Mao Zedong on “True Internationalism”

At the symposium commemorating the 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth, Xi Jinping pointed out that Comrade Mao Zedong “was a great internationalist who made significant contributions to the liberation of the world’s oppressed nations and the cause of human progress.” Internationalism refers to the ideological viewpoint that the proletariat of all countries should unite and struggle together to safeguard common interests, oppose common enemies, and achieve common goals. It is an important component of Marxism and a necessary condition for realizing human liberation. From his youth, Mao Zedong set the ambition of transforming China and the world, believing that “all socialism is international,” and that socialism is a kind of cosmopolitanism, “the doctrine of all people as brothers, the doctrine of being willing for oneself to be well and also for others to be well.” In leading China’s revolution and construction, Mao Zedong, guided by Marxism, combined the transformation of China with the transformation of the world, forming a series of expositions on internationalism with Chinese characteristics and features of the times, explicitly emphasizing that “there must be a true internationalist spirit.” Mao Zedong’s important exposition on “true internationalism” correctly handled multiple relationships, such as those between patriotism and internationalism, self-reliance and seeking foreign aid, daring to struggle and being adept at struggle, independent development and exchange and mutual learning, and national liberation and world progress. It provided important guidance and inspiration for Chinese Communists to maintain a global vision, expand their world perspective, seek progress for humanity, and pursue common good for the world.

习近平在纪念毛泽东同志诞辰130 周年座谈会上指出，毛泽东同志“是为世界被压迫民族的解放和人类进步事业作出重大贡献的伟大国际主义者” 。国际主义，是指各国无产阶级为了维护共同利益、反对共同敌人、实现共同目标而联合奋斗的思想观点，是马克思主义的重要内容，是实现人类解放的必要条件。毛泽东自青年时期就立下改造中国与世界的志向，认为“凡是社会主义，都是国际的”，社会主义是一种世界主义，“就是四海同胞主义，就是愿意自己好也愿意别人好的主义”。在领导中国革命和建设过程中，毛泽东以马克思主义为指导，把改造中国与改造世界结合起来，形成了一系列富有中国特色和时代特点的关于国际主义的论述，明确强调“要有真正的国际主义精神”。毛泽东关于“真正的国际主义”的重要论述，正确处理了爱国主义和国际主义、自力更生和争取外援、敢于斗争和善于斗争、独立发展和交流互鉴、民族解放和世界进步等多种关系，为中国共产党人坚持胸怀天下、拓展世界眼光，为人类谋进步、为世界谋大同，提供了重要指导和启示。

I. “Chinese Communists Must Integrate Patriotism with Internationalism”

一、“中国共产党人必须将爱国主义和国际主义结合起来”

Marxism holds that the liberation of the proletariat is an international cause, and the communist movement must uphold the common, undivided interests of the proletariat across nations. However, the proletarian movement first unfolds within the scope of individual countries: “The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie is first a struggle within a single country. The proletariat of each country must, of course, first settle accounts with its own bourgeoisie.” Only by successfully carrying out revolution and construction in their own country can the proletariat have the capacity to support other countries and thereby achieve human liberation. Therefore, patriotism is the foundation and prerequisite of internationalism, while internationalism is an important orientation and extension of patriotism; the two complement each other. Mao Zedong inherited and developed the Marxist thought on the relationship between patriotism and internationalism, explicitly pointing out that patriotism and internationalism must be integrated and unified in the great cause of China’s revolution and the pursuit of human liberation.

马克思主义认为，无产阶级解放是国际性事业，共产主义运动要坚持无产阶级共同的不分民族的利益。但无产阶级运动首先是在本国范围内进行的，“无产阶级反对资产阶级的斗争首先是一国范围内的斗争。每一个国家的无产阶级当然首先应该打倒本国的资产阶级”。无产阶级只有搞好本国革命与建设，才有能力去支援其他国家，进而实现人类解放。因此，爱国主义是国际主义的基础和前提，国际主义是爱国主义的重要指向和延伸，二者是相辅相成的。毛泽东继承和发展了马克思主义关于爱国主义与国际主义关系的思想，明确指出，要把爱国主义和国际主义结合起来，统一于中国革命和追求人类解放的伟大事业中。

Patriotism and internationalism are unified in the practice of the Chinese revolution. From its inception, the Communist Party of China demonstrated a distinct internationalist spirit, taking the realization of communism and human liberation as its lofty ideal. However, during the revolutionary process, influenced by “Left” and Right errors, there were once deviations within the Party in understanding the relationship between patriotism and internationalism. For example, after the September 18th Incident [1]1 The September 18th Incident (1931) was a staged event by Japanese troops, used as a pretext to invade and occupy Northeast China., the contradiction between the Chinese nation and Japanese imperialism began to rise to become the principal contradiction in Chinese society, major changes occurred in class relations within China, and mass movements for resistance against Japan and national salvation surged rapidly. At that time, the Party Central Committee, dominated by the “Left” line, mistakenly assessed the situation, misconstrued the relationship between domestic class struggle and internationalism, placed internationalism above patriotism, emphasized that the incident was “the prelude to the anti-Soviet war,” demanded intensified propaganda for “armed defense of the Soviet Union,” and regarded the patriotic proposals and democratic demands put forward by some intermediate classes as deceptive acts upholding the rule of the landlords and the bourgeoisie, calling for “resolute struggle” against them. After the outbreak of the full-scale War of Resistance Against Japan, debates over patriotism and internationalism still occurred from time to time. To sum up experience and unify understanding and steps, in October 1938, the Party convened the enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee [2]2 The enlarged Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the CPC (1938) affirmed Mao Zedong’s leadership role in the Party and corrected the errors of the Wang Ming line.. At the session, Mao Zedong delivered the report “On the New Stage,” in which he profoundly elucidated the inner connection between patriotism and internationalism, explicitly pointing out that the CPC bore the major historical responsibility of leading the War of Resistance to victory. He emphasized: “Chinese Communists must integrate patriotism with internationalism,” and “only by fighting to defend the motherland can we defeat the aggressors and achieve national liberation. Only with national liberation is it possible to achieve the liberation of the proletariat and the working people. If China is victorious and the imperialists who invaded China are overthrown, that will at the same time be helping the people of foreign countries.” Therefore, “patriotism is the implementation of internationalism in the national liberation war.” Mao Zedong also criticized the mistaken views that separated patriotism from internationalism, pointing out: “Some people oppose Communists talking about patriotism; this shows they do not thoroughly understand Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is anti-imperialist. In a semi-colonial country, advocating patriotism is essentially anti-imperialist.” “To separate the content of internationalism from the national form is the practice of people who understand nothing about internationalism.” Analyzing from the perspective of the relationship between national struggle and class struggle, he pointed out that national interests and class interests have an inherent consistency: “In the national struggle, class struggle appears in the form of national struggle.” Only with national liberation is the liberation of the proletariat possible. Therefore, patriotism and internationalism are internally unified in the revolutionary struggle of the Chinese people for national liberation.

