Mao Zedong’s Historic Contribution to the China-Africa Community with a Shared Future

China-Africa friendly exchanges have a long history, and the two sides are highly compatible in their development strategies. In March 2013, during his visit to Africa, Xi Jinping first put forward the concept of a “China-Africa community with a shared future,” stressing that “China and Africa have always been a community with a shared future.” [1]1 Xi Jinping, “Trust the Future: In September 2018, Xi Jinping again stated that “China and Africa have long formed a community with a shared future through thick and thin.” [2]2 The “Third World” (第三世界) refers to developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and other regions, a term Mao Zedong used in his “Three Worlds” theory (1974) to describe nations outside the two superpower blocs. The expressions “have always been” and “have long formed” clearly indicate that the China-Africa community with a shared future has deep historical roots. Looking back at history, the China-Africa community with a shared future is a vivid manifestation of the Communist Party of China’s commitment to a global vision, and it is the historical crystallization of the shared hardships, mutual sympathy, and mutual support between the Chinese and African peoples over the past half century and more. “In the 1950s and 1960s, the first generation of Chinese leaders, such as Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, together with the older generation of African statesmen, jointly opened a new era in China-Africa relations.” [3]3 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the Guinean Government Economic Delegation and Women’s Delegation” (3 May 1963), in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 10 (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1996), p. 291. Standing at the height of history and the times, Mao Zedong firmly supported the African people’s struggle against colonialism and imperialism and for national independence and liberation, offering them boundless sympathy and material assistance. He created a new history in which a major power treated small and weak nations and peoples on an equal footing, laying the emotional foundation, shaping value consensus, and providing basic guidelines for the China-Africa community with a shared future. This article intends to explore Mao Zedong’s historic contribution to building the China-Africa community with a shared future from the above three aspects, offering useful insights for jointly forging an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future in the New Era.

中非友好交往源远流长，在发展战略上高度契合。2013年3月，习近平在访问非洲时首次提出“中非命运共同体”概念，强调“中非从来都是命运共同体”[1]。2018年9月，习近平再次提出“中非早已结成休戚与共的命运共同体”[2]。“从来都是”“早已结成”的表述，清晰表明中非命运共同体有其深厚的历史渊源。回望历史，中非命运共同体是中国共产党坚持胸怀天下的生动体现，是中非人民过去半个多世纪患难与共、彼此同情、相互支持的历史结晶。“上世纪五六十年代，毛泽东、周恩来等新中国第一代领导人和非洲老一辈政治家共同开启了中非关系新纪元。”[3]毛泽东站在历史和时代发展的高度，坚定支持非洲人民反殖反帝、争取民族独立和解放的斗争，给予非洲人民以无限同情与物质援助，开创了大国平等对待弱小国家和民族的崭新历史，为中非命运共同体奠定情感基础、塑造价值共识、提供基本遵循。本文拟从以上三个方面探讨毛泽东对构建中非命运共同体的历史性贡献，为新时代共筑更加紧密的中非命运共同体提供有益启示。

I. Laying the Emotional Foundation for the China-Africa Community with a Shared Future

一、为中非命运共同体奠定情感基础

Emotion influences not only individual thought and behavior but also the development of nations, peoples, political parties, and societies. In interstate relations, positive and proactive emotions serve as the psychological bond for good relations. Based on the common historical experiences, common development tasks, and common strategic interests of China and Africa, Mao Zedong understood China-Africa relations from the perspective of world revolution. He resolutely supported Africa’s just struggle against colonialism, racism, and imperialism and for national independence and liberation. China and Africa “forged a brotherly friendship of sharing weal and woe, breathing the same air, and being linked heart to heart,” [4]4 The “ten years of internal turmoil” refers to the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The “English translator rebellion” was an incident where a Chinese translator in Tanzania promoted ultra-leftist ideas among local workers, violating diplomatic norms. laying the emotional foundation for the China-Africa community with a shared future.

