and instructions during this process. The fact that Wang Ming and others came to power and were able to implement a “Left” dogmatist line within the Party for as long as four years was closely related to the Comintern. In January 1935, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee convened the Zunyi Conference during the Long March. This meeting was held under circumstances where our Party had lost contact with the Comintern. The conference seriously discussed and summarized the military issues since the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign [3]3 The Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign (1933–1934) was the CPC’s military effort to repel the Nationalist (Kuomintang) government’s fifth large-scale encirclement of the Chinese Soviet areas. Its failure, due to erroneous military command, forced the Red Army to abandon its base areas and begin the Long March., criticized the errors of Bo Gu and Li De [4]4 Bo Gu (1907–1946) was a leading CPC figure and de facto head of the Party during the early 1930s; Li De (1900–1974) was a German Comintern military advisor to the CPC. Both were held responsible for the military failures that led to the collapse of the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign., and reorganized the central leadership organs, electing Mao Zedong as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. To implement the spirit of the Zunyi Conference, subsequent central meetings also made a series of important decisions. History fully demonstrates that the Zunyi Conference was an extremely important meeting in the history of our Party, ending the dominant position of Wang Ming’s “Left” dogmatism within the Party. In the history of the Party, our Party has produced three historical resolutions, all of which highly appraised the historical status of the Zunyi Conference. The “Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century,” adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee [5]5 The Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee (November 2021) was a major CPC meeting that adopted the third historical resolution, summarizing the Party’s century-long achievements and experience, and affirming Xi Jinping’s core role., points out: The Zunyi Conference opened a new stage in which the Party independently solved the practical problems of the Chinese revolution, and at the most critical juncture saved the Party, saved the Red Army, and saved the Chinese revolution. “This was a life-and-death turning point in the history of the Party.” From this period of history, we can see the extremely significant importance of independence and self-reliance for our Party, the Red Army, and the Chinese revolution.

事非经过不知难，成如容易却艰辛。中国共产党是在共产国际（第三国际）的指导和帮助下建立的。1921年7月，我们党召开一大时，共产国际派代表马林、尼克尔斯基参加了会议，两个人还在会议上讲了话、作了指示。党的一大通过的第一个纲领中专门写上了“联合第三国际”的内容。1922年7月，党召开二大时，通过了一个决议，正式加入第三国际。这就意味着中国共产党是共产国际的一个下属支部。按照共产国际的组织原则和纪律规定，个人服从组织，下级服从上级，少数服从多数。那么，从此以后共产国际所作出的一切决议、决定和指示，中国共产党都必须无条件贯彻执行，而中国共产党党内的一切重要事项也必须及时向共产国际请示报告。这就提出了一个如何处理好中国共产党与共产国际的关系问题，也就提出了一个如何保持中国共产党自身独立的问题。第三国际成立于1919年，于1943年解散，共存在24年。1956年9月22日，毛泽东在会见外宾时曾提到过第三国际，评价了中国共产党与第三国际的关系。毛泽东说：“第三国际两头好，中间不好。季米特洛夫同志是较谨慎的。日本投降前，第三国际解散了，我们的事就好办了，就像生产关系改变了，生产力得到解放一样。”所谓“两头好”，就是共产国际早期和晚期给了中国革命很多正确的指导与帮助。所谓“中间不好”，就是指中期特别是党的六届四中全会的筹备和召开，在这个过程中共产国际作出过许多错误的决定和指示。王明等人上台，之所以在党内能推行“左”倾教条主义路线且长达四年，与共产国际有很大的关系。1935年1月，中央政治局在长征途中召开遵义会议，这次会议是在我们党与共产国际中断联系的情况下召开的。会议就第五次反“围剿”以来的军事问题进行了认真的讨论和总结，批评了博古、李德的错误，并改组了中央领导机构，选举毛泽东为中央政治局常委。为了贯彻落实遵义会议精神，此后召开的中央会议还作出了一系列重要决定。历史充分表明，遵义会议是我们党的历史上一次十分重要的会议，结束了王明“左”倾教条主义在党内的统治地位。在党的历史上，我们党共作出过三个历史决议，这三个历史决议都对遵义会议的历史地位给予了高度评价。党的十九届六中全会通过的《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》指出：遵义会议，开启了党独立自主解决中国革命实际问题新阶段，在最危急关头挽救了党、挽救了红军、挽救了中国革命，“这在党的历史上是一个生死攸关的转折点”。从这一段历史我们可以看到，独立自主，对我们党、红军、中国革命所产生的极其重大的意义。

