Mao Zedong’s Exploration of and Insights from Opposing Neocolonialism

On December 26, 2023, Xi Jinping stated at the symposium commemorating the 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth that Mao was “the great founder of China’s socialist modernization” and “a great internationalist who made significant contributions to the liberation of the world’s oppressed nations and the cause of human progress.” The socialist modernization of New China was fortunate to avoid the fate of many newly independent nations that, after World War II, had just broken free from old colonialism only to encounter neocolonialism. This was inseparable from Mao Zedong’s far-sighted vision. On the eve of the founding of New China, Mao was already highly vigilant against neocolonialism, and after the founding of New China, he led the broad masses in arduous struggles, effectively opposing neocolonialism. Examining the path of China’s socialist modernization from the perspective of opposing neocolonialism not only concretely demonstrates its profound significance in breaking the myth of “modernization = Westernization,” but also helps to more fully understand Mao Zedong’s important contributions in the historical process of exploring Chinese-path modernization.

2023年12月26日，习近平在纪念毛泽东同志诞辰130周年座谈会上讲道，毛泽东是“中国社会主义现代化建设事业的伟大奠基者”,“是为世界被压迫民族的解放和人类进步事业作出重大贡献的伟大国际主义者”。新中国的社会主义现代化建设有幸避免了许多新兴独立国家在第二次世界大战后刚挣脱旧殖民主义、又遭遇新殖民主义的命运，这与毛泽东的高瞻远瞩密不可分。毛泽东在新中国成立前夕就高度警惕新殖民主义，在新中国成立后更是领导广大人民进行了艰苦的斗争，有力地反对了新殖民主义。从反对新殖民主义的角度审视中国社会主义现代化建设道路，不仅能够具体呈现其打破“现代化=西方化”迷思的深刻意义，而且有助于更加充分地理解毛泽东在探索中国式现代化的历史进程中所作的重要贡献。

I. The Transition from Old to New Colonialism and the Historical Task of China’s Socialist Modernization

一、殖民主义的新旧转变与中国社会主义现代化的历史重任

Mao Zedong, as an important leader of the international communist movement and the principal founder of China’s socialist modernization, early on perceived the strategic shift of colonialism from old to new. He explicitly put forward the important concept of “neocolonialism” and conducted in-depth research and critique of it. A well-known example is “The Apologists of Neocolonialism — A Fourth Comment on the Open Letter of the Central Committee of the CPSU,” written under Mao’s guidance. [1]1 “Kick away the ladder” is a metaphor referring to developed countries preventing developing countries from using the same methods they themselves employed to achieve development. The letter pointed out the major epochal change in colonialism: “The facts are very clear: after World War II, imperialism has by no means abandoned colonialism, but has adopted new methods to promote new colonialism. An important characteristic of this new colonialism is that imperialism is forced to change the old method of direct colonial rule and adopt a new method of colonial rule and exploitation through agents selected and cultivated by them”; “In promoting neocolonialism, the United States is the most active and the most cunning. U.S. imperialism uses the weapon of neocolonialism to try to seize the colonies and spheres of influence of other imperialist powers and establish its own world hegemony”; “This new colonialism is a more insidious and more venomous colonialism.”

毛泽东作为国际共产主义运动的重要领袖和中国社会主义现代化建设事业的主要奠基人，很早就察觉到殖民主义从旧到新的策略变化，明确提出“新殖民主义”的重要概念，并对其展开深入的研究和批判，其中广为人知的就包括由毛泽东指导写作的《新殖民主义的辩护士——四评苏共中央的公开信》。信中指出了殖民主义的重大时代变化：“事实很清楚，在第二次世界大战以后，帝国主义绝没有放弃殖民主义，而是采取新的方式，推行新的殖民主义。这种新殖民主义的一个重要特点是，帝国主义被迫改变直接的殖民统治的旧方式，采取通过他们所选择和培养的代理人进行殖民统治和殖民剥削的新方式”；“在推行新殖民主义方面，以美国最为积极，最为狡猾。美帝国主义用新殖民主义的武器，力图把其他帝国主义的殖民地和势力范围攫为己有，建立自己的世界霸权”；“这种新的殖民主义，是更阴险、更毒辣的殖民主义”。

In fact, as early as the eve of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong, with his superb historical foresight and outstanding political wisdom, keenly detected and resolutely rejected the nascent neocolonial schemes of the imperialist powers. This is vividly reflected in his series of five commentaries on the White Paper “U.S. Relations with China” (hereinafter referred to as the “Five Commentaries”). [2]2 Mao Zedong, “Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,” March 5, 1949. Although the “Five Commentaries” did not explicitly use the term “neocolonialism,” they contained a profound analysis of its essence. First, the “Five Commentaries” pointed out that the United States wanted to continue colonizing China after World War II and for this purpose supported the Kuomintang reactionaries in launching an anti-communist and anti-people civil war. “The United States provides the money and guns, and Chiang Kai-shek provides the men, to fight a war to kill Chinese people on behalf of the United States, in order to turn China into a U.S. colony. This war constitutes a major part of the world aggression policy of U.S. imperialism after World War II.” Second, the “Five Commentaries” exposed the new characteristic of U.S. colonialism toward China, namely its deceptive and misleading nature. It verbally disguised itself as a messenger of friendship, while in essence carrying out aggressive activities. “Compared with other imperialist countries, the U.S. has, over a long period, placed greater emphasis on activities of spiritual aggression, extending from religious undertakings to ‘charitable’ and cultural undertakings.” Third, the “Five Commentaries” foresaw that after the founding of New China, it would undergo a long period of struggle against colonialism and reminded the Chinese people to be fully prepared. “What is there to fear in a bit of difficulty? Blockade us! Let them blockade us for eight or ten years! By then all of China’s problems will have been solved. The Chinese people are not afraid even of death, so why should they fear difficulty?” Fourth, the “Five Commentaries” pointed out the task of criticizing neocolonialism in the ideological and cultural spheres. “There are still some intellectuals and others in China who harbor muddled ideas and entertain illusions about the United States. Therefore, we must persuade, win over, educate, and unite them, so that they will come over to the side of the people and not be fooled by imperialism.” The “Five Commentaries” actually heralded the basic direction of New China’s future modernization: to completely break away from the neocolonial order promoted by the United States, which held that “only by relying on American flour, that is, by becoming a colony of the United States, can there be a way out,” resolutely refuse to become a vassal of the United States or any other imperialist country, and instead rely on painstaking and meticulous construction work to truly change the face of the country, thereby winning genuine independent sovereignty for the Chinese people.

