Mao Zedong’s Exploration and Contribution to the Path of Modernization after the Founding of New China

At the symposium commemorating the 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth, Xi Jinping highly praised Mao as “the great

在纪念毛泽东同志诞辰130周年座谈会上，习近平高度评价毛泽东是“中国社会主义现代化建设事业的伟大奠基者”，充分肯定毛泽东对探索新中国现代化道路作出的突出贡献。在新民主主义革命时期、社会主义革命和建设时期，毛泽东为推动中国走向现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴倾注了大量心血。特别是新中国成立后，毛泽东对现代化道路进行了不懈探索，为中国式现代化事业积累了重要的思想、物质、制度条件。

I. Opening the Great Journey of a Country with a Huge Population toward Socialist Modernization

一、开启人口规模巨大的国家迈向社会主义现代化的伟大征程

In the early days after the founding of New China, faced with the predicament of “poverty and blankness,”[1]1 “Poverty and blankness” (一穷二白) is a Chinese idiom used by Mao Zedong to describe the backwardness of New China in its early years: “poverty” refers to economic underdevelopment, and “blankness” refers to cultural and educational backwardness, like a blank sheet of paper on which the newest and most beautiful pictures can be drawn. leading a poor country with a population of 600 million toward modernization required strong self-confidence and firm determination. Where did Mao Zedong’s self-confidence and determination come from? They came from the fundamental purpose of the Chinese Communist Party of wholeheartedly serving the people, from deep feelings for the broad masses of the people, and from a high degree of trust in the historical power of the masses. Mao Zedong understood deeply that the Chinese people, who had stood up with pride and elation, not only had an eager expectation for a better life but also possessed the courage to transform heaven and earth. How could it be easy for a country with such a huge population, poor and backward, to move toward modernization? Mao Zedong had a very clear understanding of this. However, unlike ordinary people, Mao Zedong saw both the difficulties and responsibilities and the favorable conditions for overcoming difficulties and shouldering responsibilities. He pointed out: “To make the lives of several hundred million Chinese people good, to build this economically and culturally backward country into a prosperous, strong, and highly cultured one—this is a very arduous task.” But “China is a country with 9.6 million square kilometers of land and a population of 600 million; China should make a greater contribution to humanity.” Mao Zedong believed that a large population was a good thing. He pointed out: “Apart from the Party’s leadership, the factor of 600 million people is decisive. With more people, there are more opinions, greater enthusiasm, and more vigor. Never before have the masses of the people been seen to be so high-spirited, so militant, and so buoyant.” Clearly, Mao Zedong’s view on modernization in a country with a huge population was dialectical: a huge population means more difficulties in meeting basic needs for food, clothing, shelter, and transport, and greater responsibility for achieving modernization, but it also means greater strength for achieving modernization.

新中国成立之初，面对“一穷二白”的困境，要想带领拥有六亿人口的贫困国家走向现代化，需要有强大的自信和坚定的决心。毛泽东的自信和决心来自哪里?来自中国共产党全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，来自对广大人民群众的深厚感情，来自对人民群众历史伟力的高度信任。毛泽东深知，扬眉吐气站起来的中国人民，不仅有过好日子的热切期盼，而且有改天换地的勇气。人口规模如此巨大且贫穷落后的国家要走向现代化谈何容易?对此，毛泽东有着十分清醒的认识。但是与一般人不同，毛泽东既看到了困难和责任，又看到了克服困难、担负起责任的有利条件。他指出：“要使几亿人口的中国人生活得好，要把我们这个经济落后、文化落后的国家，建设成为富裕的、强盛的、具有高度文化的国家，这是一个很艰巨的任务。”但是“中国是一个具有九百六十万平方公里土地和六万万人口的国家，中国应当对于人类有较大的贡献”。毛泽东认为，人口多是好事。他指出：“除了党的领导之外，六亿人口是一个决定的因素。人多议论多，热气高，干劲大。从来也没有看见人民群众像现在这样精神振奋，斗志昂扬，意气风发。”显然，毛泽东对在人口规模巨大的国家进行现代化建设的看法是辩证的：人口规模巨大，解决衣食住行的困难多，实现现代化的责任大，但实现现代化的力量也大。

After the founding of New China, the rapid growth of the population could provide sufficient human resources and talent resources for the country’s rapid development. The Party’s first generation of central collective leadership, with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core, attached great importance to both population quantity and population quality, and through the implementation of a series of effective measures, created favorable conditions for the growth of New China’s population quantity and the improvement of population quality. First, they provided a good political environment for rapid population growth. By thoroughly overthrowing the old system that exploited and oppressed the people, enabling the people to achieve liberation and become masters of the country, the most basic institutional guarantee for the people’s life safety and production and living was established. Second, they led the launch of large-scale mass patriotic health campaigns, elevating health work to the level of patriotism. In response to the threat of bacterial weapons used by the U.S. military in the Korean War, Mao Zedong demanded that the masses “mobilize, pay attention to hygiene, reduce disease, improve health levels, and smash the enemy’s bacterial warfare.” To eliminate schistosomiasis, he issued the instruction that “schistosomiasis causes great harm and must be focused on prevention and treatment,” requiring the whole Party and the whole people to mobilize to eliminate schistosomiasis, which seriously endangered the lives of the masses, easily caused infertility, and had a very high mortality rate. Third, they established a relatively complete medical and health and social security system. Mao Zedong called for shifting the focus of medical and health work to the countryside, training more than 1.5 million barefoot doctors[2]2 “Barefoot doctors” (赤脚医生) were rural medical workers in China from the 1950s to the 1970s who received basic medical training and provided primary health care while continuing to work in agricultural production. for vast rural areas. By 1976, the three-tier medical and health network at the county, commune, and production brigade levels had basically achieved full coverage of the rural population nationwide, and the cooperative medical care run by more than 90% of production brigades nationwide covered approximately 85% of the rural population. This series of safeguard measures reduced New China’s infant mortality rate from 200‰ before the founding of New China to 34.7‰ in 1981, reduced the population mortality rate from 25‰ before the founding of New China to 6.3‰ in 1978, and increased the average life expectancy from 35 years before the founding of New China to 68.2 years in 1978.