The Party united and led the Chinese people in forging ahead through independence and self-reliance

党团结带领中国人民在独立自主中开拓前进

Our Party attached great importance to the issue of independence from the very beginning of its founding, and there were people within the early Party who explored and reflected on this issue. However, it was Mao Zedong who more systematically and completely established the principle of independence and put forward the important idea of independence. In May 1930, in his article “Oppose Book Worship,” Mao Zedong profoundly pointed out: “Everything that is in a book is regarded as correct — this psychology is still present among the backward peasants of China. It is not that there are no Communists who, when discussing problems, also open their mouths and say ‘fetch the book.’ We say that the directives of the higher leading organs are correct, not simply because they come from the ‘higher leading organs,’ but because their content is suited to the objective and subjective circumstances of the struggle and is needed by the struggle. To discuss and examine matters without reference to actual circumstances and blindly carry out orders — this formalist attitude, which is based solely on the concept of ‘higher authority,’ is very wrong. Why is it that the Party’s strategic line can never be deeply implanted among the masses? It is precisely this formalism that is causing the trouble. To blindly and superficially carry out the directives of the higher authorities without any dissent whatsoever is not truly carrying out the directives of the higher authorities; it is the best method of opposing the directives of the higher authorities or of sabotaging them through inaction.” He clearly stated: “The victory of the Chinese revolution depends on Chinese comrades understanding Chinese conditions.” After the failure of the Great Revolution in 1927, Mao Zedong led the troops from the Autumn Harvest Uprising up to Jinggangshan and established China’s first rural revolutionary base area. It was precisely the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, who integrated the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete realities of China, proceeded from reality in everything, sought truth from facts, and adhered to independence, that led the Chinese people to blaze a revolutionary path of encircling the cities from the countryside and finally seizing national victory. The Zunyi Meeting [6]6 The Zunyi Meeting (January 1935) was a pivotal enlarged meeting of the Politburo of the Communist Party of China held during the Long March. It ended the dominance of the military line associated with the “Left” opportunist leadership and effectively established Mao Zedong’s leading role in the Party and the Red Army. effectively established Comrade Mao Zedong’s leading position in the Party Central Committee and the Red Army, began to establish the leading position of the correct Marxist line represented mainly by Comrade Mao Zedong in the Party Central Committee, and began to form the Party’s first generation of central collective leadership with Mao Zedong at its core. The Yan’an Rectification Movement [7]7 The Yan’an Rectification Movement (1942–1944) was a Party-wide campaign of ideological education and organizational consolidation aimed at correcting subjectivist, sectarian, and stereotypical writing styles, and establishing Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party. that followed brought the whole Party to a high degree of unity and solidarity, making it “a single piece of hard steel.” At the Party’s Seventh National Congress, the Party summed up historical experience and designated independence as an important policy. In his concluding remarks at the Seventh Congress, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The whole Party united, independent, overcoming difficulties — this is our policy.” Mao Zedong also regarded the ability to implement this policy as a major test for our Party, saying: “Now this is a great test for the Chinese Communist Party, a test of whether we have truly matured, whether we have the ability.”