情感既作用于个人的思想和行为，也影响国家、民族、政党和社会的发展。在国与国的交往中，正向积极的情感是良好关系的心理纽带。基于中非共同的历史境遇、共同的发展任务、共同的战略利益，毛泽东从世界革命的角度认识中国与非洲的关系，坚决支持非洲反对殖民主义、种族主义与帝国主义，争取国家独立和民族解放的正义斗争，中非之间“结下了同呼吸、共命运、心连心的兄弟情谊”[4]，为中非命运共同体奠定了情感基础。

(1) Political Emotion of Sharing Weal and Woe

（一）患难与共的政治情感

In modern times, both China and Africa suffered aggression from Western powers. This shared historical experience created a natural affinity between China and Africa. In a conversation with friends from Guinea, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Your situation and ours are similar, quite close, so we get along well with you.” [5]5 Julius Nyerere (1922–1999) was the first president of Tanzania (1964–1985) and a key figure in African socialism. Shortly after the founding of New China, Paul Robeson, chairman of the Council on African Affairs, sent a congratulatory telegram to Mao Zedong, praising the People’s Republic of China as “a great force for world peace and human freedom.” [6]6 “Rebellion is justified” (造反有理) was a slogan from the Cultural Revolution, encouraging defiance of established authority. Mao Zedong paid close attention to developments and changes on the African continent. In October 1951, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The national liberation struggles in North Africa are surging vigorously, and the strength of the entire imperialist system has been greatly weakened.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Nyerere of Tanzania” (29 October 1968), cited in *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1990), p. 465. He saw the dawn of African national liberation and gave full support to Africa’s struggles against racism, colonialism, and imperialism, demonstrating the political emotion of sharing weal and woe between China and Africa.

在近代，中国和非洲都遭受过西方列强的侵略，相同的历史遭遇使中非之间有着天然的亲近感。毛泽东在会见几内亚朋友的谈话中指出：“我们和你们的情况差不多，比较接近，所以我们同你们谈得来。”[5]新中国刚成立，非洲事务会议主席保罗·罗伯逊就给毛泽东发贺电，称赞中华人民共和国是“争取世界和平与人类自由的一个伟大力量”[6]。毛泽东十分关注非洲大陆的发展变化。1951年10月，毛泽东指出：“北部非洲的民族解放斗争蓬蓬勃勃地起来了，整个帝国主义体系的力量极大地削弱了。”[7]他看到非洲民族解放的曙光，给予非洲反种族主义、反殖民主义和反帝国主义以全力支持，彰显了中非患难与共的政治情感。

The racist regime in South Africa implemented the world’s most brutal and darkest system of racial discrimination, successively promulgating more than 70 racist and oppressive decrees, such as the “Pass Laws,” the “Apartheid Act,” and the “Native Resettlement Act,” which deprived Africans of their rights and freedoms almost entirely. Mao Zedong repeatedly replied to telegrams from the South African Indian Congress and the African National Congress, expressing deep sympathy and full support for the struggles of non-white people in South Africa against racial discrimination and oppression and for democratic rights and improved living conditions. In June 1950, the “Apartheid Act” proposed by the South African Union government was passed in parliament. This act confined non-white people (native South Africans, Indians, and a small number of Chinese), who constituted more than two-thirds of the Union’s population, to several segregated areas, sparking fierce opposition and protest from all ethnic groups in South Africa. Mao Zedong replied to a telegram from South African Communists, expressing complete support for the just protests of the South African people. [8]8 Quoted in *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy*, p. 465. In December 1957, the African National Congress held its 45th annual conference, and Mao Zedong sent a telegram of congratulations, “expressing sympathy and support for the South African people’s struggle for basic human rights and against racial discrimination.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Kaunda of Zambia” (22 February 1974), and “Talk with Chairman Boumediene of the Algerian Revolutionary Council” (25 February 1974), cited in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 13 (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1998), pp. 376, 378. Mao Zedong regarded the South African people’s struggle against apartheid as an important part of the African continent’s cause of national independence and political liberation. This not only bolstered the confidence of the South African people in their struggle against racist rule but also helped China break through the external blockade it faced at the time, enabling China and Africa to support each other and stand shoulder to shoulder.