实际上，早在新中国成立前夕，毛泽东就已经凭借高超的历史远见和卓越的政治智慧，敏锐地察觉并坚决地拒斥帝国主义国家刚刚萌芽的新殖民主义图谋，这鲜明地体现在其五评《美国与中国的关系》白皮书的系列社论（以下简称“五评”）中。“五评”虽然并未明确使用“新殖民主义”这一提法，但包含了对新殖民主义实质的深刻剖析。第一，“五评”指出，美国想在第二次世界大战后继续殖民中国，并为此支持国民党反动派发动反共反人民的内战。“美国出钱出枪，蒋介石出人，替美国打仗杀中国人，借以变中国为美国殖民地的战争，组成了美国帝国主义在第二次世界大战以后的世界侵略政策的一个重大的部分。”第二，“五评”揭露了美国对中国实行殖民主义的新的特点，即迷惑性和欺骗性。它口头上将自己打扮成友谊的使者，而实质上进行的是侵略的活动。“美帝国主义比较其他帝国主义国家，在很长的时期内，更加注重精神侵略方面的活动，由宗教事业而推广到‘慈善’事业和文化事业。”第三，“五评”预见了新中国成立后将经历长时期的反对殖民主义的斗争，并提醒中国人民作好充分准备。“多少一点困难怕什么。封锁吧，封锁十年八年，中国的一切问题都解决了。中国人死都不怕，还怕困难吗?”第四，“五评”指明了在思想文化领域批判新殖民主义的任务。“中国还有一部分知识分子和其他人等存有糊涂思想，对美国存有幻想，因此应当对他们进行说服、争取、教育和团结的工作，使他们站到人民方面来，不上帝国主义的当。”“五评”实际上预告了未来新中国开展现代化建设的基本方向，那就是彻底告别美国推销的“只有靠美国的面粉，即是说变为美国的殖民地，才有出路”的新殖民主义秩序，坚决不做美国或其他帝国主义国家的附庸，而是坚持依靠艰苦细致的建设工作，切实改变国家面貌，从而为中国人民争得真正的独立主权。

Mao Zedong’s important expositions on neocolonialism represent a profound reflection on the major issues of the 20th century’s epochal development and should be examined against a broader world historical background. Neocolonialism mainly refers to the phenomenon that, after World War II, during the disintegration of the old colonial empires, colonialists, in order to continue interfering in, controlling, and plundering colonial countries, adopted various covert means to indirectly dominate them while acknowledging their political independence, thereby keeping them dependent on the former suzerain states and maintaining the old unequal international political and economic order. The “new” in neocolonialism lies in the fact that, unlike old colonialism, which sought direct military conquest and colonial rule, it generally recognizes the political independence of colonial countries. Although the military threat from colonialists always exists, overall, this means has receded to a secondary position. Neocolonialism fully utilizes economic means to control countries that have achieved political independence, keeping them as commodity markets, sources of raw materials, and investment outlets, while extracting maximum super-profits. From the victory of World War II to the 1970s, although the old colonial order was dealt a heavy blow, many newly developing countries did not smoothly embark on a path of independent and rapid development; instead, they fell under the shackles of neocolonialism. It can be said that this situation was not an isolated case but rather quite universal. By the 1980s, this had become a collective self-awareness of the Global South countries.

毛泽东关于新殖民主义的重要论述，是对20世纪时代发展重大问题的深入思考，应当置于更广阔的世界历史背景中加以审视。新殖民主义主要是指在第二次世界大战后旧殖民帝国瓦解的过程中，殖民主义者为继续干涉、控制、掠夺殖民地国家，在承认原殖民地国家政治独立的前提下，采用各种隐蔽的手段对其进行间接支配，使其继续保持对原宗主国的依附性，维护旧的不平等的国际政治经济秩序。新殖民主义的“新”就在于，它不像旧殖民主义那样谋求直接的军事征服与殖民统治，而是一般承认殖民地国家的政治独立。虽然殖民主义者的武力威胁始终存在，但总体而言，这方面的手段已经退居次要位置。新殖民主义充分运用经济手段控制已经取得政治独立的国家，使它们在实际上继续充当商品市场、原料产地和投资场所，并最大限度地榨取高额利润。从第二次世界大战胜利到20世纪70年代，尽管旧殖民主义的统治秩序遭到沉重打击，但是许多新兴发展中国家并未顺利走上独立自主的快速发展道路，而是又受到新殖民主义的束缚。可以说，这种情形并非孤例，而是带有相当的普遍性。这在20世纪80年代已经成为全球南方国家的集体自觉。

The reasons for the phenomenon of “having just broken free from old colonialism only to encounter neo-colonialism” can be examined from two angles. On the one hand, from the perspective of the former suzerain states, they are naturally unwilling to give up the super-profits they once obtained through colonial means and will not voluntarily withdraw from the former colonies; it is only under the pressure of the general trend of world development that they are forced to upgrade their colonial governance strategies. In the process of withdrawing from the colonies, the former suzerain states, by signing a series of treaties and agreements with the former colonial governments, strive to transform the old colonial system into a neo-colonial system, ensuring that they can continue to exert influence over the former colonial countries. The methods of neo-colonialism are more indirect, more covert, and more extensive; in addition to open support for coups, armed intervention, and the establishment of military bases, they also include covert operations, “economic aid,” economic sanctions, and the fostering of opposition factions. These methods are often cloaked in various so-called legal guises, using international organizations, multinational corporations, and non-governmental organizations as cover, and are accompanied by ideological infiltration in the fields of religion, education, and theoretical thought. On the other hand, from the perspective of the vast number of emerging developing countries, their foundations are weak, conditions are poor, and tasks are heavy, making it difficult to catch up with developed countries in the short term. Emerging developing countries, having historically either suffered from the aggression and plunder of imperialist countries, resulting in backward development levels, or having been dependent on the economic needs of the suzerain states, leading to distorted economic structures, have never been able to grasp the autonomy of national development within the international division of labor of world capitalism. At the same time, the developed capitalist countries that have already achieved modernization cannot sincerely impart their true development experiences; instead, they often choose to “kick away the ladder” [1]1 “Kick away the ladder” is a metaphor referring to developed countries preventing developing countries from using the same methods they themselves employed to achieve development. or even fabricate various false ideological mists to mislead emerging developing countries. For emerging developing countries, transforming the dividends of gained political independence into dividends of social development requires the convergence of a considerable number of conditions, including a strong and capable leading force, a secure and stable political environment, and a feasible economic development strategy, but it is not easy to possess these. After the founding of New China, the path of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics, pioneered and led by Mao Zedong, effectively shouldered the historical task of establishing an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system, striving to raise the level of national development and the people’s living standards, thereby truly safeguarding the country’s political sovereignty, which is precisely the essential meaning of opposing neo-colonialism.