爱国主义与国际主义统一于中国革命实践之中。中国共产党建立之初就体现出鲜明的国际主义精神，把实现共产主义和人类解放作为自己的崇高理想。但在革命过程中，受“左”的错误和右的错误影响，党内对于爱国主义与国际主义的关系的认识一度存在偏差。比如，九一八事变后，中华民族和日本帝国主义之间的矛盾开始上升为中国社会的主要矛盾，中国国内的阶级关系发生重大变动，群众性的抗日救亡运动迅速高涨。当时，在“左”倾路线支配下的中共中央却错误估计形势，错误认识国内阶级斗争和国际主义的关系，把国际主义凌驾于爱国主义之上，强调事变是“反苏联战争的序幕”，要求加紧“武装保卫苏联”的宣传，把一些中间阶级所提出的爱国主张和民主的要求都一律看成维护地主和资产阶级统治的欺骗行径，要同他们“做坚决的斗争”。全民族抗战爆发后，关于爱国主义和国际主义的争论仍时有发生。为总结经验，统一认识和步调，1938年 10月，党召开了扩大的六届六中全会，毛泽东在会上作了《论新阶段》的报告，其中深刻阐释了爱国主义与国际主义的内在联系，明确指出中国共产党担负着领导抗日战争达到胜利的重大历史责任。他强调：“中国共产党人必须将爱国主义和国际主义结合起来”，“只有为着保卫祖国而战才能打败侵略者，使民族得到解放。只有民族得到解放，才有使无产阶级和劳动人民得到解放的可能。中国胜利了，侵略中国的帝国主义者被打倒了，同时也就是帮助了外国的人民”。因此，“爱国主义就是国际主义在民族解放战争中的实施”。毛泽东还批评那些把爱国主义和国际主义割裂开来的错误认识，指出：“有人反对共产党谈爱国主义，这是不彻底懂得马列主义。马列主义是反帝国主义的，在半殖民地的国家提倡爱国主义，本质上就是反帝国主义的。”“把国际主义的内容和民族形式分离起来，是一点也不懂国际主义的人们的做法。”他从民族斗争与阶级斗争关系的角度分析指出，民族利益与阶级利益具有内在一致性，“在民族斗争中，阶级斗争是以民族斗争的形式出现的”，只有民族解放，无产阶级解放才有可能，因此爱国主义和国际主义内在地统一于中国人民寻求民族解放的革命斗争中。

The Chinese revolution and the liberation cause of the world’s people are intrinsically connected. During the full-scale War of Resistance, the die-hard Kuomintang faction clamored that communism was “unsuitable for China’s historical path,” and their anti-communist propaganda intensified. Some representatives of the national bourgeoisie also put forward proposals to establish a republic of the European-American type. “Whither China?” became a major question facing the Chinese Communists. Focusing on the course of world historical development, Mao Zedong explicitly pointed out that, within the international context of socialism rising and capitalism declining, the Chinese revolution possessed new basic elements, namely, the leadership of the proletariat. This also determined that “the ultimate future of the Chinese revolution is not capitalism, but socialism and communism.” The proletarian revolution seeks not only the liberation of one country but also the great liberation of the world’s people. The revolutionary struggle led by the CPC, with socialism and communism as its goal, would have significance beyond the scope of a single country and hold great importance for both China and the world. In March 1949, at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee [3]3 The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC (1949) was held on the eve of the nationwide victory of the Chinese revolution and discussed the shift of the Party’s work focus from the countryside to the city and the transition from New Democracy to socialism., Mao Zedong pointed out that the New Democratic Revolution was about to achieve nationwide victory, and “this victory will break through the imperialist eastern front and possess great international significance.” The victory of the New Democratic Revolution ended the rule of imperialism and its agents in China, changed the balance of world political forces, greatly inspired the struggles of oppressed nations and peoples for liberation, and strengthened their confidence in the anti-imperialist struggle. This victory won the prerequisite conditions for China’s construction and development, promoted the cause of world peace and progress, and greatly strengthened the forces for world peace. Mao Zedong always understood and solved China’s problems against the backdrop of the great tide of world historical development and the general trend of the international communist movement, closely linking China with the world, the domestic with the international, and organically integrating internationalism with patriotism, profoundly elucidating the inner connection between China’s revolutionary and construction cause and the world socialist movement.

中国革命与世界人民的解放事业是内在相通的。全民族抗战期间，国民党顽固派鼓吹共产主义“不适合于中国的历史道路”，反共宣传变本加厉。民族资产阶级的一些代表人物也提出建立欧美式的共和国主张。“中国向何处去”成为摆在中国共产党人面前的重大问题。毛泽东着眼于世界历史发展进程，明确指出，在社会主义向上生长与资本主义向下没落的国际大局中，中国革命具有新的基本要素，即无产阶级的领导。这也决定了“中国革命的终极的前途，不是资本主义的，而是社会主义和共产主义的”。无产阶级的革命，不只谋求一国的解放，而且谋求世界人民大解放。中国共产党领导的革命斗争，以社会主义和共产主义为目标，其意义将超出一国范畴，对于中国和世界都有重要意义。1949年 3月，毛泽东在七届二中全会上指出，新民主主义革命即将取得全国性胜利，“这个胜利将冲破帝国主义的东方战线，具有伟大的国际意义”。新民主主义革命的胜利，结束了帝国主义及其代理人在中国的统治，改变了世界政治力量对比，极大鼓舞了被压迫民族和人民争取解放的斗争，增强了他们反帝斗争的信心。这个胜利为中国的建设和发展赢得了前提条件，也推动了世界和平与进步事业，极大地增强了世界和平力量。毛泽东始终从世界历史发展大潮与国际共产主义运动大势的背景下理解和解决中国问题，把中国与世界紧密联系起来，把国内和国际紧密联系起来，把国际主义和爱国主义有机结合起来，深刻阐明了中国革命建设事业与世界社会主义运动的内在关联。

II. “Relying Too Much on Help from Other Countries Is Not Good; We Must Take Self-Reliance as the Mainstay and Seeking Assistance as a Supplement”

二、“靠别国帮助太多是不好的，要自力更生为主，争取帮助为辅”

Genuine international alliances are all established on the basis of the independence and self-determination of each nation. As Engels pointed out, the “national independence of each country is actually the foundation of all international cooperation.” This independence is not only the independence of sovereignty but also autonomy in handling internal affairs. Mao Zedong always emphasized the importance of independence and self-determination, and on this basis scientifically coordinated the relationship between one’s own development and seeking external assistance, clearly stating that “one must have the spirit of independence and self-determination,” and that “relying too much on help from other countries is not good; one should take self-reliance as the mainstay and seeking help as a supplement.” In October 1938, in “On the New Stage,” he stressed: “The coordination of the Chinese nation’s liberation movement with external assistance is mainly its future coordination with the anti-fascist movement of advanced countries and the broad masses of people throughout the world. The policy of taking self-reliance as the mainstay while not relaxing efforts to seek external assistance should be placed on this basis.”