对独立自主问题，我们党成立伊始就高度重视，早期党内就有人对这个问题进行过探索和思考。但是，比较系统地完整地确立独立自主原则和提出独立自主重要思想的则是毛泽东。1930年5月，毛泽东在《反对本本主义》一文中就深刻指出：“以为上了书的就是对的，文化落后的中国农民至今还存着这种心理。不谓共产党内讨论问题，也还有人开口闭口‘拿本本来’。我们说上级领导机关的指示是正确的，决不单是因为它出于‘上级领导机关’，而是因为它的内容是适合于斗争中客观和主观情势的，是斗争所需要的。不根据实际情况进行讨论和审察，一味盲目执行，这种单纯建立在‘上级’观念上的形式主义的态度是很不对的。为什么党的策略路线总是不能深入群众，就是这种形式主义在那里作怪。盲目地表面上完全无异议地执行上级的指示，这不是真正在执行上级的指示，这是反对上级指示或者对上级指示怠工的最妙方法。”他鲜明提出：“中国革命斗争的胜利要靠中国同志了解中国情况。”1927年大革命失败后，毛泽东率领秋收起义的部队上了井冈山，创立了中国第一块农村革命根据地。正是以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，把马克思列宁主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合，一切从实际出发，实事求是，坚持独立自主，才带领中国人民走出了一条农村包围城市、最后夺取全国胜利的革命道路。遵义会议，事实上确立了毛泽东同志在党中央和红军的领导地位，开始确立以毛泽东同志为主要代表的马克思主义正确路线在党中央的领导地位，开始形成以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体。在此之后开展的延安整风，使全党达到了高度的团结和统一，成为“一块坚硬的钢铁”。在党的七大上，党总结历史经验，将独立自主确定为重要方针。毛泽东在七大上所作的结论中指出：“全党团结起来，独立自主，克服困难，这就是我们的方针。”毛泽东还将能否实行这一方针视为对我们党的重大考验，他说：“现在对中国共产党就是一个大考验，考验我们究竟成熟了没有，有本事没有。”

In the course of the Chinese revolution and construction, the Party led the people in forging ahead, unfolding one brilliant chapter of independence after another. One classic example particularly worthy of our full celebration is the Party’s strategic decision during the War of Liberation to cross the Yangtze River. After the launch of the three great campaigns — the Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingjin campaigns [8]8 The Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingjin campaigns (September 1948 – January 1949) were three decisive military campaigns of the Chinese Civil War that resulted in the destruction of the main forces of the Nationalist (Kuomintang) army and the capture of key cities in Northeast and North China. — the situation of the War of Liberation had already become clear. At such a critical juncture, should we “pursue the routed foe with the courage of the remaining might, and not seek the empty fame of the Hegemon of Chu” [9]9 This is a line from Mao Zedong’s 1949 poem “The People’s Liberation Army Captures Nanjing,” alluding to the historical figure Xiang Yu, the Hegemon of Chu, who failed to destroy his rival Liu Bang and was ultimately defeated. The line urges the revolution to be carried through to the end rather than stopping halfway. and carry the revolution through to the end, or should we stop the revolution and abandon it halfway? This became a focal issue of common concern for the people of the whole country and the whole world. China’s war situation affected and influenced the world political situation, structure, and direction. The two great powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, and the two camps led by the United States and the Soviet Union were all engaged in deep planning and close observation. On December 30, 1948, Xinhua News Agency published Mao Zedong’s 1949 New Year’s message, “Carry the Revolution Through to the End,” which clearly stated: “We must use revolutionary methods to resolutely, thoroughly, cleanly, and completely eliminate all reactionary forces” and “overthrow the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang nationwide and establish a people’s democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.” On January 14, 1949, Mao Zedong, in his capacity as Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, issued a “Statement on the Current Situation,” pointing out that Chiang Kai-shek’s “peace” proposal was hypocritical and that the conditions he proposed for peace talks were not conditions for peace but conditions for continuing the war. The statement indicated that although the People’s Liberation Army had sufficient strength and sufficient reason to be fully confident of completely eliminating the remaining military forces of the Kuomintang reactionary government in a short time, in order to quickly end the war, achieve genuine peace, and reduce the suffering of the people, the Chinese Communist Party was willing to conduct peace negotiations with the Nanjing Kuomintang reactionary government and any other local Kuomintang governments and military groups on the basis of eight conditions. At this time, Stalin dispatched Mikoyan, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to China to hear opinions. On January 31, 1949, Mikoyan, after traveling by a roundabout route, arrived at Xibaipo in Pingshan County, Hebei Province, the seat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and met successively with Mao Zedong and other Chinese Communist leaders. Mikoyan stated: “We are entrusted by Comrade Stalin to come and hear Comrade Mao Zedong’s opinions, and we will report back to Comrade Stalin.” In the talks, Mao Zedong pointed out that up to that point, the development of the Chinese revolution had been relatively rapid, and military progress had also been relatively fast; the time needed would be shorter than we had previously estimated before we could cross the Yangtze River and advance southward. He estimated that after crossing the Yangtze, it would not take much time to capture major cities such as Nanjing and Shanghai. He briefed Mikoyan on the domestic military and political situation in China, the seizure of national victory, and the preparations for the establishment of a new China. On February 8, Mikoyan left Xibaipo and returned to the Soviet Union. After the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Stalin heard Mikoyan’s report, they believed that if China’s civil war continued, the Chinese nation would be in danger of destruction. By this time, the Chinese Communist Party was no longer the young Party of its early days. Having been tempered by the fires of the Agrarian Revolutionary War and the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Chinese Communist Party had grown, matured, and accumulated rich experience in struggle. After careful analysis and in-depth study, Mao Zedong and the Party Central Committee made a decisive decision: “Cross the Yangtze River, liberate all of China.” After the Nanjing Kuomintang government refused to sign the “Domestic Peace Agreement” (final revised version), the People’s Liberation Army promptly launched the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, sweeping across the southern half of China with the force of a thunderbolt, ultimately achieving victory in the War of Liberation. When we recall this decision today, what immense courage and boldness it required! How well our Party applied the principle of independence! If our Party had listened to and adopted the suggestions of Stalin and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union back then, what kind of result would that have been?