南非种族主义政权实行世界上最野蛮和最黑暗的种族歧视制度，先后颁布了“通行证法”“种族隔离法”“土著迁移法”等70多种种族歧视和压迫的法令，非洲人的权利和自由被剥夺殆尽。毛泽东多次复电南非印度人大会、非洲人国民大会，对南非非白色人民反对种族歧视和压迫、争取民主权利和改善生活条件的斗争给予深切同情和全力支持。1950年6月，南非联邦政府提出的“种族隔离法案”在议会通过，该法案将占联邦人口三分之二以上的非白种人（南非土人、印度人、少数中国人）禁锢于几个隔离的地区以内，引起南非各族人民的激烈反对与抗议。毛泽东复电南非共产党人表示完全支持南非人民合理的抗议。[8]1957年12月，非洲人国民大会召开第45次年会，毛泽东致电祝贺，“对南非人民争取基本人权和反对种族歧视的斗争表示同情和支持”[9]。毛泽东将南非人民反对种族隔离的斗争视为非洲大陆争取民族独立和政治解放事业的重要组成部分，既增添了南非人民反对种族主义统治的斗争信心，也有助于中国打破当时面临的外部封锁，使中国与非洲相互声援，并肩站在一起。

From the 1950s onward, Africa became the main stage for the global struggle against colonialism and for national liberation. From the height of the world national liberation movement, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Africa is the front line of struggle.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Kaunda of Zambia” (22 February 1974), in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 13, p. 377. In the clearest terms, he told African friends: “We are all on the same front line; your struggle is a help to us,” [11]11 Quoted in *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy*, p. 465. and “We support any struggle for independence by African countries.” [12]12 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the Guinean Government Economic Delegation and Women’s Delegation” (3 May 1963), in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 10, p. 292. In the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and hegemonism and for national self-reliance and self-strengthening, China and Africa “discovered each other at the same time,” [13]13 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the Guinean Government Delegation” (September 1965), cited in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 11 (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1996), p. 442. forging an emotion of “sharing weal and woe” and strengthening the African people’s belief in the inevitability of victory in their struggle.

20世纪50年代起，非洲成为全世界反对殖民主义和争取民族解放的主要舞台。毛泽东站在世界民族解放运动的高度指出：“非洲是斗争的前线。”[10]他以最鲜明的态度向非洲朋友表示，“我们都是站在一条战线上的，你们的斗争就是对我们的帮助”[11]，“对于非洲国家任何为独立而进行的斗争，我们都是支持的”[12]。在共同反帝反殖反霸和追求民族自立自强的斗争中，中非“同时发现了对方”[13]，结下“患难与共”的情感，增强了非洲人民斗争必胜的信念。

(2) Affectionate and Friendly Emotion in Interaction

（二）亲和友善的交往情感

In the early days of the founding of New China, there were no diplomatic relations between China and Africa, and personnel exchanges were extremely rare. Mao Zedong frankly admitted: “We are not clear about Africa’s history, geography, and current situation,” and “As far as I am concerned, I am not very clear.” [14]14 The Eight Principles for Foreign Aid were announced by Premier Zhou Enlai during his 1963–1964 Africa tour, emphasizing equality, mutual benefit, and no conditions attached. He deeply recognized that cognition and understanding were prerequisites for establishing emotional interaction between China and Africa. To this end, Mao Zedong proposed compiling a concise book on Africa’s general situation within one to two years, and he specifically stressed that “the content must include how imperialism came about, how it oppresses the people, how it encountered the people’s resistance, how the resistance failed, and how it has now risen again.” [15]15 The Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA) was a major Chinese-aided project built between 1970 and 1975, linking landlocked Zambia to the Tanzanian port of Dar es Salaam. Following his instructions, the “Handbook on Africa (General Situation Section)” was published in 1962, becoming an introductory book for people to understand Africa at that time. In addition, official media such as the People’s Daily and the Guangming Daily began to publish articles introducing the history and current situation of African countries, reporting on the latest developments in the united struggle of African countries against imperialism, colonialism, and hegemonism, and profoundly exposing the plunder of African resources, economic expansion, and the suffering inflicted on the African people by old and new colonialists. The shared historical experiences and historical tasks shortened the psychological distance between the Chinese and African peoples, laying the foundation for affectionate and friendly emotional interaction between China and Africa.