新中国成立后，人口规模的迅速增长可以为国家的快速发展提供充足的人力资源和人才资源。以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体十分重视人口数量，同时十分重视人口质量，并通过推行一系列有效举措，为新中国人口数量的增长和人口质量的提升创造了有利的条件。一是为人口迅速增长提供良好的政治环境。彻底推翻剥削人民、压迫人民的旧制度，使人民翻身得解放，成为国家的主人，也就使人民的生命安全和生产生活有了最基本的制度保障。二是领导发起大规模的群众性爱国卫生运动，将卫生工作提高到爱国的高度。为应对侵朝美军细菌武器的威胁，毛泽东要求人民群众“动员起来，讲究卫生，减少疾病，提高健康水平，粉碎敌人的细菌战争”。为消灭血吸虫病，他作出“血吸虫病危害甚大，必须着重防治”的指示，要求全党动员、全民动员，消灭严重危害群众生命安全、极易造成无法生育、死亡率极高的血吸虫病。三是建立起比较健全的医疗卫生和社会保障体系。毛泽东号召将医疗卫生工作的重点放到农村去，为广大农村地区培养了150多万名赤脚医生。到1976年，全国县、社、队三级医疗卫生网络基本实现农村地区人口全覆盖，全国90%以上的生产大队所办的合作医疗覆盖了大约85%的农村人口。这一系列保障举措，使新中国的婴儿死亡率从新中国成立前的200‰降低至1981年34.7‰，人口死亡率从新中国成立前的25‰降低至1978年的6.3‰，人口平均寿命从新中国成立前的35岁增长到1978年的68.2岁。

Particularly worthy of praise is that the Party Central Committee and Mao Zedong were committed to enabling the 600 million people of New China to acquire the cultural knowledge needed for socialist modernization, achieving cultural emancipation. Lenin once emphasized: “In a country of illiterates, it is impossible to build a communist society.” In response, Mao Zedong also clearly pointed out: “Culture is indispensable; no society can be built without culture.” After the founding of New China, the state vigorously carried out literacy campaigns, established schools of all types and at all levels, and strove to free the masses from cultural backwardness. Under Mao Zedong’s instruction that “restoring and developing people’s education is one of the current important tasks,” New China, after four large-scale literacy campaigns, reduced the illiteracy rate from 80% before the founding of New China to 32.3% in 1964; through the popularization of primary and secondary education, the number of students in secondary schools and primary schools increased from 1.039 million and 24.391 million in 1949 to 58.365 million and 150.055 million in 1976, respectively. New China’s vigorous campaign to popularize culture and education broke the knowledge monopoly of the ruling class over thousands of years, enabling hundreds of millions of culturally deprived ruled classes to become masters of society who mastered advanced culture and could thus make their due contributions to socialist modernization—something unprecedented in history. Marx once pointed out: “Of all the instruments of production, the greatest productive power is the revolutionary class itself.” Mao Zedong also said with confidence: “Under the leadership of the Communist Party, as long as there are people, any human miracle can be created.” The “people” referred to here are the masses who have achieved political liberation and at the same time mastered advanced cultural knowledge, thus being full of creative vitality. Faced with the heartening scene of the vast peasant masses enthusiastically participating in agricultural production cooperatives, Mao Zedong exclaimed: “Do the Chinese working people still have that slave-like look of the past? No, they have become masters. The working people on the 9.6 million square kilometers of the People’s Republic of China have now truly begun to rule this land.” With such a high-spirited and vigorous people, New China, with its huge population, was bound to contain the immense power to build a modern socialist country.

尤其值得颂扬的是，党中央和毛泽东致力于使新中国六亿人民群众掌握开展社会主义现代化建设所需的文化知识，实现文化上的翻身作主。列宁曾强调：“在一个文盲的国家里是不能建成共产主义社会的。”对此，毛泽东也明确指出：“文化是不可少的，任何社会没有文化就建设不起来。”新中国成立后，国家大力开展扫盲运动，兴办各级各类学校，努力使人民群众摆脱文化上的落后状态。在毛泽东“恢复和发展人民教育是当前重要任务之一”的指示下，新中国经过四次大规模扫盲运动，文盲率从新中国成立之初的80%下降至1964年的32.3%；经过普及中小学教育，中学和小学的在校生人数分别从1949年的103.9万人、2439.1万人增长到1976年的5836.5万人、15005.5万人。新中国轰轰烈烈的文化教育普及行动，打破了数千年来统治阶级的知识垄断，使数以亿万计的文化匮乏的被统治阶级成为掌握先进文化进而能够为社会主义现代化建设作出自身应有贡献的社会主人，这在以往的历史上是不曾有过的。马克思曾指出：“在一切生产工具中，最强大的一种生产力是革命阶级本身。”毛泽东也曾满怀信心地说道：“在共产党领导下，只要有了人，什么人间奇迹也可以造出来。”这里所说的“人”，就是在政治上实现了解放，同时掌握了先进的文化知识，因而充满创造活力的人民群众。面对广大农民群众热情参与农业生产合作社的喜人场景，毛泽东感慨道：“中国劳动人民还有过去那一副奴隶相么?没有了，他们做了主人了。中华人民共和国九百六十万平方公里上面的劳动人民，现在真正开始统治这块地方了。”有了这样精神状态无比昂扬的人民群众，人口规模巨大的新中国必然蕴藏着建设社会主义现代化国家的磅礴伟力。