在中国革命和建设的历程中，党领导人民开拓前进，演绎了一个个独立自主的精彩篇章。这里特别值得我们大书特书的一个经典实例是，解放战争时期党对打过长江去的战略决策。辽沈、淮海、平津三大战役发起后，解放战争的战局已显端倪。在这样一个关键时刻，是“宜将剩勇追穷寇，不可沽名学霸王”，将革命进行到底呢，还是将革命停止下来、半途而废？这成为全国人民、全世界人民共同关注的一个焦点问题。中国的战局关系和影响着世界的政局、格局和走向。美国、苏联两个大国和以美国、苏联为首的两大阵营都在进行着深度谋划和深入观察。1948年12月30日，新华社发表了毛泽东写的1949年新年献词《将革命进行到底》，明确指出：“要用革命的方法，坚决彻底干净全部地消灭一切反动势力”，“在全国范围内推翻国民党的反动统治，建立无产阶级领导的以工农联盟为主体的人民民主专政的共和国”。1949年1月14日，毛泽东以中共中央主席的名义发表《关于时局的声明》，指出蒋介石的“和平”建议是虚伪的，他所提出的和谈条件，不是和平的条件，而是继续战争的条件。声明表示，虽然中国人民解放军具有充足的力量和充足的理由，确有把握，在不要很久的时间之内，全部地消灭国民党反动政府的残余军事力量；但是，为了迅速结束战争，实现真正的和平，减少人民的痛苦，中国共产党愿意和南京国民党反动政府及其他任何国民党地方政府和军事集团，在8项条件的基础之上进行和平谈判。这个时候，斯大林委派苏共中央政治局委员米高扬到中国听取意见。1949年1月31日，米高扬经周转到达中共中央所在地河北平山县西柏坡，与毛泽东等中共领导人先后见面。米高扬表示：“我们是受斯大林同志委托，来听取毛泽东同志意见的，回去向斯大林同志汇报。”毛泽东在会谈中指出，到目前为止，中国革命发展较为迅速，军事进展也较快，比过去我们预计的时间要短些，就能过长江，并向南推进。估计渡过长江后，用不了多少时间，就可以攻克南京、上海等大城市。他向米高扬介绍了中国国内的军事、政治形势和夺取全国胜利及筹建新中国等情况。2月8日，米高扬离开西柏坡回国。苏共中央和斯大林听取了米高扬的汇报后认为，如果中国的内战继续打下去，中华民族有毁灭的危险。这时的中国共产党已经不是幼年的那个党了，中国共产党经过土地革命战争、抗日战争的战火洗礼，已经发展壮大、已经成熟、已经有了丰富的斗争经验。毛泽东和党中央经过周密分析、深入研究，最后果断决策，“打过长江去，解放全中国”。在南京国民党政府拒绝在《国内和平协定》（最后修正案）上签字后，人民解放军及时发起渡江战役，以摧枯拉朽之势横扫南半个中国，最终取得了解放战争的胜利。今天我们回想这个决策，它是需要多么大的胆略和气魄啊！我们党对独立自主原则运用得多么好啊！假如当年我们党听取和采纳了斯大林和苏共中央的建议，那又会是一个什么样的结果呢？