真正的国际联合都是建立在各民族独立自主的基础之上的。正如恩格斯所指出，各国“民族独立实际上是一切国际合作的基础”。这种独立不仅是主权的独立，更是处理内部事务上的自主。毛泽东始终强调独立自主的重要性，在此基础上科学统筹自身发展与争取外援的关系，明确指出“要有独立自主的精神”，“靠别国帮助太多是不好的，要自力更生为主，争取帮助为辅”。1938年 10月，他在《论新阶段》中强调：“中华民族解放运动与外援的配合，主要的是和先进国家与全世界广大人民反法西斯运动之将来的配合，以自力更生为主同时不放松争取外援的方针，应该放在这种基点之上。”

Self-reliance is the basic foothold. Internal causes are the basis for the development of things; it is the Chinese people themselves who determine China’s destiny, and China’s affairs must ultimately be handled by the Chinese people themselves. Mao Zedong emphasized: “China’s revolution and China’s construction both rely mainly on bringing into play the strength of the Chinese people themselves.” Around 1938, the international situation underwent drastic changes. In Europe, Britain, France and other countries adopted a policy of appeasement, conniving at and compromising with the aggressive activities of the German and Italian fascists; in Asia, Japan expanded its aggression against China, and Britain, the United States and other countries, in order to maintain and protect their colonial interests, adopted a policy of compromise toward Japan. Under these circumstances, China’s War of Resistance became increasingly difficult. Mao Zedong sized up the situation and analyzed: “China is already closely linked with the world as a whole; the Sino-Japanese War is part of the world war, and the victory of China’s War of Resistance cannot be achieved in isolation from the world. The new situation in the War of Resistance may temporarily reduce some foreign aid, which increases the significance of China’s self-reliance. China should at all times take self-reliance as its basic foothold.” He stressed that the Communist Party of China must not learn from the Kuomintang, which placed all hope for victory in the War of Resistance on international forces, but should “rely on China’s own strength to defeat the enemy.” At the most difficult moment of the stalemate stage in the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Communist Party of China adhered to self-reliance, led the military and civilians in the base areas to carry out the Great Production Movement, [4]4 The Great Production Movement was a campaign launched by the CPC in the base areas during the War of Resistance Against Japan (1937–1945) to achieve self-sufficiency in supplies through agricultural and industrial production, especially in the Yan’an period. which not only solved the problem of survival but also enabled continuous development and growth. This was precisely the result of adhering to self-reliance. After the founding of New China, it obtained assistance from the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union, but while actively utilizing foreign aid, it never abandoned the policy of independence and self-determination. In June 1958, when reviewing the outline of the Second Five-Year Plan, Mao Zedong instructed: “Take self-reliance as the mainstay and seeking foreign aid as a supplement; break down superstitions; independently engage in industry, agriculture, technological revolution and cultural revolution; and overthrow slavish thinking.” In March 1960, in a conversation with Nepalese Prime Minister B.P. Koirala, Mao Zedong pointed out: “We countries should take self-reliance as the mainstay and seeking foreign aid as a supplement. We should seek foreign aid, but we must consider which is primary,” and that one cannot rely on others for everything; one must have ambition. In July 1960, the Soviet Union suddenly unilaterally announced the suspension of economic aid to New China and withdrew all its experts in China. However, this not only failed to intimidate the Chinese people but instead aroused their perseverance and courage for self-reliance and arduous struggle. Subsequently, the Communist Party of China led the people to unite as one to overcome difficulties, independently carry out scientific research and industrial construction, achieve outstanding accomplishments marked by the “two bombs, one satellite,” [5]5 “Two bombs, one satellite” refers to China’s successful development of the atomic bomb (1964), the hydrogen bomb (1967), and the artificial satellite (1970), symbolizing major achievements in independent scientific and technological development. and form a social ethos of self-reliance, arduous struggle, and striving for strength.

自力更生是基本立足点。内因是事物发展的根据，决定中国命运的是中国人自己，中国的事情最终要靠中国人自己处理。毛泽东强调：“中国的革命和中国的建设，都是依靠发挥中国人民自己的力量为主”。1938年前后，国际局势发生急剧变动。在欧洲，英、法等国对德、意法西斯的侵略活动采取纵容妥协的绥靖政策；在亚洲，日本扩大对中国的侵略，英、美等国为了保持和维护其殖民利益，对日本采取妥协政策。在这种形势下，中国的抗战愈加艰难。毛泽东审时度势，分析指出：“中国已紧密地与世界联成一体，中日战争是世界战争的一部分，中国抗日战争的胜利不能离开世界而孤立起来。新的抗战形势中可能暂时地减少一部分外国的援助，加重了中国自力更生的意义，中国无论何时也应以自力更生为基本立脚点。”他强调，中国共产党不能学国民党，把抗战胜利希望完全寄托于国际力量，而要“依靠中国自力胜敌”。在抗日战争相持阶段最为艰难的时刻，中国共产党坚持自力更生，领导根据地军民开展大生产运动，不仅解决了生存问题，而且不断发展壮大，这正是坚持自力更生的结果。新中国在成立后，争取到了以苏联为首的社会主义阵营的援助，但在积极利用外援的同时始终没有放弃独立自主方针。1958年 6月，毛泽东在审阅第二个五年计划提要时批示道：“自力更生为主，争取外援为辅，破除迷信，独立自主地干工业、干农业、干技术革命和文化革命，打倒奴隶思想。”1960年 3月，毛泽东在同尼泊尔首相柯伊拉腊谈话时指出，“我们这些国家，要以自力更生为主，争取外援为辅。对外援要争取，但哪个为主，要考虑”，不能什么都靠别人，自己要有志气。1960年 7月，苏联突然单方面宣布中止对新中国的经济援助，并撤走全部在华专家。然而，这不仅没有吓倒中国人民，反而更激起中国人民自力更生、艰苦奋斗的毅力和勇气。随后，中国共产党带领人民团结一致战胜困难，独立自主地进行科研攻坚和工业建设，取得了以“两弹一星”为标志的突出成就，并形成了自力更生、艰苦奋斗、奋发图强的社会风貌。

Seeking foreign aid is an important condition. External causes are important influencing factors in the development of things. China’s revolution and construction are worldwide undertakings and cannot be self-enclosed. In July 1936, in a conversation with Edgar Snow, Mao Zedong pointed out that Japanese aggression threatened China and also impacted world peace, that anti-fascism was a common cause of the people of all countries, and that China’s War of Resistance was closely related to the international community. He pointed out: “Apart from mainly relying on China’s own strength, the aid given to China by the international community and the revolution in Japan itself are also very relevant. If China’s anti-Japanese united front develops powerfully, organized effectively both horizontally and vertically; if the governments and peoples of various countries who recognize that Japanese imperialism threatens their own interests give China the necessary aid; and if the Japanese revolution comes quickly, then this war will end quickly and China will be victorious quickly. If these conditions cannot be realized soon, the war will be prolonged. But the result will still be the same: Japan will be defeated, China will be victorious. Only the sacrifice will be greater, and it will go through a very painful period.” He proposed: “The Chinese Soviets and the Chinese people must therefore unite with the countries, peoples, parties and mass organizations of all countries to form a united front against Japanese imperialism.” After the outbreak of the full-scale War of Resistance, Mao Zedong, proceeding from the world revolution, opposed the view of an isolated war and regarded seeking foreign aid as an important condition for winning victory. The Communist Party of China actively promoted the establishment of a world anti-fascist united front, stood on the side of justice together with the people of all countries, and made tremendous contributions to the victory of the world anti-fascist war.