新中国成立之初，中非之间尚无外交关系，人员往来也极少。毛泽东坦言，“对于非洲的历史、地理和当前情况都不清楚”，“就我来说，不算清楚”[14]。他深刻地认识到，认知与了解是中非之间建立交往情感的前提。为此，毛泽东提议用1-2年的时间编写一本关于非洲概况的简明图书，并特别强调“内容要有帝国主义是怎么来的，怎样压迫人民，怎样遇到人民的抵抗，抵抗如何失败了，现在又怎么起来了”[15]。遵照他的指示，《非洲手册（概况部分）》于1962年出版，成为当时人们认知与了解非洲的入门书籍。此外，《人民日报》《光明日报》等官方媒体也开始刊文介绍非洲国家的历史和现状，报道非洲各国团结合作反帝反殖反霸斗争的最新形势，深刻揭露新老殖民者对非洲资源的掠夺、经济的扩张以及由此给非洲人民带来的苦难。相同的历史遭遇与历史任务拉近了中非人民的心理距离，为中非亲和友善的交往情感奠定了基础。

After China established diplomatic relations with Egypt in 1956, the number of African countries establishing diplomatic relations with China increased sharply. From the 1960s onward, large numbers of African state leaders were invited to visit China. In September 1960, President Sékou Touré of the Republic of Guinea led a delegation to visit China at China’s invitation; this was the first African state leader to visit China in the history of China-Africa relations. Mao Zedong warmly received Touré in the Hall of Diligent Government [Qinzheng Hall] in Zhongnanhai. [2]2 The “Third World” (第三世界) refers to developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and other regions, a term Mao Zedong used in his “Three Worlds” theory (1974) to describe nations outside the two superpower blocs. Thereafter, Mao Zedong successively received more than twenty African state leaders who came to visit, including Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah, Congolese President Alphonse Massamba-Débat, Malian President Modibo Keïta, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, Sudanese President Gaafar Nimeiry, Cameroonian President Ahmadou Ahidjo, and Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda. The visiting African state leaders were all extremely eager to meet Mao Zedong. It is worth noting that Mao Zedong, due to illness, was unable to meet visiting Somali President Siad Barre and Gabonese President Omar Bongo on his second visit to China, [3]3 Mao Zedong, “Talk with the Guinean Government Economic Delegation and Women’s Delegation” (3 May 1963), in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 10 (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1996), p. 291. and felt deeply apologetic about this. On March 26, 1973, while meeting Cameroonian President Ahidjo, Mao Zedong entrusted Ahidjo, saying, “If you see him (Siad Barre — author’s note), please give him my regards.” [4]4 The “ten years of internal turmoil” refers to the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The “English translator rebellion” was an incident where a Chinese translator in Tanzania promoted ultra-leftist ideas among local workers, violating diplomatic norms. On June 27, 1975, Mao Zedong wrote a letter of apology to Bongo from his sickbed: “Confined to bed and unable to receive you, I am deeply sorry; please forgive me.” [5]5 Julius Nyerere (1922–1999) was the first president of Tanzania (1964–1985) and a key figure in African socialism. African state leaders were moved by the great importance Mao Zedong attached to their visits to China. In December 1975, when President Manuel Pinto da Costa of the Democratic Republic of São Tomé and Príncipe, a country with only a little over a hundred thousand people, came to visit, and the conversation turned to China’s provision of aid, Mao Zedong sincerely suggested that they “first solve the difficulties, the problems of food and clothing, and then aid construction, with interest-free long-term loans.” [6]6 “Rebellion is justified” (造反有理) was a slogan from the Cultural Revolution, encouraging defiance of established authority. Through cordial talks with visiting state leaders, Mao Zedong fully expressed his sympathy and support for the oppressed peoples of Africa, enhancing the sentiments of affinity and friendly interaction between China and Africa.

自1956年中国与埃及建交之后，与中国建交的非洲国家数量急剧增加。从20世纪60年代起，大批非洲国家领导人应邀访问中国。1960年9月，几内亚共和国总统杜尔应邀率团访问中国，这是在中非关系史上第一位访问中国的非洲国家领导人，毛泽东在中南海勤政殿亲切会见了杜尔。此后，毛泽东先后会见来访的加纳总统恩克鲁玛、刚果总统马桑巴-带巴、马里总统凯塔、坦桑尼亚总统尼雷尔、苏丹总统尼迈里、喀麦隆总统阿希乔、赞比亚总统卡翁达等20多位非洲国家领导人。来访的非洲国家领导人都非常渴望见到毛泽东。值得一提的是，毛泽东因病未能会见来访的索马里总统西亚德以及第二次访华的加蓬总统邦戈[16]，为此深感歉疚。1973年3月26日，在会见喀麦隆总统阿希乔时，毛泽东嘱托阿希乔，“你如果看到他（西亚德——笔者注），替我问候他”[17]。1975年6月27日，毛泽东在病榻上给邦戈写了一封致歉信：“卧床不起，不能接见，深为抱歉，请赐原谅。”[18]非洲国家领导人因毛泽东对他们访华的高度重视而感动。1975年12月，只有十几万人的圣多美和普林西比民主共和国总统达科斯塔来访，当谈到中国给予援助时，毛泽东真诚建议他们“先解决困难，吃饭、穿衣问题，然后再援助建设，无息长期贷款”[19]。通过与来访国家领导人的亲切会谈，毛泽东充分表达了对非洲被压迫人民的同情与支持，增进了中非亲和友善的交往情感。