In June 1949, Mao Zedong delivered an important speech at the preparatory meeting of the New Political Consultative Conference, in which he pointed out: “China must be independent, China must be liberated, China’s affairs must be decided and handled by the Chinese people themselves, and no imperialist country may interfere in the slightest.” [10]10 Deng Xiaoping, “Opening Speech at the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China” (September 1, 1982), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 2. “The Chinese people will see that once the destiny of China is in the hands of the people, China will, like the sun rising in the East, illuminate the earth with its brilliant radiance, swiftly cleanse the filth left behind by the reactionary government, heal the wounds of war, and build a new, strong, and truly people’s republic.” After the founding of New China, our Party adhered to this policy on a series of major issues concerning national sovereignty, security, and developmental interests. Another classic example worth mentioning is that Mao Zedong rejected the proposals put forward by Nikita Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to establish a joint submarine fleet with China and to build a long-wave radio station in China. In the first half of 1958, Khrushchev suggested building a long-wave radio station in China, and later proposed building an ice-free port in China and establishing a joint submarine fleet. Mao Zedong was very angry at this and flatly refused. He believed that this seriously violated China’s national sovereignty and territorial integrity and harmed China’s national interests. He said sharply: “When it comes to political conditions, not even half a finger is allowed,” “On this issue, we can go without aid for ten thousand years,” “You can call me a nationalist,” “If you say that, then I can say that you have extended Russian nationalism to the

1949年6月，毛泽东在新政治协商会议筹备会上发表了重要讲话，他指出：“中国必须独立，中国必须解放，中国的事情必须由中国人民自己作主张，自己来处理，不容许任何帝国主义国家再有一丝一毫的干涉”，“中国人民将会看见，中国的命运一经操在人民自己的手里，中国就将如太阳升起在东方那样，以自己的辉煌的光焰普照大地，迅速地荡涤反动政府留下来的污泥浊水，治好战争的创伤，建设起一个崭新的强盛的名副其实的人民共和国”。新中国成立后，在涉及国家主权、安全、发展利益的一系列重大问题上，我们党都坚持了这一方针。值得一提的又一个经典实例是，毛泽东拒绝了苏共中央委员会第一书记赫鲁晓夫提出的同中国建立共同潜艇舰队和在中国建设长波电台的建议。1958年上半年，赫鲁晓夫建议在中国建一个长波电台，后来又提出要在中国修一个不冻港，建立共同潜艇舰队。毛泽东对此十分生气，断然予以拒绝。他认为，这严重地侵犯了中国的国家主权和领土完整，损害了中国的国家利益。他言辞尖锐地说：“要讲政治条件，连半个指头都不行”，“在这个问题上，我们可以一万年不要援助”，“你们可以说我是民族主义”，“如果你们这样说，我就可以说，你们把俄国的民族主义扩大到了中国的海岸”。毛泽东的严肃态度，使赫鲁晓夫感到事态严重，立即动身秘密来华向毛泽东作解释。从7月31日到8月3日，毛泽东和赫鲁晓夫举行了4次会谈，最后以赫鲁晓夫收回要求而告平息。随着中苏两党论战升级和两国关系走向紧张，苏联背信弃义，撕毁合同、撤走专家，给我国经济发展和社会建设特别是“两弹一星”的研制工作带来严重困难。国防尖端科技项目是“上马”还是“下马”，大家意见很不一致。毛泽东明确指示：要下决心搞尖端技术，不能放松或下马。陈毅说：“即使当了裤子，也要把原子弹搞出来。”主管国防科技工作的张爱萍对科技人员说：“再穷也要有一根打狗棒”。这形象地表达了毛泽东等老一辈革命家对发展我国国防尖端武器的坚强决心和坚定态度。在这种背景和条件下，中国人民在党的坚强领导下，不信邪、不怕鬼、不怕压，独立自主，自力更生，艰苦奋斗。毛泽东说：“苏联把专家撤走，撕毁了合同，这对我们有好处。我们没办法，就靠自己，靠自己两只手”，“离开了先生，学生就自己学”。我们依靠自己的力量战胜困难，走出困境，成功研制出了“两弹一星”，大长了中国人民的志气，极大地振奋了民族精神。改革开放后，邓小平在一次谈话中曾讲到这件事，谈到它的重大意义时说：“如果六十年代以来中国没有原子弹、氢弹，没有发射卫星，中国就不能叫有重要影响的大国，就没有现在这样的国际地位。这些东西反映一个民族的能力，也是一个民族、一个国家兴旺发达的标志。”后来他在同几位中央负责同志谈话时谈到“第三代领导集体的当务之急”时强调：“中国本来是个穷国，为什么有中美苏‘大三角’的说法？就是因为中国是独立自主的国家。为什么说我们是独立自主的？就是因为我们坚持有中国特色的社会主义道路。否则，只能是看着美国人的脸色行事，看着发达国家的脸色行事，或者看着苏联人的脸色行事，那还有什么独立性啊！”可以说，没有独立自主，就没有中国革命的胜利，就不会有中国人民的站起；就没有社会主义革命和建设的巨大成就，也就不会有中华民族在世界东方的巍然屹立。