II. Establishing the Value Orientation of Modernization Pursuing Fairness, Equality, and Common Prosperity

二、确立了追求公正平等、共同富裕的现代化价值取向

Mao Zedong was a true and pure Communist. The modernization he pursued throughout his life was a modernization of fairness and equality, a modernization that opposed polarization and advocated the realization of common prosperity for all the people. Mao’s understanding of this issue penetrated both ancient and modern times. In his commentary on the *Biography of Zhang Lu* in the *Records of the Three Kingdoms*, he pointed out: “Throughout the ages, there have been numerous peasant revolutionary struggles of varying scales, large and small. Their nature is, of course, fundamentally different from the Marxist revolutionary movement of today. But there is one point in common: the vast strata of the extremely impoverished peasantry dreamed of equality, freedom, escaping poverty, and having ample food and clothing.” After leading the Chinese people to smash the shackles imposed on them by the ruling class of the old society through the violent means of revolution and establishing New China, Mao led the implementation of a series of measures dedicated to achieving social fairness and equality. These mainly included: establishing the system of regional ethnic autonomy and opposing Han chauvinism, committed to achieving ethnic equality; implementing equal pay for equal work, committed to achieving gender equality; launching rectification movements [3]3 Rectification movements (整风运动): Intra-Party campaigns to correct ideological and work-style deviations, most notably the 1942 Yan’an Rectification Movement. and opposing bureaucratism, committed to achieving equality between cadres and the masses; advocating the “Anshan Iron and Steel Constitution” [4]4 Anshan Iron and Steel Constitution (鞍钢宪法): A set of management principles for socialist enterprises formulated by Mao in 1960, emphasizing the leading role of politics, mass participation in management, and combining technology with labor. and promoting the “Two Participations, One Reform, and Three Combinations” [5]5 Two Participations, One Reform, and Three Combinations (两参一改三结合): A management policy promoted during the Great Leap Forward, involving worker participation in management, cadre participation in labor, reform of irrational rules, and the combination of leading cadres, technical personnel, and workers., committed to achieving equality between managers and workers; advocating the abolition of bourgeois right [6]6 Bourgeois right (资产阶级法权): A concept from Marx’s *Critique of the Gotha Programme*, referring to the principle of exchange of equivalents under socialism, which Mao criticized as a source of inequality and potential capitalist restoration. and eliminating the differences between workers and peasants, between town and country, and between mental and manual labor, committed to achieving equality among laborers; abolishing the military rank system and adjusting the salary system, committed to achieving equality between officers and soldiers; and so on. Throughout his life, Mao was dedicated to achieving universal equality for the vast majority of the people, preventing the emergence of a privileged stratum within the Party that stood above the people, and actively defending the fairness and justice of socialism. Of course, the social fairness and equality Mao strove for was not the traditional “equalization of wealth and poverty,” but rather “opposing both egalitarianism and excessive disparity,” which conforms to the basic principles of scientific socialism.

毛泽东是一位真正的、纯粹的共产党人，他穷尽毕生努力所追求的现代化是公正平等的现代化，是反对两极分化、主张实现全体人民共同富裕的现代化。毛泽东对这个问题的理解洞穿古今。他在对《三国志·张鲁传》所写的批语中指出：“历代都有大小规模不同的众多的农民革命斗争，其性质当然与现在马克思主义革命运动根本不相同。但有相同的一点，就是极端贫苦农民广大阶层梦想平等、自由，摆脱贫困，丰衣足食。”在带领中国人民通过革命这一暴力手段打碎旧社会统治阶级强加于人民身上的枷锁而建立新中国后，毛泽东领导实施了一系列致力于实现社会公正平等的举措。这主要包括建立民族区域自治制度、反对大汉族主义，致力于实现民族平等；实行同工同酬，致力于实现男女平等；发动整风运动，反对官僚主义，致力于实现干部、群众平等；提倡“鞍钢宪法”，推行“两参一改三结合”，致力于实现管理者和劳动者平等；倡导取消资产阶级法权，消灭工农差别、城乡差别、脑力劳动和体力劳动的差别，致力于实现劳动者平等；取消军衔制，调整薪金制，致力于实现官兵平等；等等。毛泽东一生都致力于实现广大人民群众的普遍平等，防止党内出现凌驾于人民之上的特殊阶层，积极捍卫社会主义的公平正义。当然，毛泽东所力争的社会公正平等，不是传统意义上的“均贫富”，而是“既反对平均主义，也反对过分悬殊”，这是符合科学社会主义的基本原则的。

In the historical process of exploring socialist modernization, Mao consistently infused the concept of common prosperity throughout. At the symposium on the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in October 1955, he emphasized: “Now we are implementing such a system, such a plan, that year by year we can become richer and stronger, and year by year we can see ourselves becoming richer and stronger. And this wealth is common wealth, this strength is common strength, everyone has a share.” “This common prosperity is assured; it is not a matter of not knowing today what tomorrow will bring.” Mao had deep reflections on how to achieve a modernization of common prosperity. His general approach was to implement a strategy of overall consideration and step-by-step advancement. To resolve the contradictions of uneven regional development and urban-rural opposition—contradictions that neither Western capitalist countries nor the socialist Soviet Union had resolved well—Mao, based on thorough investigation of China’s national conditions, wrote *On the Ten Major Relationships* [7]7 *On the Ten Major Relationships* (论十大关系): A 1956 speech by Mao analyzing ten key contradictions in China’s socialist construction, including the relationship between heavy and light industry, coastal and inland regions, and the state, collective, and individual.. He proposed that, to balance the layout of industrial development, “the coastal industrial bases must be fully utilized” and “inland industry must be vigorously developed.” To balance the interests of the state and the peasants, he stated: “Our agricultural tax has always been relatively light. In the exchange of industrial and agricultural products, we adopt a policy of narrowing the scissors gap [8]8 Scissors gap (剪刀差): The economic phenomenon where the prices of industrial products rise faster than those of agricultural products, creating an unequal exchange between industry and agriculture., equal exchange, or near-equal exchange. We purchase agricultural products at normal prices; the peasants do not suffer losses, and the purchase prices have gradually increased. In supplying industrial products to the peasants, we adopt a policy of small profits but quick turnover, stabilizing prices, or appropriately lowering prices. In supplying grain to peasants in grain-deficient areas, we generally provide a slight subsidy.” At the 30th meeting of the Central People’s Government Council in June 1954, Mao proposed the following vision: “How much time is needed to build a great socialist country? Let’s not be rigid now. Roughly, three Five-Year Plans, that is, about fifteen years, can lay a foundation. … After about fifty years, that is, ten Five-Year Plans, it will be about right, it will take shape, and it will be very different from now.” This was a relatively early “two-step” conception of building China into a modern socialist country. At this meeting, Mao particularly emphasized that it was impossible to build socialism overnight. He said: “To implement the principles of socialism, should everything be implemented across the country overnight? This would seem very revolutionary in form, but it lacks flexibility, it won’t work, it will meet with opposition, and it will fail. Therefore, things that cannot be accomplished at once must be allowed to be accomplished step by step.” This guiding ideology, rich in strategy and flexibility, shows that Mao’s attitude towards achieving common prosperity was prudent and scientific, not a momentary whim.