争取外援是重要条件。外因是事物发展的重要影响因素，中国革命和建设是世界性事业，不能自我封闭。1936年 7月，毛泽东在与斯诺的谈话中指出，日本侵略威胁中国，也冲击了世界和平，反法西斯是世界各国人民的共同事业，中国的抗战与国际社会息息相关。他指出：“除了主要地看中国自己的力量之外，国际间所给中国的援助和日本国内革命的援助也很有关系。如果中国抗日统一战线有力地发展起来，横的方面和纵的方面都有效地组织起来，如果认清日本帝国主义威胁他们自己利益的各国政府和各国人民能给中国以必要的援助，如果日本的革命起来得快，则这次战争将迅速结束，中国将迅速胜利。如果这些条件不能很快实现，战争就要延长。但结果还是一样，日本必败，中国必胜。只是牺牲会大，要经过一个很痛苦的时期。”他提出：“中国苏维埃和中国人民因此要同各国、各国人民、各党派和各群众组织团结起来，组成反对日本帝国主义的统一战线。”全民族抗战爆发后，毛泽东从世界革命出发，反对孤立战争的观点，将争取外援视为赢得胜利的重要条件。中国共产党积极推动建立世界反法西斯统一战线，与世界各国人民一道站在正义的一边，为世界反法西斯战争的胜利作出了巨大贡献。

III. “Unite with the nations and peoples of the world that treat us as equals, and strive together”

三、“联合世界上以平等待我的民族和各国人民，共同奋斗”

Marxism holds that the united struggle of the proletariat of all countries is one of the primary conditions for the liberation of the proletariat, and that communists should “strive for the unity and coordination of democratic parties throughout the world,” and call out: “Workers of the world, unite!” Facing the surging national liberation movements in the era of imperialism, Lenin further proposed: “Workers of the world and oppressed nations, unite!” In the same vein, Mao Zedong clearly put forward the idea of “uniting with the nations and peoples of the world that treat us as equals, and striving together,” and elucidated the prerequisites, principled requirements, and paths for realization of this united struggle.

马克思主义认为，各国无产阶级的联合奋斗是无产阶级解放的首要条件之一，共产党人应“努力争取全世界民主政党之间的团结和协调”，号召“全世界无产者，联合起来！”面对帝国主义阶段风起云涌的民族解放运动，列宁进一步提出：“全世界无产者和被压迫民族联合起来！”与此一脉相承，毛泽东明确提出“联合世界上以平等待我的民族和各国人民，共同奋斗”的思想，并阐明了联合奋斗的前提条件、原则要求和实现路径。

Joint struggle is built on common interests and pursuits. The alliance between countries is based on common interests. However, from a global perspective, the common interests of the peoples of different countries vary across different historical periods and must be grasped concretely and historically. For example, as early as March 1937, in a conversation with Agnes Smedley, Mao Zedong proposed: “We advocate the establishment of a Pacific united front among China, Britain, the United States, France, and the Soviet Union; otherwise, there is a danger of being defeated one by one by the enemy.” [6]6 Mao Zedong, “Conversation with Agnes Smedley” (March 1, 1937), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 487. In September 1939, at a cadre meeting in Yan’an, Mao pointed out that the bourgeoisie and their governments in various democratic countries, “between themselves and their own peoples, between themselves and the peoples of their colonies and semi-colonies, between themselves and the Soviet Union, under the frenzied aggression of the fascist countries, under the threat of fascist forces within their own countries, and in the face of the existing danger of anti-Sovietism, do have a certain degree of common interest.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “The Situation and Tasks in the Current International and Domestic Context” (September 14, 1939), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 2 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 581. It was precisely on the basis of this common interest that “if the Soviet Union and the so-called democratic governments can form a truly effective united front, coordinated with the people’s united fronts in various countries and the national united fronts in the colonies and semi-colonies, it would be possible to curb the further aggression of the fascist countries and delay the day of the outbreak of war; if war does occur, it would be possible to defeat the fascist countries. And if this is done, it would be truly beneficial to the peoples of the world, beneficial to all countries except the aggressors, and would be endorsed by the international proletariat.” [8]8 Ibid., p. 582. This thinking broke through traditional ideological barriers, expanded the targets of alliance, and made an important contribution to winning over all forces in the world that could be won over to jointly seek world peace. The subsequent establishment of the world anti-fascist united front and the victory of the world anti-fascist war both confirmed the scientific nature of Mao Zedong’s strategic foresight. From the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, the movements of the vast number of Asian, African, and Latin American countries against imperialism and colonialism and for national independence and maintenance continued to surge, and the contradictions between China and the hegemonic powers became increasingly acute. Accurately grasping the common aspiration of the world to oppose hegemonism and develop their own national strength, and based on the international balance of forces, Mao Zedong summarized the concept of the “two intermediate zones”: “Asia, Africa, and Latin America are the first intermediate zone; Europe, North America, Canada, and Oceania are the second intermediate zone.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “Conversation with African Friends” (July 10, 1964), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 371. Subsequently, on this basis, he put forward the strategic conception of “one line” and “one vast area,” as well as the strategic thinking on the division of the “three worlds.” [10]10 “One line” referred to a strategic line from China through Japan, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Europe to the United States; “one vast area” referred to the vast region encompassing Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The “three worlds” division categorized the United States and the Soviet Union as the first world, Japan, Europe, and Canada as the second world, and Asia (excluding Japan), Africa, and Latin America as the third world. These ideas pointed out the common interests of countries in different regions in opposing hegemonism and striving for national independence and independent development, providing scientific guidance for New China to win over more countries and nations to struggle together. In November 1960, in a telegram congratulating Albania on the 16th anniversary of its liberation, Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, and others pointed out: “Strengthening the fraternal friendship between our two peoples, based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, fully conforms to the common interests of our two peoples and fully conforms to the interests of the socialist camp, the international communist movement, and the preservation of world peace. We are deeply convinced that the friendship between our two peoples will be further consolidated and developed in the common struggle ahead.” [11]11 “Telegram Congratulating Albania on the 16th Anniversary of Its Liberation” (November 28, 1960), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 214.