Upholding Independence and Autonomy, Unswervingly Taking Our Own Path

坚持独立自主，坚定不移走自己的路

Independence and autonomy are important principles established by Mao Zedong for our Party and country to found the Party and the state. After our Party upheld independence and autonomy and successfully blazed the path of China’s new-democratic revolution, the path of socialist revolution, and the path of socialist construction, it then successfully blazed the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Now, we are advancing on the new journey of the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Since reform and opening up, Comrade Mao Zedong’s spirit of independence and exploration has been inherited and carried forward; the principles and thought of independence and autonomy established by Mao Zedong have been enriched and developed. In the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, Deng Xiaoping repeatedly stressed: “Our modernization must proceed from China’s actual conditions. Whether in revolution or construction, we must pay attention to learning from and drawing on foreign experience. But copying foreign experience or foreign models has never succeeded.” [10]10 Deng Xiaoping, “Opening Speech at the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China” (September 1, 1982), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1993), p. 2. “Chinese affairs must be handled according to China’s conditions and by relying on the Chinese people’s own strength. Independence and self-reliance have always been, are now, and will always be our foothold.” [11]11 Deng Xiaoping, “China’s Affairs Must Be Handled According to China’s Conditions” (June 18, 1983), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 3. “Reform and opening up must proceed from each country’s own conditions. Every country has a different foundation, a different history, a different environment, different neighbors, and many other differences.” [12]12 Deng Xiaoping, “Reform and Opening Up Must Proceed from Each Country’s Own Conditions” (October 29, 1988), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 265. “China is such a big country, and what we are doing has never been done by our predecessors. China has its own characteristics, so we can only act according to China’s actual conditions.” [13]13 Deng Xiaoping, “China’s Affairs Must Be Handled According to China’s Conditions” (June 18, 1983), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 3. “Only independence and autonomy truly embody Marxism.” [14]14 Deng Xiaoping, “Independence and Autonomy Truly Embody Marxism” (October 31, 1989), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 321. In response to the so-called sanctions imposed by Western countries on China in the late 1980s, Deng Xiaoping profoundly pointed out: “We must maintain our image of independence and autonomy, of not believing in evil and not fearing ghosts. We must never show weakness. The more you fear and show weakness, the more others will press you. It is not that if you are soft, others will treat you better; on the contrary, if you are soft, others will look down on you.” [15]15 Deng Xiaoping, “We Must Maintain Our Image of Independence and Autonomy” (December 1, 1989), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 320. “Especially for a developing country like ours, a Third World country, without national self-respect and without cherishing its own national independence, the state cannot stand firm.” [16]16 Deng Xiaoping, “We Must Maintain Our Image of Independence and Autonomy” (December 1, 1989), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 331. “If China does not respect itself, China cannot stand; without national dignity, the consequences are enormous.” [17]17 Deng Xiaoping, “We Must Maintain Our Image of Independence and Autonomy” (December 1, 1989), in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, vol. 3, p. 332. Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao also made many similar statements, emphasizing the importance of independence and autonomy.