在探索社会主义现代化的历史进程中，毛泽东始终把共同富裕理念贯穿其中。他在1955年10月的资本主义工商业社会主义改造问题座谈会上强调，“现在我们实行这么一种制度，这么一种计划，是可以一年一年走向更富更强的，一年一年可以看到更富更强些。而这个富，是共同的富，这个强，是共同的强，大家都有份”，“这种共同富裕，是有把握的，不是什么今天不晓得明天的事”。对如何实现共同富裕的现代化，毛泽东有深入的思考，总的思路是实施统筹兼顾、分步走的战略。为化解地区发展不平衡和城乡对立这两个西方资本主义国家和社会主义苏联都未能很好解决的矛盾，毛泽东在充分调研中国国情的基础上写出了《论十大关系》，提出为了平衡工业发展的布局，“沿海的工业基地必须充分利用”，“内地工业必须大力发展”；为了兼顾国家和农民的利益，“我们的农业税历来比较轻。工农业品的交换，我们是采取缩小剪刀差，等价交换或者近乎等价交换的政策。我们统购农产品是按照正常的价格，农民并不吃亏，而且收购的价格还逐步有所增长。我们在向农民供应工业品方面，采取薄利多销、稳定物价或适当降价的政策，在向缺粮区农民供应粮食方面，一般略有补贴”。在1954年6月的中央人民政府委员会第三十次会议上，毛泽东提出这样的设想：“要建成一个伟大的社会主义国家，究竟需要多少时间?现在不讲死，大概是三个五年计划，即十五年左右，可以打下一个基础。……大概经过五十年即十个五年计划，就差不多了，就像个样子了，就同现在大不一样了。”这是比较早的关于我国建成社会主义现代化国家的“两步走”构想。在这次会议上，毛泽东特别强调不可能一下子建成社会主义的问题。他讲道：“要实行社会主义原则，是不是在全国范围内一天早晨一切都实行社会主义呢?这样形式上很革命，但是缺乏灵活性，就行不通，就会遭到反对，就会失败。因此，一时办不到的事，必须允许逐步去办。”这一富有策略性和灵活性的指导思想表明，毛泽东对实现共同富裕的态度是审慎的和科学的，不是一时头脑发热的。

III. Planning a Development Pattern of Jointly Raising Material and Cultural Life

三、规划物质生活和文化生活共同提高的发展格局

Mao Zedong’s conception of modernization that jointly raises material and cultural life took initial shape in *On New Democracy*, focusing on realizing the coordinated development of people-centered politics, economy, and culture in New China. When outlining the blueprint for New China, he proposed: “We must not only transform a China that is politically oppressed and

毛泽东探索物质生活和文化生活共同提高的现代化构想，是在《新民主主义论》中初步形成的，着眼于在新中国实现以人民为中心的政治、经济、文化的协调发展。他在勾画新中国的蓝图时提出：“我们不但要把一个政治上受压迫、经济上受剥削的中国，变为一个政治上自由和经济上繁荣的中国，而且要把一个被旧文化统治因而愚昧落后的中国，变为一个被新文化统治因而文明先进的中国。”新中国成立后，毛泽东更加清醒地认识到，人的现代化是国家现代化的动力，也是其最终目的。他非常重视人民物质生活和文化生活的相互促进、相互影响，认为“每一个活人都要生活，既要过物质生活，还要过文化生活”。

In terms of improving the people’s material living standards, Mao, starting from a scientific grasp of the dialectical relationship between productive forces and relations of production, insisted on using new relations of production to promote a significant increase in productive forces, and using continuously improving productive forces to drive the gradual perfection of new relations of production. He pointed out: “Revolution is to clear the way for construction. Revolution changes the relations of production and the superstructure, changes the economic system, changes the superstructure of government, ideology, law, politics, culture, and art. But the purpose is not to establish a new government or new relations of production, but to develop production.” The purpose of the New Democratic Revolution led by the Communist Party of China was to destroy all old relations of production that fettered the development of productive forces and to promote the development of social productive forces with new relations of production. After the old relations of production were eliminated, Mao creatively proposed “over a fairly long period, gradually realize the socialist industrialization of the country, and gradually realize the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce.” This took industrialization as the key factor in liberating and developing social productive forces, as the fundamental condition for consolidating the new state power and the new relations of production and social system about to be established, while simultaneously paying attention to the transformation of relations of production, thereby promoting the continuous development of social productive forces.

在提高人民物质生活水平方面，毛泽东从科学把握生产力和生产关系的辩证关系出发，坚持以新的生产关系促进生产力的显著提高，以不断提高的生产力推动新的生产关系日臻完善。他指出：“革命是为建设扫清道路。革命把生产关系和上层建筑加以改变，把经济制度加以改变，把政府、意识形态、法律、政治、文化、艺术这些上层建筑加以改变，但目的不在于建立一个新的政府、一个新的生产关系，而在于发展生产。”中国共产党领导的新民主主义革命的目的，就是要破坏掉一切旧的、束缚生产力发展的生产关系，以新的生产关系促进社会生产力的发展。当旧的生产关系被消灭后，毛泽东创造性地提出“在一个相当长的时期内，逐步实现国家的社会主义工业化，并逐步实现国家对农业、对手工业和对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造”。这是以工业化作为解放和发展社会生产力的关键因素，作为巩固新的国家政权以及即将建立的新的生产关系和社会制度的根本条件，同时注意生产关系的变革，以此来推动社会生产力的不断发展。

In raising the people’s cultural living standards, Mao Zedong, starting from a scientific grasp of the reaction of consciousness on matter, called on intellectuals to integrate with the worker-peasant masses, and on literature and art to serve the workers, peasants and soldiers and to serve socialism, vigorously promoting the elevation of the people’s cultural level and laying a solid spiritual and cultural foundation for accelerating the development of the productive forces. And within this solid spiritual and cultural foundation, confidence in the culture [9]9 “Confidence in the culture” (文化自信) is one of the “Four Confidences” (四个自信), a core political slogan of the CPC under Xi Jinping was the most important. Mao Zedong was a great leader brimming with confidence in the culture; his confidence in the culture constantly inspired generations of Chinese Communists and the broad masses of the people to be fearless and to press forward with indomitable spirit. He once profoundly pointed out: “We must regard all imperialists and reactionaries as paper tigers.” This startling yet profoundly philosophical judgment was Mao Zedong’s classic expression of confidence in the culture. On the eve of the founding of New China, Mao Zedong said at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Party [10]10 "Crescent-shaped" military encirclement: a reference to the U.S.-led network of military alliances and bases surrounding China from the Korean Peninsula through Japan, Taiwan, Southeast Asia, and South Asia during the Cold War.: “The Chinese people can not only live without begging from the imperialists, but will live better than the imperialist countries.” Against the backdrop of an unfinished war, a poor and blank country, a largely illiterate population, and extreme backwardness in development, no one could be as confident as Mao Zedong. This confidence was a powerful cultural soft power, stemming primarily from Mao Zedong’s personal ideals and convictions, theoretical cultivation, and strategic wisdom, from his profound grasp of historical materialism, his deep insight into the nature of imperialism, his profound perception of the people’s mighty power, and his deep understanding of the laws of history. With his extremely strong confidence in the culture, Mao Zedong shaped the Chinese people’s unique advantage of “more spirit despite less steel” [11] and their tenacious quality of self-reliance and hard struggle, which became an immensely powerful spiritual force driving the socialist modernization of New China. In March 1957, Mao Zedong called on the whole Party: “We must maintain the same drive, the same revolutionary fervor, and the same death-defying spirit we had during the revolutionary war years, and carry the revolutionary work through to the end.” Thereafter, the nationwide movements to learn from Daqing in industry, learn from Dazhai in agriculture, and learn from the People’s Liberation Army were all imbued with this great spiritual force. In short, Mao Zedong’s planning for a development pattern that jointly raised material and cultural living standards played an important role and achieved important results in the process of building a modern socialist country.