联合奋斗是建立在共同的利益和追求之上的。各国之间的联合是以共同利益为基础的。但从世界范围内看，不同历史时期各国人民的共同利益是不同的，需要具体地历史地进行把握。如早在 1937年 3月，毛泽东在与史沫特莱的谈话中就提出：“我们主张中、英、美、法、苏建立太平洋联合战线，否则有被敌人各个击破的危险。”1939年 9月，毛泽东在延安干部大会上指出，各个民主国家的资产阶级及其政府，“同他们本国人民之间，同他们的殖民地半殖民地的人民之间，同苏联之间，在各法西斯国家的疯狂侵略之下，在各国内部法西斯势力威胁之下，以及存在着的反苏危险之下，是有某种程度的共同利益的”。正是基于这种共同利益，“如果苏联同各个所谓民主国政府能够组成真正有效的统一战线，配合着各国的人民统一战线与殖民地半殖民地的民族统一战线，是能够制止各个法西斯国家的进一步侵略，延缓大战爆发的日子的；如果发生战争，是能够战胜各个法西斯国家的。而如果这样做，那是真正有利于世界人民，有益于侵略者以外的世界各国，而为国际无产阶级所赞助的”。这一思想，打破了传统的意识形态藩篱，扩展了联合的对象，为争取国际上一切可以争取的力量共谋世界和平作出了重要贡献。后来世界反法西斯统一战线的建立以及世界反法西斯战争的胜利，都印证了毛泽东这一战略预见的科学性。20世纪 50年代中期到 60年代中期，广大亚非拉国家反对帝国主义和殖民主义、争取和维护民族独立的运动持续高涨，中国与霸权主义国家之间的矛盾日趋尖锐。毛泽东准确把握世界范围内反对霸权主义、发展本国实力的共同诉求，根据国际力量对比，概括出“两个中间地带”：“亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲是第一个中间地带；欧洲、北美加拿大、大洋洲是第二个中间地带”。随后在此基础上又提出“一条线”“一大片”的战略设想，以及关于“三个世界”划分的战略思想。这些思想，指明了不同地区国家在反对霸权主义以及争取民族独立和自主发展方面的共同利益，为新中国争取更多国家和民族一起奋斗，提供了科学指导。1960年 11月，毛泽东、刘少奇等在祝贺阿尔巴尼亚解放 16周年的电报中指出：“加强我们两国人民建立在马克思列宁主义和无产阶级国际主义原则基础上的兄弟友谊，完全符合我们两国人民的共同利益，完全符合社会主义阵营、国际共产主义运动和保卫世界和平的利益。我们深信，我们两国人民的友谊在今后共同斗争中，必将得到进一步巩固和发展。”

Joint struggle must adhere to the principle of equality. Engels once pointed out that genuine internationalist spirit “does not tolerate any patriotic chauvinism.” [12]12 Friedrich Engels, “Speech at the International Congress in The Hague” (September 8, 1872), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 18 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1964), p. 180. Mao Zedong believed that independent sovereign states are equal and should not be treated differently because of their size. He emphasized that “big countries and small countries should treat each other as equals” and advocated establishing alliance relations on the principle of equality, opposing great-power chauvinism and big-party chauvinism. In the mid-1950s, with the establishment of China’s socialist system and the comprehensive launch of large-scale socialist construction, Mao further pointed out that one must never adopt an arrogant great-power attitude and demanded that “in international exchanges, the Chinese people should resolutely, thoroughly, cleanly, and completely eliminate great-power chauvinism.” [13]13 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the National Congress of the Communist Party of China” (September 1956), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 7 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 117. Mao always demanded treating fraternal parties and countries with the principle of equality and made the solemn commitment never to seek hegemony. In January 1962, at the Enlarged Central Work Conference, Mao clearly stated: “Our country is a socialist country, not a capitalist country; therefore, for a hundred years, for ten thousand years, we will not invade others.” [14]14 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Enlarged Central Work Conference” (January 30, 1962), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 301. In July 1964, in a conversation with representatives from some countries and regions in Asia, Africa, and Oceania who visited China after participating in the Second Asian Economic Seminar in Pyongyang, North Korea, Mao pointed out that countries are equal and cannot oppress the weak and small. “If the Chinese government does this, then the Chinese government would be imperialist, not socialist. If some Chinese people do not respect you, do not treat you as equals, and make trouble in your country, then you can drive such Chinese people away. This is the most fundamental principle for the unity of the people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America against imperialism.” [15]15 Mao Zedong, “Conversation with Representatives from Asia, Africa, and Oceania” (July 9, 1964), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 372.

联合奋斗必须坚持平等原则。恩格斯曾指出，真正的国际主义精神“不容许产生任何爱国沙文主义”。毛泽东认为，独立的主权国家之间是平等的，不能因为大小而区别对待。他强调“大国、小国应该平等相待”，主张在平等原则下建立联合关系，反对大国沙文主义和大党主义。20世纪 50年代中期，随着我国社会主义制度的建立，大规模的社会主义建设全面展开，毛泽东进一步指出决不可有傲慢的大国主义态度，要求“中国人在国际交往方面，应当坚决、彻底、干净、全部地消灭大国主义”。毛泽东始终要求以平等原则对待兄弟政党和国家，并作出永不称霸的庄严承诺。1962年 1月，毛泽东在扩大的中央工作会议上明确指出：“我们的国家是社会主义国家，不是资本主义国家，因此，一百年，一万年，我们也不会侵略别人。”1964年 7月，毛泽东在同在朝鲜平壤参加第二次亚洲经济讨论会后访华的亚洲、非洲、大洋洲一些国家和地区的代表谈话时指出，国家之间是平等的，不能压迫弱小，“如果中国政府这么干，那末中国政府就是帝国主义，而不是社会主义了。如果有的中国人不尊重你们，不讲平等，在你们国家捣鬼，那末你们可以把这样的中国人赶走。这就是亚非拉人民团结反对帝国主义的最根本原则”。