Apart from the visits of African state leaders, the African people also yearned greatly for China. Mao Zedong repeatedly stressed that “all African friends are welcome to the Chinese people” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Nyerere of Tanzania” (29 October 1968), cited in *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1990), p. 465. and attached importance to promoting interactions and exchanges between various non-governmental organizations in China and Africa to strengthen the sentiments of interaction between the two countries, believing that when non-governmental organizations “come to our country to visit, it shows they think highly of us; it is a kind of friendship.” [8]8 Quoted in *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy*, p. 465. After the founding of New China, delegations of African youth students, trade unions, women’s organizations, and others coming to visit increased year by year. According to incomplete statistics, in 1958 there were 18 African delegations visiting from various countries; in 1959 this increased to 39; and in 1960 it surged to 88. [9]9 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Kaunda of Zambia” (22 February 1974), and “Talk with Chairman Boumediene of the Algerian Revolutionary Council” (25 February 1974), cited in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 13 (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1998), pp. 376, 378. Mao Zedong cordially received members of visiting delegations, such as receiving the Black African Youth Delegation to China in July 1958 and receiving the Kenya African National Union delegation in September 1963. During these meetings, Mao Zedong inquired in detail of his African friends about their countries’ basic conditions — geographical location, economy, population, area, language, climate, rivers, and so on — introduced to them the experience and strategies of the Chinese revolution, and encouraged the African people to unite in their struggle and break free from superstitions about imperialism. Mao Zedong’s affable and friendly words and deeds won the respect of the African people, just as Kenyan Minister of Home Affairs Oginga Odinga said: “Chairman Mao’s name is known throughout Africa; even many children have taken the Chairman’s name.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “Talk with President Kaunda of Zambia” (22 February 1974), in *Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China*, Vol. 13, p. 377.

除非洲国家领导人来访外，非洲人民也十分向往中国。毛泽东反复强调，“所有非洲的朋友，都受到中国人民的欢迎”[20]，并重视推动中非各类民间团体的互动往来以加强国家间的交往情感，认为民间团体“来我们国家访问，是看得起我们，是一种友谊”[21]。新中国成立后，非洲国家青年学生、工会以及妇女组织等代表团来访逐年增多。据不完全统计，1958年有18个非洲各国代表团来访，1959年增加到39个，1960年激增到88个。[22]毛泽东亲切会见来访代表团成员，如1958年7月会见黑非洲青年访华代表团、1963年9月会见肯尼亚非洲民族联盟代表团等。在会见时，毛泽东向非洲朋友详细询问其国家的地理位置、经济、人口、面积、语言、气候、河流等基本情况，向他们介绍中国革命的经验和斗争策略，并鼓舞非洲人民在斗争中要团结起来，破除对帝国主义的迷信。毛泽东亲和友善的言行赢得了非洲人民的尊敬，正如肯尼亚内政部部长奥廷加所说：“毛主席的名字全非洲都知道，甚至有许多小孩都取了主席的名字。”[23]

(3

（三）慷慨无私的互助情感

In the process of African countries striving for national liberation and safeguarding national independence, Mao Zedong not only provided political and moral support but also extended various substantive forms of assistance to African countries, including funds, weapons, materials, and personnel training. At a time when China’s own economic strength was limited, it supported the national liberation movements of African countries with actions that sought no return. African peoples were moved by this, and they in turn actively voiced support for and assisted the just cause of the Chinese people. Thus, a sentiment of generous and selfless mutual aid was forged between China and Africa.