在提高人民文化生活水平方面，毛泽东从科学把握意识对物质的反作用出发，号召知识分子同工农群众相结合，文艺为工农兵、为社会主义服务，大力推动人民群众文化水平的提高，为加快发展社会生产力奠定了坚实的精神文化基础。而这种坚实的精神文化基础又以文化自信最为重要。毛泽东是一位充满文化自信的伟大领袖，他的文化自信始终激励着一代代中国共产党人和广大人民群众勇敢无畏、一往无前。他曾深刻指出：“必须如实地把帝国主义和一切反动派，都看成纸老虎。”这一惊世骇俗而又蕴含深刻哲理的论断，是毛泽东关于文化自信的经典表达。新中国成立前夕，毛泽东在党的七届二中全会上讲道：“中国人民不但可以不要向帝国主义者讨乞也能活下去，而且还将活得比帝国主义国家要好些。”在战争还未结束、国家一穷二白、群众多数是文盲、发展极其落后的背景下，没有人能够像毛泽东这般自信。这种自信是一种强大的文化软实力，主要来自毛泽东个人的理想信念、理论修养和战略智慧，来自他对唯物史观的深刻把握、对帝国主义本质的深刻洞察、对人民伟力的深刻感悟、对历史规律的深刻理解。毛泽东以极其强烈的文化自信塑造了中国人民“钢少气多”的独特优势和自力更生、艰苦奋斗的顽强品质，而这也成为推动新中国社会主义现代化建设的无比强大的精神力量。1957年3月，毛泽东曾号召全党：“我们要保持过去革命战争时期的那么一股劲，那么一股革命热情，那么一种拼命精神，把革命工作做到底。”此后在全国开展的工业学大庆、农业学大寨、全国人民学人民解放军运动，也都贯穿着伟大的精神力量。总之，毛泽东对于物质生活和文化生活共同提高的发展格局的规划，在建设社会主义现代化国家的过程中发挥了重要作用，取得了重要成就。

/IV. Focusing on Simultaneously Developing the Economy and Protecting Nature

/四、着眼于发展经济与保护自然并举

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Developing the economy cannot come at the expense of the natural environment—this is a basic viewpoint of Marxist dialectics of nature. Mao Zedong had a profound understanding of this. He pointed out: “We must use natural science to understand nature, overcome nature, and transform nature, and gain freedom from nature.” In the process of exploring the path of modernization for New China, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, engaged in valuable thinking and practice on the question of simultaneously developing the economy and protecting nature, bringing the ecological and environmental protection of New China to a new historical level, and giving rise to typical green transformations in places such as Saihanba and Youyu [12].

发展经济不能以牺牲自然环境为代价，这是马克思主义自然辩证法的基本观点。对此，毛泽东有深刻的认识。他指出：“要用自然科学来了解自然，克服自然和改造自然，从自然里得到自由。”在探索新中国现代化道路的过程中，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人对发展经济和保护自然并举的问题进行了宝贵的思考与实践，使新中国的生态环境保护达到新的历史水平，出现了以塞罕坝、右玉等地为代表的绿色蜕变典型。

First, during the process of socialist industrialization, emphasis was placed on afforestation and greening the motherland. The Common Program of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, which served as a provisional constitution at the beginning of New China, clearly stipulated: “Forests shall be protected, and forestry shall be developed in a planned way.” In the “Opinions Solicited on the Seventeen-Article Plan for Agriculture,” drafted in December 1955, Mao Zedong stated: “In all possible places, trees must be planted according to specifications to achieve afforestation.” In March 1956, he issued the great call to “green the motherland.” In August 1958, at an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, he continued to emphasize: “We must make all the mountains and rivers of our motherland green, achieve a garden-like landscape, make everything beautiful everywhere, and change the face of nature.” Mao Zedong believed that afforestation could not be achieved without long-term hard struggle. In March 1964, while listening to reports from the responsible persons of Shaanxi, Henan, and Anhui provinces, he remarked: “A few years ago you said you would green the land in one or two years. How can it be greened in one or two years? If it takes two hundred years to green it, that is Marxism. First make a ten-year or fifteen-year plan, ‘move the mountains like the Foolish Old Man’ [13]; if this generation dies, the next generation will carry on.”

一是在社会主义工业化建设过程中强调植树造林、绿化祖国。在新中国成立之初起“临时宪法”作用的《中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领》明确规定，要“保护森林，并有计划地发展林业”。在1955年12月起草的《征询对农业十七条的意见》中，毛泽东指出：“在一切可能的地方，均要按规格种起树来，实行绿化。”1956年3月，他发出“绿化祖国”的伟大号召。1958年8月，他在中央政治局扩大会议上继续强调：“要使我们祖国的河山全部绿化起来，要达到园林化，到处都很美丽，自然面貌要改变过来。”毛泽东认为，不经过长期的艰苦奋斗，绿化是不可能实现的。他在1964年3月听取陕西、河南、安徽三省负责人汇报工作时就曾谈道：“前几年你们说一两年绿化，一两年怎么能绿化了?用二百年绿化了，就是马克思主义。先做十年、十五年规划，‘愚公移山’，这一代人死了，下一代人再搞。”

Second, the idea of coordinated development of agriculture, forestry, and animal husbandry was put forward. In March 1958, when Mao Zedong reviewed and revised the draft speech Liao Luyan [14] was to deliver at the Chengdu Conference, he added a passage to the section “Several Issues in the Management of Agricultural Cooperatives”: “The management of agriculture and animal husbandry must also be combined with the management of various types of forests (timber forests, fuelwood forests, other economic forests, windbreak, sand-fixation, and moisture-retention forests, and scenic forests) of large, medium, and small sizes in various localities. In short, agriculture, forestry, and animal husbandry must be integrated.” Regarding the relationship among agriculture, forestry, and animal husbandry, in October 1959, in a letter to Wu Lengxi [15], then director of the Xinhua News Agency and editor-in-chief of the People’s Daily, he made a vivid analogy: “I believe that agriculture and forestry are the ancestors of animal husbandry, and animal husbandry is the child of agriculture and forestry. Then, animal husbandry becomes the ancestor of agriculture and forestry (mainly agriculture), and agriculture and forestry become the child. This is the principle of balanced interdependence among the three.”