独立自主是毛泽东为我们党和国家确立的立党立国的重要原则。我们党坚持独立自主，成功走出中国新民主主义革命道路、社会主义革命道路、社会主义建设道路之后，又成功走出了中国特色社会主义道路，现在，我们正行进在中国特色社会主义新时代的新征程上。改革开放以来，毛泽东独立自主的探索和实践精神，得到了传承和弘扬；毛泽东创立的独立自主的原则和思想，得到了丰富和发展。在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，邓小平反复强调：“我们的现代化建设，必须从中国的实际出发。无论是革命还是建设，都要注意学习和借鉴外国经验。但是，照抄照搬别国经验、别国模式，从来不能得到成功”，“中国的事情要按照中国的情况来办，要依靠中国人自己的力量来办。独立自主，自力更生，无论过去、现在和将来，都是我们的立足点”，“改革开放必须从各国自己的条件出发。每个国家的基础不同，历史不同，所处的环境不同，左邻右舍不同，还有其他许多不同”，“中国是这么大的国家，我们做的事是前人没有做过的。中国有自己的特点，所以我们只能按中国的实际办事”，“独立自主才真正体现了马克思主义”。针对20世纪80年代末西方国家对我国实施的所谓制裁，邓小平深刻指出：“要维护我们独立自主、不信邪、不怕鬼的形象。我们绝不能示弱。你越怕，越示弱，人家劲头就越大。并不因为你软了人家就对你好一些，反倒是你软了人家看不起你”，“特别是像我们这样第三世界的发展中国家，没有民族自尊心，不珍惜自己民族的独立，国家是立不起来的”，“如果中国不尊重自己，中国就站不住，国格没有了，关系太大了”。江泽民、胡锦涛也发表了许多类似的论述，强调了独立自主的重要性。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, based in China, looking out at the world and toward the future, embracing the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century, has comprehensively coordinated the great struggle, the great project, the great cause, and the great dream, and has made a series of major decisions concerning the development of the Party and the state’s undertakings. General Secretary Xi Jinping has put forward a series of new thoughts, new viewpoints, and new judgments on the issue of independence, raising our Party’s understanding of this issue to a new height. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes that we must adhere to self-confidence and self-reliance; emphasizes that independence is the inevitable conclusion of our Party’s carrying out revolution, construction, and reform based on China’s actual conditions and relying on the strength of the Party and the people; emphasizes that independence is a fine tradition of the Chinese nation and an important principle for the founding of the Communist Party of China and the People’s Republic of China; emphasizes that we must adhere to the principle that China’s affairs must be decided and handled by the Chinese people themselves; emphasizes that no matter in the past, present, or future, we must place the development of the country and the nation on the basis of our own strength, uphold national self-respect and self-confidence, and unswervingly take our own path; emphasizes that the spirit of independent exploration and practice is the foothold of all our Party’s theory and practice, and also the fundamental guarantee for the continuous victory of the Party and the people’s cause; emphasizes that we must unswervingly take the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, neither taking the old closed and rigid road nor the evil road of changing the banner [18]18 “Changing the banner” (改旗易帜) is a Party idiom referring to abandoning socialism with Chinese characteristics in favor of a capitalist or other non-socialist path.; emphasizes that we must adhere to an independent foreign policy of peace and unswervingly take the path of peaceful development; emphasizes that we must humbly learn from and draw on all the achievements of civilization created by human society, but we cannot forget our ancestors, cannot copy or mechanically imitate the development models of other countries, and will never accept any condescending preaching from foreign countries; emphasizes that we must resolutely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests, and no foreign country should expect us to trade our core interests or swallow the bitter fruit that harms our sovereignty, security, and development interests; emphasizes that we must dare to struggle and be good at struggling; and so on. These important expositions are an important component of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and are General Secretary Xi Jinping’s inheritance, development, innovation, and elevation of the Party’s principle and thought of independence. They point the direction and provide the fundamental guidance for us to adhere to independence on the new journey of the New Era.