造成“才挣脱旧殖民主义，又遭遇新殖民主义”现象的原因，可以从两个角度加以考察。一方面，从前宗主国的角度看，它们当然不会甘心丧失曾经以殖民方式获得的超额利润，不会自动退出前殖民地，只是迫于世界发展大势，才不得不升级殖民统治策略。在撤出殖民地的过程中，前宗主国通过与前殖民地政府签订一系列条约和协定，努力把旧殖民主义体系转化为新殖民主义体系，确保其能继续对前殖民地国家施加影响。新殖民主义的手段更间接、更隐蔽、更广泛，除了公开的支持政变、武装干涉、设立军事基地外，还有秘密行动、“经济援助”、经济制裁、扶植反对派等。这些手段还往往被披上各种所谓合法外衣，借助国际组织、跨国公司、非政府组织作为掩护，并且配合着宗教、教育、思想理论等领域的意识形态渗透。另一方面，从广大新兴发展中国家的角度看，它们的基础薄弱、条件差、任务重，很难在短期内追赶上发达国家。新兴发展中国家历史上或饱受帝国主义国家的侵略和掠夺，发展水平落后，或因依附于宗主国的经济需要，经济结构畸形，导致其在世界资本主义的国际分工体系中始终无法掌握国家发展的自主权。同时，已经实现现代化的发达资本主义国家不可能真诚地传授自身真实的发展经验，而往往选择“踢开梯子”,甚至炮制各种虚假的意识形态迷雾来误导新兴发展中国家。对于新兴发展中国家而言，要想把获得的政治独立红利真正转变为社会发展红利，需要相当多条件的集合，包括坚强有力的领导力量、安全稳定的政治环境、切实可行的经济发展战略等，但具备这些并不容易。在新中国成立后，由毛泽东领导开辟的中国社会主义现代化建设道路，切实肩负起了建立独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系，努力提高国家发展水平和人民生活水平的历史重任，从而真正维护了国家政治主权，而这也正是反对新殖民主义的题中之义。

II. Opposing Neo-Colonialism: Mao Zedong’s In-Depth Exploration

二、反对新殖民主义：毛泽东的深入探索

After the founding of New China, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, made a series of important decisions to resolutely oppose neo-colonialism and ensure the steady and long-term progress of China’s socialist modernization. Specifically, this mainly includes the following aspects.

新中国成立后，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人作出了一系列重要决策，坚决反对新殖民主义，确保中国社会主义现代化建设事业行稳致远。具体而言，主要包括以下几个方面。

First, consolidating the victorious fruits of the Chinese Revolution in combating old colonialism, thwarting the imperialist conspiracy to turn China back into a colony or semi-colony, and effectively defending national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Old China was a semi-colonial country controlled by imperialism. The thoroughly anti-imperialist nature of the Chinese people’s democratic revolution made the imperialists extremely hostile to this revolution.” [2]2 Mao Zedong, “Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,” March 5, 1949. One manifestation of this hostility was the imperialist countries launching several aggressive wars aimed at eroding New China’s strategic buffer zone. The several important military struggles that Mao Zedong resolved to undertake completely shattered the imperialist countries’ schemes of military encirclement and strangulation of New China, and also stopped their attempts to turn New China back into a colony or semi-colony. Among them, the victory in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea [3]3 The War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea (1950–1953) was a war fought by the Chinese People’s Volunteers alongside the Korean People’s Army against U.S.-led UN forces, which Mao considered essential to defend China’s security. “eloquently proves: the era when Western aggressors could occupy a country by setting up a few cannons on a coast in the East for hundreds of years is gone forever… The lesson of Korea will inspire all colonial and semi-colonial peoples in their determination and confidence to defend their motherland against imperialist aggression, and inspire them to intensify their struggles for their own independence, peace, democracy, and unity.” [4]4 Peng Dehuai, “Report on the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea,” September 12, 1953. This war demonstrated the prestige of New China’s nation and military, showcased New China’s completely renewed image as a great power, and laid a solid foundation for New China’s development and growth.

第一，巩固中国革命打击旧殖民主义的胜利果实，挫败帝国主义再度变中国为殖民地半殖民地的阴谋，有力保卫了国家主权独立和领土完整。毛泽东指出：“旧中国是一个被帝国主义所控制的半殖民地国家。中国人民民主革命的彻底的反帝国主义的性质，使得帝国主义者极为仇视这个革命。”这种仇视心态的表现之一，就是帝国主义国家发动了多场以侵蚀新中国战略缓冲地带为目的的侵略战争。而毛泽东下决心开展的几场重要军事斗争，彻底击碎了帝国主义国家军事围堵、扼杀新中国的阴谋，也制止了其将新中国再度变为殖民地半殖民地的企图。其中，抗美援朝战争的胜利“雄辩地证明：西方侵略者几百年来只要在东方一个海岸上架起几尊大炮就可霸占一个国家的时代是一去不复返了……朝鲜的教训将鼓舞一切殖民地、半殖民地人民为保卫祖国而抵抗帝国主义者的决心和信心，鼓舞他们加紧地展开争取本国的独立、和平、民主、统一的斗争”。这场战争打出了新中国的国威军威，展现了新中国焕然一新的大国形象，为新中国的发展壮大奠定了坚实基础。

Second, adhering to the principle of independence and self-reliance, systematically clearing the residual poison of old colonialism, and preventing imperialism from using the legacy of old colonialism for neo-colonialist infiltration. On the one hand, Mao Zedong established for New China the diplomatic policy of “cleaning the house before inviting guests,” [5]5 “Cleaning the house before inviting guests” was a diplomatic principle meaning to first eliminate imperialist influences and privileges in China before establishing diplomatic relations with Western countries. thoroughly eliminating all colonialist privileges of imperialism in China, and paving the way for building a truly independent New China. As early as the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC, [6]6 The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC was held in March 1949, on the eve of the nationwide victory of the Chinese Revolution, and laid out policies for the transition from rural to urban focus and economic reconstruction. Mao Zedong pointed out that we “should adopt the policy of taking steps to completely destroy the control of imperialism in China.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China,” March 5, 1949. After the founding of New China, we eliminated the residual poison of colonialism from political, economic, and cultural aspects, including expelling the tools and agents of imperialism in promoting colonialism, not recognizing any foreign diplomatic organs and personnel from the era of the Kuomintang, not recognizing all traitorous treaties, abolishing all propaganda organs run by imperialism in China, unifying the management of foreign trade, reclaiming the customs rights that had been lost for nearly a century in modern China, and closing universities controlled by foreign churches, among other measures. On the other hand, Mao Zedong determined for New China the foreign policy of “leaning to one side,” [8]8 “Leaning to one side” was a foreign policy principle announced by Mao in 1949, meaning that New China would align with the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union. establishing diplomatic relations with socialist friendly countries led by the Soviet Union, and, with the strong support of the world socialist camp, persisting in the unremitting struggle against colonialism.

第二，坚持独立自主原则，系统清理旧殖民主义的余毒，防止帝国主义利用旧殖民主义遗产进行新殖民主义渗透。一方面，毛泽东为新中国确立了“打扫好房子再请客”的外交方针，彻底清除帝国主义在华一切带有殖民主义色彩的特权，为建立一个真正独立自主的新中国铺平道路。早在党的七届二中全会上，毛泽东就指出，我们“应当采取有步骤地彻底地摧毁帝国主义在中国的控制权的方针”。新中国成立后，我们从政治、经济和文化各方面清除殖民主义遗毒，包括驱逐帝国主义推行殖民主义的工具和代理人，不承认国民党时代任何外国外交机关和人员，不承认一切卖国条约，取消一切帝国主义在中国开办的宣传机关，统一管理对外贸易，收回近代中国沦丧近百年的海关权益，停办外国教会控制的大学，等等。另一方面，毛泽东为新中国确定了“一边倒”的外交政策，与以苏联为首的社会主义友好国家建立外交关系，在世界社会主义阵营的有力支持下坚持与殖民主义作不懈斗争。

Third, scientifically planning and effectively implementing a socialist modernization economic development strategy with Chinese characteristics, laying a solid material foundation for opposing neo-colonialism. This is first manifested in carrying out the socialist transformation and establishing the socialist system. In a backward country with weak foundations like China, only by taking the socialist road could true national industrialization be achieved. Secondly, Mao Zedong clearly defined the goal of socialist modernization as establishing an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system. It should be said that only with the establishment of such an industrial system and national economic system could there be a solid foundation for comprehensively building a socialist country. Furthermore, based on China’s national conditions, Mao Zedong independently explored and established an industrialization path with agriculture as the foundation, industry as the leading factor, and the order of agriculture, light industry, and heavy industry. This path absorbed the Soviet Union’s industrialization experience centered on heavy industry, while also taking into account the comprehensive balance of the national economy, enabling the maximum balance between development speed and development quality under existing conditions. The fundamental foothold of this economic development strategy, dominated and established by Mao Zedong, was to complete the country’s industrialization as early as possible and achieve sustainable development, thereby effectively resisting the most commonly used economic colonial methods of neo-colonialism and safeguarding New China’s economic sovereignty.