二是提出农、林、牧协同发展的思想。1958年3月，毛泽东审阅修改廖鲁言准备在成都会议上的发言稿时，在“关于农业合作社经营管理中的几个问题”部分加写了一段话：“农业、畜牧业的经营，还一定和各地大、中、小片各种类型的（用材林、薪炭林、其他各种经济林、防风防沙防潮林和风景林）林业经营相结合。总之农、林、牧三业要结合。”对于农、林、牧三业的关系，他在1959年10月给时任新华通讯社社长、《人民日报》总编辑吴冷西的信中作出了形象的比喻：“我认为农、林业是发展畜牧业的祖宗，畜牧业是农、林业的儿子。然后，畜牧业又是农、林业（主要是农业）的祖宗，农、林业又变为儿子了。这就是三者平衡地互相依赖的道理。”

Third, ecological and environmental protection was regarded as an important guarantee for developing the economy and people’s livelihoods. Since the founding of New China, especially after the Eighth National Congress of the Party [16], Mao Zedong attached great importance to ecological and environmental issues, with the focus on promoting industrial and agricultural development to serve economic construction and the people’s livelihood. In “On the Ten Major Relationships,” he pointed out: “The air above, the forests on the earth, and the treasures underground are all important factors needed for socialist construction.” Regarding the significance of forests for socialist construction, he specifically stated: “Trees have great economic value; timber is a chemical raw material, so more can be planted”; “Forestry is the foundation of the chemical industry and the construction industry.” Addressing the worrying problem of soil erosion, Mao Zedong pointed out: “When reclaiming wasteland, it must be combined with planning for soil and water conservation to avoid the danger of soil erosion.” The above ideas of Mao Zedong were mainly put forward in response to the problem that, in the early period of socialist construction, some localities, in their blind pursuit of production scale and speed, paid insufficient attention to ecological and environmental protection. They had a profound impact on China’s adherence to simultaneously developing the economy and protecting nature and taking the path of sustainable development.

三是认为生态环境保护是发展经济民生的重要保障。自新中国成立以来，特别是党的八大之后，毛泽东高度重视生态环境问题，其着眼点在于推动工农业发展，为经济建设和民生服务。他在《论十大关系》中指出：“天上的空气，地上的森林，地下的宝藏，都是建设社会主义所需要的重要因素。”关于森林对社会主义建设的重要意义，他特别谈道：“树木经济价值很大，木材是化学原料，可以多种些”；“林业是化学工业、建筑工业的基础”。针对令人担忧的水土流失问题，毛泽东指出：“在垦荒的时候，必须同保持水土的规划相结合，避免水土流失的危险。”毛泽东的上述思想主要是针对社会主义建设初期一些地方盲目追求生产规模和生产速度而对生态环境保护重视不够的问题提出的，对于我国坚持发展经济与保护自然并举、走可持续发展之路，产生了深远影响。

V. Striving to Create a Peaceful International Environment for New China’s Modernization

五、努力为新中国现代化建设营造和平的国际环境

A peaceful international environment is an indispensable condition for the modernization of any country, especially the vast number of developing countries. Without a peaceful international environment, modernization has no reliable security guarantee. However, the international environment facing New China at its founding was extremely severe and complex. After the United States launched the Korean War, it established a “crescent-shaped” encirclement of New China, stretching from South Korea and Japan to China’s Taiwan and then to Southeast Asia, attempting to strangle New China in its cradle. Faced with this situation, Mao Zedong believed that the peaceful international environment needed for New China’s modernization could not be obtained by begging, by depending on others, or by relying on others’ charity, but had to be won through struggle, through unity, through morality, and through one’s own strength.

和平的国际环境是任何国家、特别是广大发展中国家进行现代化建设不可缺少的条件，没有和平的国际环境，现代化建设就没有可靠的安全保障。然而，新中国成立之初面临的国际环境极为严峻复杂。美国发动朝鲜战争后，从韩国、日本到我国台湾，再到东南亚，建立起对新中国的“新月形”包围圈，企图把新中国扼杀在摇篮里。面对这种形势，毛泽东认为，新中国现代化建设所需的和平国际环境不是乞讨来的，不是仰人鼻息靠别人施舍来的，而是要依靠斗争、依靠团结、依靠道义、依靠自身强大而赢得的。

First, daring to use war to stop war. The phrase “using war to stop war” comes from the ancient Chinese military classic *Sima Fa*, which states: “To stop war with war, even if it is war, is permissible.” Mao Zedong, who was well-versed in the excellent traditional Chinese culture, deeply understood the profound philosophy contained in this military maxim and always believed that “unity is achieved through struggle, and unity perishes through concession.” In order to safeguard the strategic security of New China, for a considerable historical period Mao Zedong adhered to the guiding ideology of using war to stop war, leading the Chinese people in struggles against imperialism and hegemonism to create a peaceful international environment for China’s modernization construction. The world-famous War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, the Sino-Indian Border Self-Defense Counterattack, and the Zhenbao Island Self-Defense Counterattack are all brilliant examples in this regard. When discussing the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, Mao Zedong pointed out: “We do not want to invade any country; we only oppose the aggression of the imperialists against our country. … But since the U.S. aggressors have already attacked us, we cannot but raise the banner of counter-aggression; this is completely necessary and completely just.” In order to oppose imperialist oppression and aggression and to support world peace and liberation, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, did not believe in evil or fear ghosts, dared to struggle and dared to win, thereby winning the firmest confidence for New China to carry out socialist modernization construction.