The form of realization of joint struggle is the united front. Mao Zedong pointed out that imperialism is worldwide; “to defeat imperialism, a broad united front is needed, uniting all forces that can be united.” [16]16 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong” (August 1946), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 1193. During the period of the All-Nation War of Resistance, Mao already advocated combining the Anti-Japanese National United Front with the anti-fascist international united front, believing that the two complemented each other. On June 22, 1941, Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union. On June 23, in an instruction drafted for the Party Central Committee, Mao pointed out: “The current task of communists throughout the world is to mobilize the peoples of all countries to organize an international united front to fight against fascism.” [17]17 Mao Zedong, “On the International United Front against Fascism” (June 23, 1941), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 806. The main tasks of the Chinese Communist Party were: “Persist in the Anti-Japanese National United Front, persist in Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, drive Japanese imperialism out of China, and use this to aid the Soviet Union”; “Diplomatically, unite with Britain, the United States, and all others in various countries who oppose the fascist rulers of Germany, Italy, and Japan, to oppose the common enemy.” [18]18 Ibid. In September 1942, when discussing the issue of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, Mao pointed out: “Domestic relations always change with international relations. The first anti-communist upsurge occurred during the period of the German-Soviet Pact, the Soviet-Finnish War, and the Anglo-American anti-Soviet period; the second anti-communist upsurge occurred during the period when the German-Soviet Pact continued to exist, Anglo-American-Soviet relations had not yet improved, and the Axis powers had formed the Tripartite Pact.” [19]19 Mao Zedong, “A Comment on the Kuomintang’s Eleventh Plenary Session and the Third Session of the People’s Political Council” (October 5, 1943), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 926. This analysis clearly linked the issue of the domestic united front with the international situation and the international united front, revealing the intrinsic connection between the international and domestic situations. Based on this analysis and understanding, Mao emphasized actively utilizing the anti-fascist international united front to launch external propaganda and win the attention and support of international public opinion and forces for China’s War of Resistance. In the 1950s, Mao guided the Chinese delegation at the Geneva Conference to form an international united front with France, Britain, and Southeast Asian countries, “to isolate those warmongers, that is, to isolate the U.S. authorities,” [20]20 Mao Zedong, “Instructions on the Geneva Conference” (June 1954), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 6 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 334. facilitating the ceasefire in Indochina, and further proposed “uniting and cooperating with all countries willing to make peace.” [21]21 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Supreme State Conference” (September 1954), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 6 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 340. Under this guiding principle, China ushered in a second wave of establishing diplomatic relations, not only establishing diplomatic ties with a large number of newly emerging nation-states in Asia, Africa, and Latin America but also beginning contacts and exchanges with major capitalist countries. With the development of the “intermediate zone” thinking and the division of the “three worlds,” more and more countries were incorporated into the international united front, also winning China more support from international forces.

联合奋斗的实现形式是统一战线。毛泽东指出，帝国主义是世界性的，“要战胜帝国主义，需要有广泛的统一战线，要团结一切可能团结的力量”。在全民族抗战时期，毛泽东就主张将抗日民族统一战线与反法西斯国际统一战线相结合，认为二者是相互配合的。1941年 6月 22日，纳粹德国入侵苏联。23日，毛泽东在为中共中央起草的对党内的指示中指出：“目前共产党人在全世界的任务是动员各国人民组织国际统一战线，为着反对法西斯而斗争”。中国共产党的主要任务就是：“坚持抗日民族统一战线，坚持国共合作，驱逐日本帝国主义出中国，即用此以援助苏联”；“在外交上，同英美及其他国家一切反对德意日法西斯统治者的人们联合起来，反对共同的敌人”。1942年 9月，毛泽东在谈到国共合作问题时指出：“国内关系总是随国际关系为转移，第一次反共高潮发生于德苏协定、苏芬战争及英美反苏时期，第二次反共高潮发生于德苏协定继续存在、英美苏关系仍未好转而轴心则成立三国同盟时期。”这一分析明确把国内统一战线问题同国际形势及国际统一战线联系起来，揭示了国际国内形势的内在关联。基于这种分析和认识，毛泽东强调，要积极利用反法西斯国际统一战线，发动对外宣传，争取国际舆论和力量对中国抗战的重视和支持。20世纪 50年代，毛泽东指导中国代表团在日内瓦会议上联合法国、英国、东南亚国家形成国际统一战线，“来孤立那些好战分子，就是孤立美国当局”，促成印度支那停火，并进一步提出“同一切愿意和平的国家团结合作”。在此方针指导下，中国迎来了第二次建交高潮，不仅与一大批亚非拉新兴民族国家建立外交关系，而且与主要资本主义国家也开始接触和往来。随着“中间地带”思想的发展和“三个世界”的划分，越来越多的国家纳入到国际统一战线之中，也为中国赢得了更多国际力量的支持。

IV. “Toward the Peoples of Fraternal Countries, One Must Forever Maintain an Attitude of Learning and Possess a Genuine Internationalist Spirit”

四、“对兄弟国家的人民要永远保持学习的态度，要有真正的国际主义精神”

Looking at the world, embracing the global community, and absorbing outstanding civilizational achievements with an open mind are inherent requirements of internationalism. Marx and Engels pointed out that “until now, every nation has some advantage over another” [22]22 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The German Ideology* (1845–1846), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1960), p. 517. and advocated that nations should learn from each other to achieve common development. In leading socialist construction, Mao Zedong also emphasized learning from the experiences of other countries, pointing out that “toward the peoples of fraternal countries, one must forever maintain an attitude of learning and possess a genuine internationalist spirit,” [23]23 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China” (September 1956), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 7 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1999), p. 117. advocating full respect for the history and culture of other countries and promoting exchanges and mutual learning among civilizations with an equal attitude and internationalist spirit.

放眼世界，胸怀天下，海纳百川地吸收优秀文明成果，是国际主义的应有之义。马克思、恩格斯就指出，“直到现在每个民族同另一个民族相比都具有某种优点”，主张各民族应相互学习，实现共同发展。毛泽东在领导社会主义建设的过程中，也强调要学习别国经验，指出“对兄弟国家的人民要永远保持学习的态度，要有真正的国际主义精神”，提倡应充分尊重别国历史和文化，以平等态度和国际主义精神进行文明交流互鉴。

Respect the diversity of civilizations and promote exchange and mutual learning. In October 1954, during a conversation with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Mao Zedong pointed out that countries should not be isolated from one another, stating, “Countries should not be suspicious of each other, especially between friendly nations.” In December 1960, when meeting with a Cuban women’s delegation and an Ecuadorian cultural delegation to discuss the issue of cultural heritage, Mao noted that every nation has its own strengths, which are the foundation of its existence and development in the world, and that all nations contribute to the progress of human civilization, collectively constituting the diversity of the world. “If everyone painted the same pictures and sang the same tunes, it would be monotonous and undesirable.” Civilizations of the same era share commonalities as well as particularities; mutual learning should not come at the expense of sacrificing particularities, but should proceed on the premise of preserving each side’s unique traditions and civilizational characteristics. Only by seeking common ground while reserving differences and learning from each other can human civilization achieve shared prosperity and progress.

尊重文明多样性，提倡交流互鉴。1954年10月，毛泽东在与印度总理尼赫鲁交谈时指出，各国之间不能相互隔阂，“国与国之间不应该互相警戒，尤其是在友好的国家之间”。1960年 12月，毛泽东在会见古巴妇女代表团和厄瓜多尔文化代表团谈到文化遗产问题时指出，每个民族都有自己的长处，这是其在世界上安身立命的根基，都对人类文明发展有所贡献，共同构成了世界的多样性。“如果大家都画一样的画，都唱一样的曲调，千篇一律就不好了”。处于同一时代的文明有共性，也有个性，相互学习不应以牺牲个性为代价，而应在保持自身独特传统和文明特性的前提下进行交流互鉴。只有求同存异、相互借鉴，人类文明才能共同繁荣进步。