第三，科学规划、有效实施了富有中国特色的社会主义现代化经济发展战略，为反对新殖民主义奠定了坚实的物质基础。这首先表现在进行社会主义改造、建立社会主义制度上。在中国这样一个基础薄弱的落后国家，只有走社会主义道路，才能真正实现国家工业化。其次，毛泽东将社会主义现代化建设的目标明确为建立独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系。应当说，只有建立了这样的工业体系和国民经济体系，才会有全面建设社会主义国家的巩固基础。再者，毛泽东立足中国国情，自主探索确立了以农业为基础、以工业为主导、以农轻重为序的工业化道路。这既吸收了苏联以重工业为核心的工业化经验，又照顾了国民经济的综合平衡，能够在既有条件下最大程度兼顾发展速度和发展质量。毛泽东主导确立的这一经济发展战略的根本立足点，就在于尽早完成国家的工业化并且实现可持续发展，从而有效抵制新殖民主义最常用的经济殖民手段，维护新中国的经济主权。

Fourth, while ensuring national economic sovereignty, the option of opening up under favorable conditions was not abandoned; economic and trade exchanges with the capitalist world market were conducted, but vigilance against neocolonialism was maintained. Mao Zedong established the principle for China’s socialist modernization of “relying mainly on one’s own efforts while seeking external assistance as a supplement.” On the one hand, based on his understanding of the nature of imperialism, Mao emphasized not harboring illusions and relying on self-reliance, placing the foundation for carrying out socialist modernization on China itself. He pointed out: “The United States is not to be relied upon; it may give you some things, but it will not give you much. How could imperialism ever let our country have enough to eat? Imperialism has oppressed the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America for decades and centuries, never giving them enough to eat.” On the other hand, while ensuring national sovereignty, New China adopted a gradual, tiered, and progressively expanded opening-up policy, striving to seize all favorable opportunities to conduct foreign economic trade. To break the blockade by Western countries and obtain foreign exchange urgently needed for national construction, New China established the China Export Commodities Fair (later renamed the China Import and Export Fair, abbreviated as the “Canton Fair”) in Guangzhou, a city near Hong Kong and Macao with a long history of foreign trade. In the 1950s and 1960s, China’s goods trade scale expanded somewhat, with an average annual growth rate of 6.9%. Entering the 1970s, as the international environment showed positive changes, China’s foreign trade achieved relatively rapid development, with total goods imports and exports growing from US$4.59 billion in 1970 to US$20.6 billion in 1978, an average annual increase of 20.7%. In the 1970s, taking advantage of the economic crisis in capitalist countries, Mao personally approved the “Four-Three Plan” [9]9 The “Four-Three Plan” (1972) was a state-led initiative to import US$4.3 billion worth of advanced industrial technology and complete plant equipment, primarily from Japan and Western Europe, to modernize China’s chemical, metallurgical, and energy sectors. for the large-scale introduction of complete sets of technology and equipment from capitalist countries. The “Four-Three Plan” emphasized combining learning with independent innovation, focusing on absorption and promoting self-reliance during the introduction process, which both drove the development of the national economy and improved the people’s living standards, while also safeguarding the country’s economic sovereignty.

第四，在确保国家经济主权的前提下，不放弃有利条件下的对外开放，同资本主义世界市场进行经济贸易往来，但又注意防范新殖民主义。毛泽东为新中国的社会主义现代化建设确立了“自力更生为主，争取外援为辅”的原则。一方面，毛泽东基于对帝国主义本性的认识，强调不抱幻想，自力更生，把开展社会主义现代化建设的立足点放在自身。他指出：“美国是不好依靠的，它可能会给你一些东西，但不会给你很多，帝国主义怎么会给我们国家吃饱呢?帝国主义对亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲国家都是压迫的，压迫了几十年、几百年，从来不给它们吃饱过。”另一方面，在确保国家主权的前提下，新中国采取渐进的、分层次的、逐步扩大的对外开放政策，努力抓住一切有利时机开展对外经济贸易。为了打破西方国家的封锁、换取国家建设急需的外汇，新中国在临近港澳、有着悠久对外贸易历史的广州创办中国出口商品交易会（后改为中国进出口商品交易会，简称“广交会”）。20世纪五六十年代，我国货物贸易规模有所扩大，年均增速为6.9%。进入20世纪70年代，国际环境出现积极变化，我国对外贸易获得较快发展，货物进出口总额由1970年的45.9亿美元增长到1978年的206亿美元，年均增长20.7%。20世纪70年代，在资本主义国家发生经济危机的有利条件下，毛泽东亲自批准面向资本主义国家大规模引进成套技术设备的“四三方案”。“四三方案”强调学习与独创相结合，在引进中重吸收、促自主，既推动了国民经济的发展和人民生活水平的提高，又维护了国家的经济主权。

Fifth, in foreign exchanges, new principles for international relations were actively advocated, transcending the colonialist logic that a strong country must seek hegemony, and striving to build an entirely new world structure. New China proposed the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence [10]10 The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence) were first formally articulated in the 1954 Sino-Indian Agreement. and the diplomatic policy of seeking common ground while reserving differences, and fully applied these in its interactions with Asian, African, and Latin American countries. As early as the mid-1950s, Mao Zedong clearly stated: “Where should we focus our work and making friends? I believe it should be on the three continents, namely Asia, Africa, and Latin America.” Regarding the fraternal friendship and internationalist mutual assistance between China and Asian, African, and Latin American countries, he said in May 1960 during a talk with delegations of social activists, peace advocates, and representatives of trade unions, youth, and students from 12 African countries and regions: “Beyond the socialist countries, the broad anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America have also helped us. This has dispersed the strength of the enemy and lightened the pressure on us. Because you have helped us, we have the obligation to support you. We support each other and help each other.” Mao led New China in supporting the national liberation movements and just causes of the vast number of Asian, African, and Latin American countries, consistently strengthening economic and technological exchanges and cooperation with them, and providing assistance within its capacity. Most importantly, under the influence of Mao’s firm opposition to great-power chauvinism, New China resolutely rejected colonialist thinking in its foreign aid, never attaching any political conditions, and never using economic support or technical cooperation as a pretext to harm the political independence or economic sovereignty of other countries. This wrote a glorious chapter in human history of mutual assistance and shared victory among oppressed nations and peoples, created a new history of great powers treating small and weak countries equally and amicably, fundamentally changed the law of the jungle and the policy of the strong preying on the weak long pursued by imperialism and colonialism, and pointed the way toward overturning the neocolonialist international order.