一是敢于以战止战。“以战止战”一语出自我国古代重要兵书《司马法》，所谓“以战止战，虽战可也”。精通中华优秀传统文化的毛泽东深谙这一兵法中蕴含的深刻哲理，从来都认为“以斗争求团结则团结存，以退让求团结则团结亡”。为了维护新中国的战略安全，在相当长的历史时期，毛泽东坚持以战止战的指导思想，通过领导中国人民开展反对帝国主义、霸权主义的斗争，来为我国营造现代化建设的和平国际环境。举世闻名的抗美援朝战争、中印边境自卫反击战、珍宝岛自卫反击战，都是这方面的光辉范例。在谈论抗美援朝战争时，毛泽东就曾指出：“我们不要去侵犯任何国家，我们只是反对帝国主义者对于我国的侵略。……但是既然美国侵略者已经向我们进攻了，我们就不能不举起反侵略的旗帜，这是完全必要的和完全正义的。”为了反对帝国主义的压迫与侵略，为了支持世界人民的和平与解放，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人不信邪、不怕鬼，敢于斗争、敢于胜利，为新中国开展社会主义现代化建设赢得了最坚强的底气。

Second, advocating peaceful coexistence. After the founding of New China, developing relations with newly independent nations became a focus of China’s diplomatic work. To enhance mutual trust with these countries and establish peaceful and friendly international relations, New China proposed the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Mao Zedong attached great importance to these five principles. At the conference celebrating the 40th anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution in November 1957, he solemnly declared to the world: “Without the oppression of imperialism, all nations of the world can live together in harmony”; “The governments and peoples of the socialist countries are builders of a new peaceful life. We have no need for war at all, and we resolutely oppose a new world war”; “We firmly advocate that all countries implement the well-known five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.” Under the advocacy of New China, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence gradually became the basic norms accepted by the vast majority of countries in the international community for handling inter-state relations. It was also based on these principles that New China began large-scale support for the construction of developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, greatly strengthening the socialist camp and the international camp opposing hegemonism, and establishing an image of upholding fairness, promoting justice, and being generous and selfless among developing countries. In October 1971, the 26th session of the United Nations General Assembly voted on the “restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations,” with 76 votes in favor, 35 against, and 17 abstentions, adopting Resolution 2758 by an overwhelming majority. Among the 76 favorable votes, developing countries from Asia, Africa, and Latin America accounted for nearly 60 votes. It was precisely the initiative and actions of peaceful coexistence that won an increasingly favorable international environment for the socialist modernization construction of New China.

二是倡导和平共处。新中国成立后，发展同新兴民族独立国家之间的关系成为我国外交工作的重点。为了增进同这些国家之间的相互信任，建立和平友好的国际关系，新中国提出和平共处五项原则。毛泽东非常重视这五项原则。在1957年11月庆祝十月社会主义革命四十周年大会上，他向全世界庄严宣告：“没有了帝国主义的压迫，世界各民族完全能够和睦共处”；“社会主义各国的政府和人民是和平的新生活的建设者。我们完全不需要战争，并且坚决反对新的世界大战”；“我们坚决主张，一切国家实行互相尊重主权和领土完整、互不侵犯、互不干涉内政、平等互利、和平共处这样大家知道的五项原则”。在新中国的倡导下，和平共处五项原则逐渐成为国际社会绝大多数国家接受的处理国家间关系的基本准则。也正是基于这些原则，新中国开始大规模支援亚非拉发展中国家的建设，极大地增强了社会主义阵营以及国际反对霸权主义阵营的力量，在发展中国家树立了主持公道、伸张正义、慷慨无私的国家形象。1971年10月，第二十六届联合国大会就“恢复中华人民共和国在联合国组织中的合法权利问题”进行表决，其中76票赞成、35票反对、17票弃权，以压倒多数通过了联合国大会第2758号决议。在赞成的76票中，亚非拉发展中国家占了近60票。正是和平共处的倡议和行动，为新中国的社会主义现代化建设赢得了越来越有利的国际环境。

Third, insisting on being strong but not hegemonic. Mao Zedong deeply understood the profound suffering that Western powers had brought to the Chinese nation since the Opium War, detested imperialism and hegemonism, and always stood at the forefront of the international struggle against imperialism and hegemonism, firmly supporting the just struggles of the oppressed peoples and nations of the world

三是坚持强而不霸。毛泽东深知鸦片战争以来西方列强给中华民族带来的沉重苦难，对帝国主义、霸权主义深恶痛绝，始终站在国际反帝反霸斗争的最前沿，坚定支持世界被压迫人民和被压迫民族的正义斗争。正如习近平在纪念毛泽东同志诞辰130周年座谈会上所讲到的那样，毛泽东“是为世界被压迫民族的解放和人类进步事业作出重大贡献的伟大国际主义者”。1960年5月，英国军事家蒙哥马利元帅拜访毛泽东，在谈话中表达过这样的意思，即中国大约需要50年就可以把一切事情都办得差不多，而当中国强大起来的时候怕是会倾向于侵略他国。对此，毛泽东明确回答说：“要向外侵略，就会被打回来。”1962年1月，毛泽东在回忆这次谈话时再次表明态度：“我们是马克思列宁主义者，我们的国家是社会主义国家，不是资本主义国家，因此，一百年，一万年，我们也不会侵略别人。”从20世纪60年代初开始，新中国实际上面临着美国和苏联两大霸权主义国家的巨大威胁，在这种形势下，不能不加强备战。为了消除国际社会对中国的疑虑，毛泽东根据我国面临的国内外形势以及国家的社会主义性质和无产阶级立场，公开提出“深挖洞，广积粮，不称霸”的指导思想，使“备战、备荒、为人民”的战略方针更加具体化。毛泽东是这样说的，新中国也是这样做的。新中国从来没有为了自身的现代化发动过一场对外侵略战争，占领过一寸别国领土，控制过一块海外殖民地，掠夺过一点海外资源。毛泽东的探索为新中国的社会主义现代化建设培植了和平发展的基因，为中国塑造了珍视和平的大国形象。

Conclusion

结语

In *On Practice*, Mao Zedong pointed out: "Practice, knowledge, again practice, and again knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, and with each cycle the content of practice and knowledge rises to a higher level." Our Party's understanding of Chinese-path modernization has also undergone a process that fully conforms to the dialectical materialism of cognition. Faced with the war-ravaged ruins left by old China, an extremely weak industrial base and scientific research foundation, infrastructure in poor condition and frequent natural disasters, a national illiteracy rate of 80 percent, the tense international situation after the Korean War, and the United States' harsh economic blockade and "crescent-shaped" military encirclement of China, how difficult was the New China's march toward modernization! Yet Mao Zedong was worthy of the title of great founder of China's socialist modernization cause; his desire to build a prosperous and strong China was intense, and his will was firm. Self-reliance and hard struggle became the most resounding slogans of our Party and people in the Mao era. Amid the complex domestic and international circumstances, Chinese Communists with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, based in China and looking out at the world, carried out pioneering explorations of the path to modernization, and from both theory and practice initially answered the question of the times: how could the poor and blank New China move toward modernization? These arduous explorations had already preliminarily revealed five characteristics of Chinese-path modernization that distinguish it from Western modernization: first, a huge population scale; second, the pursuit of fairness, equality, and common prosperity; third, the simultaneous improvement of material life and cultural life; fourth, the simultaneous development of the economy and protection of nature; and fifth, the creation of a peaceful international environment.