在非洲国家争取民族解放及维护民族独立的过程中，毛泽东除了从政治上、道义上给予支持之外，还向非洲国家提供资金、武器、物资、人员培训等各项实质性援助。在当时自身经济实力有限的情况下，中国以不求回报的行动支持非洲国家的民族解放运动，非洲人民为之感动，他们对中国人民的正义事业也给予积极声援与支持，中非之间结下慷慨无私的互助情感。

Mao Zedong’s close attention to and support for the Algerian people’s struggle for national independence is a true portrayal of this selfless assistance. On 19 September 1958, the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic was established. On 22 September, Mao Zedong sent a telegram expressing warm congratulations. Prior to this, French political figures had repeatedly indicated France’s intention to establish diplomatic relations with China, on the condition that China cease its support for the Algerian national liberation movement. Mao Zedong categorically rejected France’s conditions and resolutely supported the Algerian people’s liberation struggle. On 17 May 1960, Mao Zedong, when meeting with a delegation from the Algerian Provisional Government, stated: “We stand on your side, not on de Gaulle’s side; we are not afraid of de Gaulle getting angry.”[24]24 Source note: 70. See Wang Hongyi, *The Tanzania-Zambia Railway: A Monument to China-Africa Friendship*, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2015, p. 107. During the period when the Algerian people were waging an armed struggle for national independence and liberation, China provided the Algerian Provisional Government with military equipment, materials, and cash assistance free of charge. After Algeria achieved independence, its national treasury was strapped, and its financial and economic situation was quite difficult. In October 1963, China and Algeria signed their first economic and technical cooperation agreement, providing Algeria with an interest-free loan of 250 million French francs (approximately 125 million yuan) for the construction of turnkey projects[25]25 Source note: 71. See Wang Hongyi, *The Tanzania-Zambia Railway: A Monument to China-Africa Friendship*, p. 107., thereby winning the gratitude and trust of the African people. Algerian Vice Premier Belkacem stated during his visit to China: “The Algerian people warmly thank the Chinese people for the concrete assistance they have given us.”[26]26 Source note: 72. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2019, p. 216.

毛泽东高度关注并支持阿尔及利亚人民争取民族独立的斗争就是无私帮助的真实写照。1958年9月19日，阿尔及利亚共和国临时政府成立。9月22日，毛泽东致电表示热烈祝贺。此前，法国政要多次流露出法国要与中国建交的意向，其条件是要中国停止对阿尔及利亚民族解放运动的支持。毛泽东断然拒绝了法国的交换条件，坚决支持阿尔及利亚人民的解放斗争。1960年5月17日，毛泽东在会见阿尔及利亚临时政府代表团时表明：“我们是站在你们一边，不站在戴高乐一边的，我们不怕戴高乐生气。”[24]在阿尔及利亚人民为争取民族独立和解放开展武装斗争期间，中国向阿尔及利亚临时政府无偿提供军事装备、物资和现汇援助。阿尔及利亚取得独立后，国库拮据，财政经济相当困难。1963年10月，中国与阿尔及利亚签署第一个经济技术合作协定，向阿尔及利亚提供2.5亿法国法郎(约合1.25亿元人民币)无息贷款，用于援建成套项目[25]，赢得非洲人民的感激与信任。阿尔及利亚贝勒卡塞姆副总理在访华时讲道：“阿尔及利亚人民热烈感谢中国人民给予他们的切实的援助。”[26]

Furthermore, to support the national liberation movements in Africa, the Chinese government also sent military experts to Africa to train combatants. Chinese military experts trained nearly 10,000 fighters for Mozambique at camps in Tanzania. To support the just struggle of the South African people against racism, the Chinese government, starting from July 1960, severed all economic and trade relations with the colonial authorities of the Union of South Africa.[27]27 Source note: 73. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, p. 216. These acts of helping those in distress and generous selflessness won the respect of the African people, who in turn supported the just cause of the Chinese people. In October 1971, the 26th Session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution restoring the lawful seat of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. Of the 76 votes in favor, 26 came from African countries.[28]28 Source note: 74. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. After the vote results were announced, representatives of African countries danced in the corridors of the UN General Assembly hall, celebrating China’s restoration of its lawful rights in the United Nations. Upon learning of this, Mao Zedong said with deep feeling: “It was mainly our brothers from the Third World who carried us in.”[29]29 Source note: 75. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2.