第五，在对外交往中积极倡导新的国际关系原则，超越国强必霸的殖民主义逻辑，努力构建一个全新的世界格局。新中国提出和平共处五项原则和求同存异的外交方针，并将其充分运用于与亚非拉国家的交往中。早在20世纪50年代中期，毛泽东就明确指出：“我们做工作，交朋友，重点应该放在什么地方?我认为，应该放在三大洲，那就是亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲。”对于中国与亚非拉国家之间兄弟般的友谊和国际主义的互助关系，他在1960年5月同非洲12个国家和地区的社会活动家、和平人士和工会、青年、学生代表团谈话时讲道：“在社会主义国家之外，亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲人民的广大的反殖民主义、反帝国主义的斗争也帮助了我们。这就分散了敌人的力量，使我们身上的压力减轻了。因为你们帮助了我们，所以我们有义务支持你们。我们是互相支持，互相帮助。”毛泽东领导新中国支持广大亚非拉国家的民族解放运动和正义事业，始终坚持加强同它们的经济技术交流合作，并在力所能及的范围内提供援助。尤为重要的是，在毛泽东坚定反对大国沙文主义的影响下，新中国在对外援助中坚决摒弃殖民主义思维，绝不附加任何政治条件，绝不以经济支援、技术合作的名义去损害其他国家的政治独立和经济主权。这谱写了人类历史上被压迫民族和被压迫人民之间相互帮助、共享胜利的辉煌篇章，开创了大国平等友好对待弱小国家的崭新历史，从根本上改变了长期以来帝国主义、殖民主义推行的丛林法则和弱肉强食政策,为颠覆新殖民主义的国际秩序指明了方向。

Sixth, from the theoretical height of scientific socialism, the characteristics of neocolonialism in the current era were summarized, and comprador thinking and slavish colonial culture were criticized. Neocolonialism is a further manifestation of the essence of imperialism revealed by Lenin in *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism*, and is a major contemporary issue confronting the international communist movement. However, after the Soviet leadership gradually deviated from the principles of scientific socialism, it lacked due attention to and in-depth analysis of this issue, and instead became an apologist for neocolonialism. In contrast, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, displayed greater historical consciousness and theoretical courage, directly targeting the crux of neocolonialism. They believed that when the national liberation movements of Asian, African, and Latin American countries achieved great victories, the struggle of these countries against imperialism, colonialism, and their agents was not over. “Many countries have not yet completely shaken off the control and enslavement of imperialism and colonialism; they remain targets of imperialist plunder and aggression, and arenas for competition between old and new colonialists. In some countries, old colonialists have changed their guise to become neocolonialists, continuing their colonial rule through the agents they have cultivated. In other countries, having driven the wolf out the front door, they find the tiger entering through the back door; a new, bigger, and more dangerous American colonialist has replaced the old colonialist.” Eliminating credulity toward and illusions about neocolonialism is an important task on the ideological and cultural front. It is necessary to criticize all forms of compradorism and slavish philosophy, to purge all kinds of neocolonialist echoers, and to strive to build a new culture of self-confidence and self-reliance that is fundamentally different from the comprador and slavish old culture. On this, Mao pointed out: “Overthrow slavish thinking, bury dogmatism, earnestly learn from the good experiences of foreign countries, and also study their bad experiences as a warning,” and “We must not follow the old path of technological development taken by other countries, crawling step by step behind others. We must break conventions and adopt advanced technology as much as possible, so as to build our country into a powerful socialist modern state within a period of time not too long.”

第六，从科学社会主义的理论高度总结新殖民主义的时代特点，批判买办思想和洋奴文化。新殖民主义是列宁《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》所揭示的帝国主义本质的进一步显现，是国际共产主义运动遇到的重大时代问题。然而，在苏联领导层逐渐背离科学社会主义原则后，对这个问题缺乏应有的重视与深入的分析，反而成为新殖民主义的辩护士。相比之下，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人展现了更强的历史自觉和理论勇气，直指新殖民主义的要害所在，认为当亚非拉国家的民族解放运动取得伟大胜利的时候，它们反对帝国主义和殖民主义及其代理人的斗争并没有结束。“许多国家并没有完全摆脱帝国主义和殖民主义的控制和奴役，它们仍然是帝国主义掠夺和侵略的对象，仍然是新老殖民主义者角逐的场所。在有些国家，老殖民主义者摇身一变，成为新殖民主义者，通过他们所培养的代理人，继续维持他们的殖民统治。在另外一些国家，前门走了狼，后门又进来虎，新的、更大的、更危险的美国殖民主义者代替了老殖民主义者。”清除对新殖民主义的轻信和幻想，是思想文化战线上的一项重要任务。要批判各种形式的买办主义、洋奴哲学，肃清各式各样的新殖民主义的应声虫，努力建设截然不同于买办洋奴旧文化的自信自立的新文化。对此，毛泽东指出，“打倒奴隶思想，埋葬教条主义，认真学习外国的好经验，也一定研究外国的坏经验——引以为戒”,“我们不能走世界各国技术发展的老路，跟在别人后面一步一步地爬行。我们必须打破常规，尽量采用先进技术，在一个不太长的历史时期内，把我国建设成为一个社会主义的现代化的强国”。

III. The Significant Implications of Mao Zedong’s Opposition to Neocolonialism from the Perspective of Comparative Modernization

三、比较现代化视野中毛泽东反对新殖民主义的重要意义

Making an objective and fair assessment of Mao Zedong’s arduous exploration in leading New China to oppose neocolonialism is no easy task. Only by taking a grand historical perspective and thinking within a scientific and in-depth comparative framework can its great significance be fully appreciated. Any modernization scheme has its costs and trade-offs. To be realistic, New China’s choice of such an independent socialist modernization path meant more arduous efforts, more difficult struggles, and a longer cycle of returns. Because it posed a serious challenge to neocolonialism, imperialist countries subjected New China to various forms of isolation, blockade, containment, and even direct military provocation. Within the socialist camp, New China also faced suppression from socialist countries with neocolonialist tendencies. Various external pressures transmitted internally inevitably led to all kinds of wavering, questioning, and even denial, which was especially unavoidable when the achievements of China’s socialist modernization had not yet fully manifested. However, for a late-developing country like China, with its huge population and very low historical starting point, the path of consciously opposing neocolonialism pioneered by Mao Zedong was the truly effective and feasible plan for achieving modernization. Today, as the theory and practice of Chinese-path modernization become increasingly mature and its achievements increasingly prominent, it can be seen more clearly from the perspective of comparative modernization that the socialist modernization path explored under Mao Zedong’s leadership has profound historical significance.