Always maintain an attitude of equality and humility, and learn from fraternal countries and peoples. In the mid-1950s, as the task of socialist transformation was basically completed, the Party began to explore a path of socialist construction suited to China’s conditions. Mao Zedong emphasized the need to forever maintain a humble attitude and be adept at learning from the experiences and strengths of other countries to provide reference for China’s socialist industrialization. In August 1953, in his speech at the National Conference on Financial and Economic Work, he stated: “In foreign trade, some people are arrogant and conceited; this is wrong. Education must be carried out throughout the Party, especially among those going abroad. We must study hard and work hard, and within fifteen years or a longer period, basically complete socialist industrialization and socialist transformation. By then, even when our country becomes strong, we must remain humble and forever maintain an attitude of learning.” On June 14, 1954, in his speech at the 30th meeting of the Central People’s Government Council, Mao pointed out: “We want to build a great socialist country,” but after achieving some successes, “we must not let our tails get up.” “Even if fifty years from now we look impressive, we must still be as humble as we are today. If by then we become arrogant and look down on others, that would be bad. We must not be arrogant even after a hundred years. We must never let our tails get up.” The objects of learning include not only Eastern nations but also Western nations, not only socialist countries but also capitalist countries, and the content of learning includes everything beneficial. Mao pointed out: “Our policy is to learn the strengths of all nations and all countries, including everything truly good in politics, economy, science, technology, literature, and art.” However, under the historical conditions of the time, he also emphasized that, in the spirit of internationalism, the focus should be on learning from the fraternal countries and peoples of the socialist camp. In September 1954, at the First Session of the First National People’s Congress, he stated: “The people of our country should work hard, diligently study the advanced experience of the Soviet Union and all fraternal countries, be honest and industrious, encourage and help each other, and guard against any boasting or arrogance, preparing within several five-year plans to build our country, which is now economically and culturally backward, into a great industrialized country with a high degree of modern culture.”

始终秉持平等和谦逊态度，向兄弟国家和人民学习。20世纪 50年代中期，随着社会主义改造任务的基本完成，党开始探索适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路。毛泽东强调，要永远保持谦虚的态度，善于学习别国经验和长处，为我国的社会主义工业化建设提供借鉴。1953年 8月，他在全国财经工作会议上的讲话中指出：“在对外贸易方面，有些人骄傲，妄自尊大，这是不对的。要在全党特别要在出国人员中进行教育。要苦学苦干，在十五年或者更长的时间内，基本上完成社会主义工业化和社会主义改造。那时，我国强大了，也要谦虚，永远保持学习的态度。”1954年 6月 14日，毛泽东在中央人民政府委员会第三十次会议上的讲话中指出：“我们要建成一个伟大的社会主义国家”，但是取得了一些成就之后，“尾巴不要翘起来”。“就是到五十年后像个样子了，也要和现在一样谦虚。如果到那时候骄傲了，看人家不起了，那就不好。一百年也不要骄傲。永远也不要翘尾巴。”学习的对象不仅包括东方民族，也包括西方民族，不仅包括社会主义国家，也包括资本主义国家，学习的内容是一切有益的东西。毛泽东指出：“我们的方针是，一切民族、一切国家的长处都要学，政治、经济、科学、技术、文学、艺术的一切真正好的东西都要学。”但在当时的历史条件下，他同时强调，要秉持国际主义精神，重点向社会主义阵营的兄弟国家和人民学习。1954年 9月，他在一届人大一次会议上指出：“我国人民应当努力工作，努力学习苏联和各兄弟国家的先进经验，老老实实，勤勤恳恳，互勉互助，力戒任何的虚夸和骄傲，准备在几个五年计划之内，将我们现在这样一个经济上文化上落后的国家，建设成为一个工业化的具有高度现代文化程度的伟大的国家。”

5. “Help the oppressed and exploited masses of the world, and fulfill the great internationalist obligations we should bear”

五、“帮助世界被压迫被剥削的广大人民，完成我们应当担负的国际主义的伟大义务”

Mutual assistance among the proletariats of various countries is the core content of the Marxist theory of internationalism. Lenin profoundly pointed out: “There is only one kind of true internationalism, and that is to carry out selfless work to develop the revolutionary movement and revolutionary struggle in one’s own country, and to support (through propaganda, sympathy, and material aid) the same struggle, the same line in all countries without exception, and only this struggle, this line.” After the founding of New China, while concentrating on developing itself, Mao Zedong emphasized that China should make greater contributions to humanity, pointing out the need to “help the oppressed and exploited masses of the world, and fulfill the great internationalist obligations we should bear.”

各国无产阶级间的相互帮助是马克思主义国际主义理论的核心内容。列宁就深刻指出：“真正的国际主义只有一种，就是进行忘我的工作来发展本国的革命运动和革命斗争，支持（用宣传、声援和物质来支持）无一例外的所有国家的同样的斗争、同样的路线，而且只支持这种斗争、这种路线。”新中国成立后，在集中力量发展自己的同时，毛泽东强调中国应当对于人类有较大的贡献，指出要“帮助世界被压迫被剥削的广大人民，完成我们应当担负的国际主义的伟大义务”。

Take concrete actions to oppose imperialist aggression and resolutely defend world peace. Mao Zedong pointed out at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC: “We receive help from others, and we must also be ready to help others at all times. This is internationalism.” Shortly after the founding of New China, the United States extended the flames of the Korean War to China and invaded the Taiwan Strait, seriously threatening the security of the new state. In response, Mao Zedong resolutely made the difficult decision to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea. Faced with this war imposed on China, the heroic Chinese People’s Volunteers, undaunted by brute force and unafraid of sacrifice, carried forward the “internationalist spirit of striving for the cause of human peace and justice.” After two years and nine months of confrontation, they achieved victory in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, stemming the momentum of U.S. aggression and expansion, safeguarding peace in Asia and the world, greatly inspiring the just struggle of oppressed nations and peoples for national independence and people’s liberation, and powerfully advancing the cause of world peace and human progress.

以实际行动反对帝国主义侵略，坚决捍卫世界和平。毛泽东在党的七届二中全会上指出，“我们受人帮助，也要时刻准备帮助别人。这就是国际主义”。新中国成立后不久，美国就将朝鲜战争战火蔓延到中国，并入侵台湾海峡，严重威胁新中国的安全。对此，毛泽东毅然作出抗美援朝的艰难决策。面对着这场强加给中国的战争，英勇的中国人民志愿军不畏强暴，不怕牺牲，发扬“为了人类和平与正义事业而奋斗的国际主义精神”，经过两年零九个月的较量，取得了抗美援朝战争的胜利，顶住了美国侵略扩张的势头，维护了亚洲和世界的和平，极大鼓舞了被压迫民族和人民争取民族独立和人民解放的正义斗争，有力推动了世界和平与人类进步事业。

Support the liberation struggles of oppressed nations. Mao Zedong pointed out: “People who have already achieved revolutionary victory should assist the struggles of people who are still striving for liberation. This is our internationalist obligation.” In September 1956, in his opening address at the Eighth National Congress of the CPC, Mao stated: “We must actively support the national independence and liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, as well as the peace movements and just struggles in all countries of the world.” During the 1950s and 1960s, when the national liberation struggles in Asian, African, and Latin American countries were raging like a prairie fire, Mao Zedong, on many occasions during foreign affairs meetings with personnel from these countries or in statements issued on related events, explicitly expressed support for these liberation struggles. In Mao’s view, “All imperialism and colonialism that oppress Asia, Africa, and Latin America will one day be gone, as long as the people unite and intensify their struggle.” In June 1964, during a conversation with a delegation of Chilean journalists, Mao pointed out: “China wants peace. We approve of whatever is peaceful. We do not approve of war. However, we support the wars of oppressed peoples against imperialism. We supported the revolutionary wars in Cuba and Algeria; we also support the war of the people of South Vietnam against U.S. imperialism.” During this period, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, with a high degree of internationalist consciousness, successively carried out military assistance to Vietnam and Laos in resisting U.S. aggression, supported the Algerian people’s struggle against French colonial rule, supported the Cuban and Panamanian peoples’ struggles against U.S. imperialism, and made important contributions to supporting the world’s people in resisting oppression and striving for independence and liberation.