党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央立足中国、放眼世界、面向未来，胸怀中华民族伟大复兴的战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局，统揽伟大斗争、伟大工程、伟大事业、伟大梦想，就党和国家事业的发展作出一系列重大决策。习近平总书记就独立自主问题提出一系列新思想新观点新论断，把我们党对这一问题的认识提升到新高度。习近平总书记强调必须坚持自信自立；强调独立自主是我们党从中国实际出发、依靠党和人民力量进行革命、建设、改革的必然结论；强调独立自主是中华民族的优良传统，是中国共产党、中华人民共和国立党立国的重要原则；强调要坚持中国的事情必须由中国人民自己作主张、自己来处理；强调不论过去、现在和将来，我们都要把国家和民族发展放在自己力量的基点上，坚持民族自尊心和自信心，坚定不移走自己的路；强调独立自主的探索和实践精神，是我们党全部理论和实践的立足点，也是党和人民事业不断从胜利走向胜利的根本保证；强调要坚定不移走中国特色社会主义道路，既不走封闭僵化的老路，也不走改旗易帜的邪路；强调要坚持独立自主的和平外交政策，坚定不移走和平发展道路；强调我们要虚心学习借鉴人类社会创造的一切文明成果，但我们不能数典忘祖，不能照抄照搬别国的发展模式，也绝不会接受任何外国颐指气使的说教；强调要坚决维护国家主权、安全、发展利益，任何外国不要指望我们会拿自己的核心利益做交易，不要指望我们会吞下损害我国主权、安全、发展利益的苦果；强调要敢于斗争、善于斗争；等等。这些重要论述，是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要组成部分，是习近平总书记对党的独立自主原则和思想的继承和发展、创新和升华，为我们在新时代新征程坚持独立自主，指明了方向，提供了根本遵循。

Independence is Mao Zedong’s character and backbone, one of the living souls of Mao Zedong Thought, and also one of the “ten adherences” [19]19 The “ten adherences” (十个坚持) are a set of historical experiences summarized at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee in 2021, including adherence to the Party’s leadership, to the people-centered approach, to independence, and others. our Party has summarized from its century-long history. Facing the treacherous, complex, and volatile international situation, facing the arduous tasks of domestic reform, development, and stability, and facing the major tests of high winds and choppy waves, even raging waves, we must, with the strategic composure of “though clouds race across the sky, we remain calm” [20]20 “Though clouds race across the sky, we remain calm” (乱云飞渡仍从容) is a line from a 1961 poem by Mao Zedong, used here as a metaphor for maintaining composure amid turmoil. and the enterprising spirit of “we will not stop until we reach the Great Wall” [21]21 “We will not stop until we reach the Great Wall” (不到长城非好汉) is a line from a 1935 poem by Mao Zedong, expressing determination to achieve a goal., always adhere to independence: adhere to independence on the development path, adhere to independence in theoretical innovation, adhere to independence in economic development, adhere to independence in achieving scientific and technological self-reliance and self-strengthening, adhere to independence in national defense and military construction, and adhere to independence in foreign affairs. We must unswervingly promote the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, create a new form of human civilization, and make new and greater contributions to the progressive cause of human peace and development. This is our best commemoration of Comrade Mao Zedong and our highest tribute to the great historical cause initiated by Comrade Mao Zedong and other veteran revolutionaries.

独立自主是毛泽东的品格和风骨，是毛泽东思想活的灵魂之一，也是我们党总结百年历史得出的“十个坚持”的经验之一。面对波谲云诡、复杂多变的国际形势，面对国内改革发展稳定的艰巨任务，面对风高浪急甚至惊涛骇浪的重大考验，我们必须以“乱云飞渡仍从容”的战略定力，以“不到长城非好汉”的进取精神，始终坚持独立自主，在发展道路上坚持独立自主，在理论创新上坚持独立自主，在经济发展上坚持独立自主，在科技自立自强上坚持独立自主，在国防和军队建设上坚持独立自主，在外交事务上坚持独立自主，坚定不移以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴，坚持和发展中国特色社会主义，创造人类文明新形态，为人类和平与发展的进步事业作出新的更大贡献。这是我们对毛泽东同志的最好纪念，也是我们对毛泽东等老一辈革命家开创的历史伟业的最高礼敬。

Online editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