对毛泽东领导新中国进行反对新殖民主义的艰辛探索作出客观公正的评价并非易事，只有以大历史观为指导，在科学的纵深的比较视野中加以思考，才可能充分认识其伟大意义。任何一种现代化方案都有其成本与代价。实事求是地说，新中国选择这样一条独立自主的社会主义现代化道路，意味着更艰辛的付出、更艰苦的斗争、更漫长的回报周期。由于对新殖民主义构成严重挑战，帝国主义国家对新中国采取各种形式的孤立、封锁、遏制，乃至直接的战争挑衅。在社会主义阵营内部，新中国也遭到具有新殖民主义倾向的社会主义国家的打压。种种外部压力传导到内部，便会引起形形色色的动摇、质疑乃至否定，这在中国社会主义现代化建设成就尚未充分显现的时候尤其不可避免。然而，对中国这样人口规模巨大、历史起点很低的后发国家来说，毛泽东所开创的自觉反对新殖民主义的道路才是实现现代化的切实有效的方案。当下，在中国式现代化的理论和实践愈发成熟、成就愈发突出之际，从比较现代化的视野中可以更加清晰地看到，毛泽东领导探索的中国社会主义现代化道路具有深远的历史意义。

First, from the perspective of the entire history of New China, Mao Zedong led New China to achieve the phased goals of socialist modernization on schedule, initially shaking off the risk of being shackled by neo-colonialism, and laying a solid foundation for socialist modernization in the new period of reform and opening up. As early as the first half of the 1960s, New China proposed a “two-step” strategy for national economic development: “The first step is to establish an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system; the second step is to comprehensively realize the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology, so that our country’s economy can be at the forefront of the world.” [11]11 The “two-step” strategy was formally proposed by Mao Zedong and other CPC leaders in the early 1960s and later codified in the 1964 Third National People’s Congress report by Premier Zhou Enlai. The intention of the first step—establishing an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system—was precisely to oppose neo-colonialism and safeguard national economic and political sovereignty. In June 1981, the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China,” adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC, [12]12 The Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee (1981) was a key Party meeting that adopted the historical resolution assessing Mao’s role and the Cultural Revolution. clearly stated in its basic assessment of the 32 years since the founding of the state: “Major achievements were made in industrial construction, and an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system were gradually established.” This indicates that the Party’s historical tasks during this period were successfully accomplished. The two historical periods before and after reform and opening up are interconnected and inseparable; in essence, both are practical explorations by the Party leading the people in socialist construction. The earlier historical period prepared important ideological, material, and institutional conditions for the later period, while the later period is a continuation and development of the earlier one. What consistently runs through both is the resolute opposition to neo-colonialism and the pursuit of an independent path of socialist modernization.

第一，从整部新中国史的角度看，毛泽东领导新中国如期实现社会主义现代化建设的阶段性目标，初步摆脱受新殖民主义束缚的风险，为改革开放新时期的社会主义现代化建设奠定了坚实基础。早在20世纪60年代上半叶，新中国就提出“两步走”的国民经济发展战略：“第一步，建立一个独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系；第二步，全面实现农业、工业、国防和科学技术的现代化，使我国经济走在世界的前列。”其中第一步建立一个独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系，用意正在于反对新殖民主义，维护国家经济和政治主权。1981年6月，党的十一届六中全会通过的《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》在论述建国32年历史的基本估计时明确指出：“在工业建设中取得重大成就，逐步建立了独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系。”这表明我们党在这一时期的历史任务是胜利完成了的。改革开放前后两个历史时期互相衔接、密不可分，本质上都是党领导人民进行社会主义建设的实践探索，前一个历史时期为后一个历史时期准备了重要的思想、物质、制度条件，后一个历史时期是前一个历史时期的延续和发展，而其中始终贯穿的一条，就是坚决反对新殖民主义，走独立自主的社会主义现代化道路。

Second, from a comparative perspective across countries and regions, compared with the modernization paths of other countries and regions, New China’s socialist modernization path demonstrated the advantage of independence and thus sustainability, making lasting prosperity and development possible. In contrast to Japan, which was rebuilt after World War II, and later the strong-performing South Korea, Taiwan region, and other countries and regions that have always been controlled by U.S. neo-colonialist means—achieving modernization on the premise of political and military dependence on the United States—China’s socialist modernization, by fully adhering to the principle of independence, established an independent and relatively complete industrial system and national economic system. Thus, it firmly grasped the leading role in national development and acquired a powerful driving force for sustained development. In fact, the modernization of those countries and regions has always been subordinate to and served U.S. national strategy; once it damages U.S. interests, it will inevitably be suppressed without mercy. Japan’s sustained economic recession since the Plaza Accord, [13]13 The Plaza Accord (1985) was an agreement among major economies to depreciate the U.S. dollar, which led to a sharp appreciation of the Japanese yen and subsequent economic stagnation. extending to the current lament over the “lost three decades,” is essentially a consequence of neo-colonialism. Under Mao Zedong’s leadership, New China achieved fully independent political sovereignty and, through an effective economic development strategy, consolidated its economic sovereignty, avoiding the illusory prosperity under neo-colonial rule and truly embarking on a path of sustainable development.

第二，从国别和区域比较的角度来看，与其他国家和地区的现代化道路相比，新中国的社会主义现代化道路展现了独立自主因而可持续的优势，使持久的繁荣发展成为可能。相较于第二次世界大战后再度重建的日本以及后来风头强劲的韩国、中国台湾等国家和地区始终受到美国新殖民主义手段的控制，以在政治上和军事上依附美国为前提实现现代化，中国的社会主义现代化建设由于完全遵循独立自主的原则，建立了独立的比较完整的工业体系和国民经济体系，因而牢牢掌握了国家发展的主导权，并且具备了持久发展的强大动力。事实上，那些国家和地区的现代化本就从属和服务于美国的国家战略，一旦对美国本身的利益构成损害，必然会被毫不留情地打压。日本自广场协议开始的持续经济衰退，延伸到当下关于“失去的三十年”的悲叹，从本质上讲就是新殖民主义为祸的结果。在毛泽东的领导下，新中国取得了完全独立的政治主权，并通过有效的经济发展战略巩固了经济主权，避免了新殖民主义统治下昙花一现的繁荣假象，真正走上了一条可持续发展的道路。