毛泽东在《实践论》中指出：“实践、认识、再实践、再认识，这种形式，循环往复以至无穷，而实践和认识之每一循环的内容，都比较地进到了高一级的程度。”我们党对中国式现代化的认识，也是经历了这样一个完全符合辩证唯物主义认识论的过程。面对旧中国留下的百孔千疮的战争废墟，面对十分薄弱的工业基础和科学研究基础，面对条件极差的基础设施和频繁肆虐的自然灾害，面对全国80%的文盲率，面对朝鲜战争后紧张的国际形势，面对美国对中国的严酷经济封锁和“新月形”军事包围，新中国迈向现代化的步履何其艰难!然而，毛泽东无愧为中国社会主义现代化建设事业的伟大奠基者，他建设富强中国的愿望是强烈的，意志是坚定的。自力更生、奋发图强，成为毛泽东时代我们党和人民最响亮的口号。在纷繁复杂的国内外形势下，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人立足中国、放眼世界，对现代化道路进行了开创性探索，从理论和实践上初步回答了一穷二白的新中国如何走向现代化的时代之问。这些艰辛的探索已经初步展现了中国式现代化所具备的不同于西方现代化的五个特点：一是人口规模巨大，二是追求公正平等、共同富裕，三是物质生活和文化生活共同提高，四是发展经济与保护自然并举，五是营造和平的国际环境。

After Mao Zedong’s death, our Party, through more than 30 years of continued exploration during reform and opening up, finally ushered in the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Under the strong leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, our Party’s understanding of modernization has also reached an unprecedented new height. Xi Jinping has creatively inherited, enriched, and developed the valuable experience gained from Mao Zedong’s exploration of the path of modernization for New China, forming a comprehensive and systematic theoretical system, which he has summarized as “Chinese-path modernization.” Xi Jinping clearly stated, “Chinese-path modernization is socialist modernization led by the Communist Party of China. It contains elements that are common to the modernization processes of all countries, but it is more characterized by features that are unique to the Chinese context.” [11] Among these Chinese characteristics, he said, are that “Chinese-path modernization is the modernization of a huge population,” “is the modernization of common prosperity for all,” “is the modernization of material and cultural-ethical progress,” “is the modernization of harmony between humanity and nature,” and “is the modernization of peaceful development.” Xi Jinping summarized the essential requirements of Chinese-path modernization as “upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China and socialism with Chinese characteristics, pursuing high-quality development, developing whole-process people’s democracy, enriching the people’s cultural-ethical life, achieving common prosperity for all, promoting harmony between humanity and nature, building a community with a shared future for mankind, and creating a new form of human civilization.” [12] He planned the overall strategic arrangement for comprehensively building a great modern socialist country as “basically realizing socialist modernization from 2020 to 2035, and building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful from 2035 to the middle of this century.” [13] He summarized the major principles that must be firmly grasped in advancing and expanding Chinese-path modernization as “upholding and strengthening the Party’s overall leadership,” “upholding the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” “upholding a people-centered development philosophy,” “upholding deepening reform and opening up,” and “upholding carrying forward the spirit of struggle.” [14] A thorough study of Xi Jinping’s important expositions on Chinese-path modernization allows one to see the shadow of Mao Zedong’s exploration of the path of modernization for New China, and even more so to perceive Xi

毛泽东逝世后，我们党经过改革开放30多年的继续探索，终于迎来了中国特色社会主义新时代。在以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚强领导下，我们党对现代化的认识也达到了前所未有的新高度。习近平对毛泽东探索新中国现代化道路所取得的宝贵经验进行了创造性的继承、丰富和发展，形成了全面系统的理论体系，并将其概括为“中国式现代化”。习近平明确提出，“中国式现代化，是中国共产党领导的社会主义现代化，既有各国现代化的共同特征，更有基于自己国情的中国特色”；而其中的中国特色就是说，“中国式现代化是人口规模巨大的现代化”，“是全体人民共同富裕的现代化”，“是物质文明和精神文明相协调的现代化”，“是人与自然和谐共生的现代化”，“是走和平发展道路的现代化”。习近平将中国式现代化的本质要求概括为“坚持中国共产党领导，坚持中国特色社会主义，实现高质量发展，发展全过程人民民主，丰富人民精神世界，实现全体人民共同富裕，促进人与自然和谐共生，推动构建人类命运共同体，创造人类文明新形态”；将全面建成社会主义现代化强国的总的战略安排规划为“从二〇二〇年到二〇三五年基本实现社会主义现代化；从二〇三五年到本世纪中叶把我国建成富强民主文明和谐美丽的社会主义现代化强国”；将推进和拓展中国式现代化必须牢牢把握的重大原则总结为“坚持和加强党的全面领导”，“坚持中国特色社会主义道路”，“坚持以人民为中心的发展思想”，“坚持深化改革开放”，以及“坚持发扬斗争精神”。深入学习习近平关于中国式现代化的重要论述，既能够从中看到毛泽东探索新中国现代化道路的影子，更能够感悟到习近平对毛泽东所作探索的进一步创新和发展，为在新时代新征程上持续推进和拓展中国式现代化提供了科学的理论指导。

(Author bios: Zhang Guozuo, professor and doctoral supervisor at the School of Marxism, Hunan University, and director of the Research Center for Chinese Cultural Soft Power at Hunan University; Yang Ruonan, doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Hunan University)

（作者简介：张国祚，湖南大学马克思主义学院教授、博士生导师，湖南大学中国文化软实力研究中心主任；杨若楠，湖南大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心