支援被压迫民族的解放斗争。毛泽东指出：“已经获得革命胜利的人民，应该援助正在争取解放的人民的斗争，这是我们的国际主义的义务。”1956年 9月，毛泽东在党的八大开幕词中指出：“亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲各国的民族独立解放运动，以及世界上一切国家的和平运动和正义斗争，我们都必须给以积极的支持。”20世纪五六十年代，亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲国家的民族解放斗争进行得如火如荼，毛泽东多次在接见这些国家人员的外事活动或就相关事件发表的声明中，明确表示支持这些国家的解放斗争。在毛泽东看来，“凡是压迫亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的帝国主义、殖民主义总有一天要走的，只要人民团结起来，加强斗争” 。1964年 6月，毛泽东在同智利新闻工作者代表团谈话时指出：“中国要和平。凡是讲和平的，我们就赞成。我们不赞成战争。但是，对被压迫人民的反对帝国主义的战争我们是支持的。对古巴、阿尔及利亚的革命战争，我们是支持的；对越南南方人民反对美国帝国主义的战争，我们也是支持的。”这一时期，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人以国际主义的高度自觉，先后进行援越抗美、援老抗美的军事援助，支持阿尔及利亚人民反对法国殖民统治斗争，支持古巴、巴拿马等国人民反美斗争，为支援世界人民反抗压迫、争取独立解放作出了重要贡献。

Assisting the construction undertakings of newly independent countries. Mao Zedong not only advocated supporting the national independence movements of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, but also advocated helping already independent countries develop their economies, providing economic and technical assistance to the best of his ability. In September 1958, during a conversation with a Brazilian journalist, in response to the journalist’s request that “we hope China can help us with industrialization,” Mao pointed out: “We are willing to lend a helping hand to all countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America that ask for it.” In June 1959, during a conversation with a Peruvian parliamentary delegation, Mao pointed out: “China must not only take care of itself and live its own life, but should also help other countries and nations, and be of some benefit to the world. Like other countries, it must not only work for itself but also make some contributions to the world. It is very necessary for countries to help each other, develop economic relations, and especially for us countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to understand each other and exchange experience.” Mao also emphasized that foreign aid must not be accompanied by any political conditions, pointing out that the purpose of foreign aid is to help recipient countries become self-reliant and truly achieve political and economic independence, but that one must not take on everything, causing recipient countries to develop in a dependent manner or even live off foreign aid. He stressed: “In relations between countries, we advocate that each country do as much as possible, taking the principle of self-reliance and non-dependence on foreign aid. Do things as independently as possible on one’s own; whatever one can do oneself, one must do as much as possible. Only what one truly cannot do oneself should one not do.” In the 1950s and 1960s, while overcoming its own difficulties, China provided various forms of assistance to countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, promoting the independence and development of recipient countries, also expanding its own development space, shaping a good international image, and leaving a valuable legacy for China today.

援助新独立国家的建设事业。毛泽东不仅主张支持亚非拉的民族独立运动，而且也主张帮助已经独立的国家发展经济，力所能及给予经济和技术上的援助。1958年 9月，毛泽东在同巴西记者谈话时，就巴西记者提出的“希望中国帮助我们工业化”的请求指出：“所有亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲的国家要我们助一臂之力，我们都是愿意的。”1959年 6月，毛泽东在同秘鲁议员团谈话时指出：“中国不仅要自己料理自己，自己过生活，还应该对别的国家和民族进行帮助，对世界有些益处。同别的国家一样，不仅要为自己而且还要对世界做些贡献。和别的国家互相帮助，发展经济关系，尤其是我们亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲国家之间互相了解、交流经验，很有必要。”毛泽东还强调对外援助不能附带任何政治条件，指出对外援助的目的是帮助受援国能够自力更生，真正实现政治和经济独立，但不能大包大揽，造成受援国的依附性发展甚至靠外援吃饭。他强调：“在国与国的关系上，我们主张，各国尽量多搞，以自力更生、不依赖外援为原则。自己尽可能独立地搞，凡是自己能办的，必须尽量地多搞。只有自己实在不能办的才不办。”20世纪五六十年代，中国在克服自身困难的情况下，对亚非拉国家进行多种形式的援助，推动了受援国的独立和发展，也拓展了自己的发展空间，塑造了良好的国际形象，给今天的中国留下了宝贵财富。

A great era requires a great vision; a great cause requires a great breadth of mind. The communist cause is a great cause seeking the liberation of all humanity. In the course and practice of leading the people in revolution and construction, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, have always adhered to embracing the world with a broad mind, combining patriotism with internationalism, not only striving to promote China’s comprehensive development and progress, but also striving to make greater contributions to human development. Mao Zedong’s exposition on “genuine internationalism” has profound connotations and far-reaching implications, manifesting the broad-mindedness of the Chinese Communists, providing important guidance for us in advancing the noble cause of human peace and development, and also providing profound inspiration for us, under the new conditions of the era, to cultivate a global vision, bravely shoulder the responsibilities of a major party and major country, uphold the great unity of the world’s people, strive to provide new opportunities for world development with the new achievements of Chinese-path modernization, and jointly build a better world.

大时代需要大格局，大事业需要大胸怀。共产主义事业是谋求全人类解放的伟大事业。在领导人民进行革命和建设的历程和实践中，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人始终坚持胸怀天下，把爱国主义和国际主义相结合，不仅努力推动我国全面发展进步，而且努力为人类发展作出更大贡献。毛泽东关于“真正的国际主义”的论述，内涵深刻、意蕴深远，彰显了中国共产党人的博大胸怀，为我们推动人类和平与发展的崇高事业提供了重要指导，也为我们在新的时代条件下厚植天下情怀，勇担大党大国责任，坚持世界人民大团结，努力以中国式现代化新成就为世界发展提供新机遇，共同建设更加美好的世界，提供了深刻启示。

(Author’s bio: Wu Bo, Lecturer, Department of CPC History Teaching and Research, Shanghai Municipal Party School of the CPC (Shanghai Academy of Governance))

（作者简介：吴波，中共上海市委党校（上海行政学院）中共党史教研部讲师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心