Third, from the perspective of comparing the two social systems—socialism and capitalism—New China’s socialist modernization achieved, with higher efficiency and lower cost, the independent development that many late-developing capitalist countries had striven for, while simultaneously avoiding the historical anomaly of itself becoming a colonialist power. Historically, escaping the fate of being colonized and achieving independent national modernization has also been an aspiration of many late-developing capitalist countries. For example, after the United States escaped its colonial fate through the War of Independence, it established a unified domestic market through the Civil War to resist British economic colonization; until the early 20th century, its economic policy remained primarily protectionist. Similarly, Germany, as a late-developing country, actively opposed British and French economic colonization in the early 19th century, adopting Listian protectionist policies [14]14 Friedrich List (1789–1846) was a German economist who advocated protective tariffs and state-led industrialization for late-developing nations. to develop its economy, also to prevent colonialist shackles and avoid losing autonomy in national development. However, as typical cases of modernization achieved by late-developing capitalist countries, the modernization processes of both countries inevitably had two defects. First, brutal class oppression at home. While implementing trade protectionism and high tariff barriers to resist foreign economic colonization, the United States and Germany ruthlessly exploited their own working classes and suppressed workers’ movements. For instance, through the “Westward Expansion,” the United States drove out and massacred Native Americans, accelerating primitive accumulation of capital and incurring heavy blood debts. Second, they repeated the old imperialist logic that a strong nation must seek hegemony, turning instead onto the old path of colonizing other countries. After achieving industrialization, the United States, starting in the early 20th century, turned toward the Monroe Doctrine and Wilsonianism, [15]15 The Monroe Doctrine (1823) asserted U.S. hegemony in the Americas; Wilsonianism refers to President Woodrow Wilson’s post-WWI vision of spreading liberal internationalism, often used to justify U.S. intervention abroad. implementing colonialism abroad under the guise of the “Open Door” policy and exploiting other countries. After Germany achieved industrialization through Bismarck’s “blood and iron” policy, [16]16 Otto von Bismarck’s “blood and iron” policy (1860s–1870s) referred to the use of military force and realpolitik to unify Germany and achieve industrialization. it also embarked on a path of external expansion by launching imperialist wars. These actions brought profound disasters to other late-developing countries and all of humanity. In leading New China’s socialist modernization, Mao Zedong neither implemented the brutal exploitation, racial oppression, or class suppression of capitalism at home, nor launched wars abroad, imposed colonial oppression, or engaged in primitive accumulation. Instead, he led hundreds of millions of people through hard work, shared hardships, and sustained effort, winning lasting initiative for national development. This is the “great benevolence” [17]17 “Great benevolence” (大仁政) is a term Mao used to contrast long-term, strategic state policies (such as heavy industry development) with short-term, populist welfare measures. of the Chinese people’s modernization—a feat of which the Chinese people can be proud in the face of all colonialists—and it fully demonstrates the fundamental superiority of socialism over capitalism in accomplishing the historical task of modernization.

第三，从社会主义和资本主义两种社会制度比较的角度看，新中国的社会主义现代化建设以更高的效率、更低的成本实现了许多后发资本主义国家曾努力追求的独立自主发展，同时避免了使自己成为殖民主义者的历史怪现象。从历史上看，摆脱被殖民的命运，实现国家独立自主的现代化，也是许多后发资本主义国家的诉求。比如，美国通过独立战争摆脱殖民地的命运后，又通过南北战争建立起统一的国内市场以抵抗英国的经济殖民，直至20世纪初，其经济政策仍然以贸易保护主义为主。又比如，德国作为后发国家，在19世纪初积极反对英国和法国的经济殖民，以李斯特主义的保护主义政策来发展经济，也是为了防止殖民主义的束缚，避免国家发展丧失自主权。然而，作为后发资本主义国家实现现代化的典型案例，这两个国家的现代化进程都不可避免地具有两个缺陷。一是对内残酷的阶级压迫。美国和德国在实施贸易保护主义、高额关税壁垒以抵制外国经济殖民的同时，残酷剥削本国工人阶级、镇压工人运动。如美国通过“西进运动”,驱赶、屠杀印第安人，加速资本原始积累，欠下了累累血债。二是重复国强必霸的帝国主义旧逻辑，转而走上殖民别国的老路。美国在实现工业化后，自20世纪初开始转向门罗主义和威尔逊主义，以“门户开放”之名，对外实施殖民主义，剥削其他国家。德国通过俾斯麦的铁血政策实现工业化后，也走上了发动帝国主义战争的对外扩张之路。这些都给其他后发国家和整个人类带来了深重的灾难。毛泽东在领导新中国进行社会主义现代化建设的进程中，既没有对内实行资本主义的残酷剥削、种族压迫、阶级镇压，也没有对外发动战争，实行殖民压迫，进行原始积累，而是通过带领亿万人民辛勤努力、同甘共苦、持久付出，为国家发展赢得持久的主动权。这是中国人民实现现代化的“大仁政”,是中国人民在一切殖民主义者面前都足以自豪的功勋壮举，充分体现了社会主义对资本主义在实现现代化这一历史任务上的根本优越性。

Fourth, from the perspective of world historical development, effectively opposing neo-colonialism has expanded the pathways for developing countries to achieve modernization and contributed Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions to the world. Although developing countries have been alert to neo-colonialism since World War II, there are not many successful cases of effectively opposing neo-colonialism and embarking on a stable and lasting path of modernization. In May 1984, Deng Xiaoping, when meeting with Brazilian President João Figueiredo, said: “There are many problems in the world today, two of which are particularly prominent. One is the issue of peace. … The other is the North-South issue. This issue is very prominent at present. Developed countries are getting richer, while developing countries are getting relatively poorer. If the North-South issue is not resolved, it will create obstacles to the development of the world economy.” [18]18 Deng Xiaoping’s remark is from his meeting with Brazilian President João Figueiredo on May 29, 1984, as recorded in *Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping*, vol. 3. The fact that the two major themes of the contemporary world—peace and development—remain unresolved is essentially due to the scourge of neo-colonialism. China is one of the few countries that has both effectively carried out modernization and maintained its own independence. This provides a new option for those countries and nations that want to accelerate development while preserving their independence.

第四，从世界历史发展的角度看，有力反对新殖民主义，拓展了发展中国家走向现代化的途径，为世界贡献了中国智慧和中国方案。虽然各发展中国家对新殖民主义的警觉自第二次世界大战后就已开始，但是切实有效反对新殖民主义、走上持久稳定的现代化道路的成功案例并不多见。1984年5月，邓小平在会见巴西总统菲格雷多时讲道：“现在世界上问题很多，有两个比较突出。一是和平问题。……二是南北问题。这个问题在目前十分突出。发达国家越来越富，相对的是发展中国家越来越穷。南北问题不解决，就会对世界经济的发展带来障碍。”当今世界和平与发展两大主题一个也没有解决，本质上正是由于新殖民主义的祸害。中国是为数不多的既有效进行现代化建设又保持自身独立的国家，这给世界上那些既想加快发展又希望保持自身独立性的国家和民族提供了全新选择。

Conclusion

结语

China’s socialist modernization cause is closely linked to the liberation of the world’s oppressed nations and the cause of human progress. Exploring Mao Zedong’s historical contributions to leading New China’s socialist modernization from the perspective of opposing neo-colonialism provides rich insights for deepening the understanding of the world-historical significance of Mao Zedong Thought.

中国社会主义现代化建设事业与世界被压迫民族的解放和人类进步事业紧密相联。从反对新殖民主义的角度探讨毛泽东领导新中国社会主义现代化建设的历史贡献，为深化对毛泽东思想世界历史意义的理解提供了丰富的启示。

First, from the perspectives of the history of the Party, the history of the People’s Republic, the history of reform and opening up, the history of socialist development, and the history of the Chinese nation’s development, we should deepen our understanding of Mao Zedong as the great founder of China’s socialist modernization. Mao Zedong’s arduous exploration in leading the Chinese people to oppose neo-colonialism demonstrated his superb political wisdom and far-sighted strategic vision, ensuring that Chinese-path modernization [19]19 Chinese-path modernization (中国式现代化) — the official term for China’s distinctive model of modernization under the leadership of the CPC, emphasizing socialist orientation, national conditions, and peaceful development, as opposed to Western capitalist modernization. proceeds steadily and far. However, for a period of time, certain erroneous tendencies that weakened, belittled, distorted, or denied Mao Zedong and China’s socialist modernization before reform and opening up once exerted considerable influence. For example, they questioned the necessity of establishing the socialist system in New China; they conflated the mainstream with the tributary, and phenomena with essence, exaggerating the costs and mistakes of socialist modernization before reform and opening up while concealing and belittling its achievements and contributions; for a time they infinitely elevated and extolled the “Four Asian Tigers” model [20]20 Four Asian Tigers — refers to the economies of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, which experienced rapid industrialization and economic growth from the 1960s to the 1990s, often cited by some as an alternative development model to China’s socialist path. and harbored illusions that China could or should follow the “Four Asian Tigers” path; they beautified the history and reality of colonialism, which further evolved into cultural-psychological self-deprecation, self-debasement, and self-castration. The essence of these erroneous tendencies is the attempt to beautify and whitewash colonialism, thereby belittling the efforts and significance of the Chinese people in opposing colonialism. Today, the achievements of Chinese-path modernization in all aspects are constantly emerging, further highlighting the great feats and far-sighted insights of Mao Zedong’s leadership in socialist modernization, while simultaneously underscoring the necessity and urgency of further criticizing and eliminating the residual poison of colonial comprador culture.

第一，应从党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史、中华民族发展史的角度，深化对毛泽东作为中国社会主义现代化建设事业的伟大奠基者的理解。毛泽东领导中国人民为反对新殖民主义作出的艰辛探索，展现了其高超的政治智慧与深邃的战略眼光，确保了中国式现代化行稳致远。然而，在一段时间里，某些弱化、轻视、歪曲、否定毛泽东和我国改革开放前社会主义现代化建设事业的错误倾向曾经很有一些影响。例如，对新中国建立社会主义制度的必要性提出质疑；混淆主流和支流、现象和本质，夸大改革开放前社会主义现代化建设的代价与失误，讳言、贬低其成就与贡献；一度对亚洲“四小龙”模式无限拔高吹捧，并对中国可以或应当走“四小龙”道路心存幻想；对殖民主义的历史和现实进行美化，并进一步演化为文化心理上的自我贬低、自我丑化、自我阉割；等等。这些错误倾向的实质，是妄图通过美化粉饰殖民主义，贬低中国人民为反对殖民主义所作的努力及其意义。今天，中国式现代化的各方面成就不断显现，更进一步凸显了当年毛泽东领导社会主义现代化建设的丰功伟绩与远见卓识，同时反衬了进一步批判、肃清殖民主义买办文化余毒的必要性和紧迫性。

Second, from the perspective of world history, we should deepen our understanding of the important significance of Mao Zedong Thought and China’s socialist modernization. The cause of Chinese-path modernization, pioneered by the Chinese Communists with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, is not only based on solving the problem of how China can achieve modernization but also provides valuable and referential experience for the liberation cause of the oppressed nations and oppressed peoples of the world. Facing colonialism, the heavy yoke that bound the oppressed nations and peoples, the Chinese people, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China and Mao Zedong, were both the backbone force that ended the old colonial order and the mainstay that opposed neo-colonialism. Some foreign scholars have commented: “For the world, Mao Zedong’s significance lies in the fact that he dared to struggle and succeeded in a global system where black, brown, and yellow peoples were regarded as inferior races, forever enslaved by colonizers”; “China is the only major country in the world truly committed to national independence and self-reliance and to equality among all nations. This is also Mao Zedong’s greatest legacy.”

第二，应从世界历史视野中深化对毛泽东思想和中国社会主义现代化建设重要意义的理解。以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人开创的中国式现代化事业，不仅立足于解决中国如何实现现代化的问题，而且为世界被压迫民族和被压迫人民的解放事业提供了宝贵的可供借鉴的经验。面对殖民主义这一束缚被压迫国家和人民的沉重枷锁，中国共产党和毛泽东领导下的中国人民既是终结旧殖民主义秩序的中坚力量，也是反对新殖民主义的中流砥柱。国外有学者就曾评价道：“对世界而言，毛泽东的意义在于：他在一个黑色、棕色和黄色人种被视为劣等人种，永远为殖民者所奴役的全球体系中敢于奋斗并获得了成功”；“中国是世界上唯一一个真正致力于国家独立自主和全世界民族平等的大国。这也是毛泽东最伟大的遗产”。

Third, taking history as a mirror, we should fully excavate the important experience of New China in opposing neo-colonialism, carry out the great struggle with many new historical features in the New Era, and advance the great cause of opposing neo-colonialism in step with the times. At present, the changes unseen in a century in the world are accelerating their evolution. One of its manifestations is that the neo-colonialist nature of Western countries is becoming more exposed, increasingly and prominently displaying the characteristics of hegemonism and power politics. The “engagement plus containment” strategy pursued by the United States in recent decades has gradually become ineffective, and it has now shown its true colors, comprehensively employing multiple means such as trade protectionism, cultural conservatism, financial exploitation, and military threats to intensify its suppression of China and other vast developing countries. Particularly worthy of vigilance is that in recent years, Western countries, led by the United States, have begun to pin the label of neo-colonialism on China, fabricating the smokescreen of public opinion of the “Chinese neo-colonialism theory.” Of course, this also highlights the necessity of clarifying, by tracing back to the source, the historical contribution of New China in resolutely rejecting and effectively opposing neo-colonialism. Today, reviewing the valuable historical experience of Mao Zedong leading New China in a tenacious struggle against neo-colonialism helps to strengthen the ambition, backbone, and confidence for carrying out the great struggle in the New Era, to eradicate all sentiments of worshipping, fearing, and fawning on the United States, and to ensure the steady progress of the great cause of building a strong country and rejuvenating the Chinese nation.

第三，以史为鉴，充分发掘新中国反对新殖民主义的重要经验，在新时代做好具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争，与时俱进推进反对新殖民主义的伟大事业。当前，世界百年未有之大变局正加速演变，表现之一是西方国家新殖民主义的底色更加显露，并日益突出地呈现出霸权主义、强权政治的特征。美国近几十年来推行的“接触+遏制”战略日渐失效，转而图穷匕见，综合运用贸易保护主义、文化保守主义、金融剥削、军事威胁等多重手段，加大对中国和其他广大发展中国家的打压力度。尤其值得警惕的是，近年来，以美国为首的西方国家竟然开始把新殖民主义的帽子甩向中国，炮制“中国新殖民主义论”的舆论迷雾。当然，这也反衬了正本清源阐释新中国坚决拒斥、有效反对新殖民主义历史贡献的必要性。今天，我们重温毛泽东领导新中国与新殖民主义展开顽强斗争的宝贵历史经验，有助于增强新时代进行伟大斗争的志气、骨气、底气，破除一切崇美、恐美、媚美情绪，确保强国建设、民族复兴伟业稳步推进。

(Author’s bio: Xia Shaoguang, Assistant Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, School of Marxism, Peking University)

（作者简介：夏少光，北京大学马克思主义学院助理教授、博士生导师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心