此外，为支持非洲的民族解放运动，中国政府还派遣军事专家赴非洲训练战斗人员，中国军事专家在坦桑尼亚营地为莫桑比克培训了近万名战士；为支持南非人民反对种族主义的正义斗争，中国政府从1960年7月起断绝了同南非联邦殖民当局的一切经济贸易关系[27]。这些扶危济困、慷慨无私的义举赢得非洲人民的尊敬，他们对中国人民的正义事业也给予支持。1971年10月，第二十六届联合国大会通过决议，恢复中华人民共和国在联合国的合法席位，表决时的76张赞成票中有26张来自非洲国家。[28]表决结果公布后，非洲国家代表在联合国会议大厅的过道上载歌载舞，庆祝中国恢复在联合国合法权利。毛泽东得知这个消息后深情地说：“主要是第三世界兄弟把我们抬进去的。”[29]

Social sentiment is a tremendous spiritual force. Mao Zedong was adept at grasping the trends of the historical tide, enabling China and Africa to form political sentiments of sharing weal and woe, friendly and amiable sentiments in their interactions, and generous and selfless sentiments of mutual aid amidst the struggles against imperialism, colonialism, and hegemonism, on the journey of development and revitalization, and in the complex and changing situation. This infused emotional strength into the China-Africa community with a shared future.

社会情感是一种巨大的精神力量。毛泽东善于把握历史大潮的趋势，使中非双方在反帝反殖反霸的斗争中、发展振兴的征程上、纷繁复杂的变局中形成患难与共的政治情感、亲和友善的交往情感、慷慨无私的互助情感，为中非命运共同体注入情感力量。

II. Shaping Value Consensus for the China-Africa Community with a Shared Future

二、为中非命运共同体塑造价值共识

Value consensus refers to different subjects, in order to meet common needs and realize common interests, reaching relatively consistent opinions and recognition of a certain value and its rationality through mutual communication. Value consensus is the prerequisite and foundation for international exchanges and the ideological cornerstone for building the China-Africa community with a shared future. After the founding of New China, Mao Zedong not only actively voiced support for Africa’s struggles against colonialism, imperialism, and hegemonism for national independence but also “actively carried out practical cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual benefit, in line with the trends of the times and the respective development needs of both sides.”[30]30 Source note: 76. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. This shaped for the China-Africa community with a shared future value consensuses such as sincerity, friendship, and equal treatment; balancing interests with righteousness and prioritizing righteousness; and upholding fairness and justice.

价值共识是指不同主体为满足共同的需求、实现共同的利益，通过相互沟通对某种价值及其合理性达成相对一致的意见和认同。价值共识是国际交往的前提和根据，是构建中非命运共同体的思想基石。新中国成立后，毛泽东不仅积极声援非洲反殖反帝反霸争取民族独立的斗争，还“顺应时代潮流和各自发展需要，在平等互利基础上积极开展务实合作”[30]，为中非命运共同体塑造了真诚友好、平等相待，义利相兼、以义为先，主持公道、捍卫正义等价值共识。

(1) Value Consensus of Sincerity, Friendship, and Equal Treatment

（一）真诚友好、平等相待的价值共识

Faced with the complex world situation after the end of World War II, Mao Zedong, when meeting with visiting foreign friends, emphasized: “We feel the most cordial when meeting friends from three places: Asia, Africa, and Latin America. We feel equal.”[31]31 Source note: 77. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. “The relationship between us is a fraternal one, not one of father to son.”[32]32 Source note: 78. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, p. 216. Mao Zedong advocated treating African countries, regardless of their size, with the value concept of sincerity, friendship, and equal treatment. This was mainly manifested in China not acting as a major power and insisting on equality among all nations.

面对二战结束后纷繁复杂的世界局势，毛泽东在会见来访的外国友人时强调：“我们见到三个地方的朋友最亲热，就是亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲，我们感到平等。”[31]“我们之间的关系是兄弟关系，不是老子对儿子的关系。”[32]毛泽东主张对待非洲国家不论大小，秉持真诚友好、平等相待的价值理念，其主要表现为中国不以大国自居，坚持国与国之间一律平等。

In his conversations with African political figures and friends, Mao Zedong repeatedly took the initiative to discuss opposition to great-power chauvinism. On 3 May 1963, during a talk with the Guinean government economic delegation and women’s delegation, Mao asked: “If any of our people do bad things in your country, you should tell us. For example, looking down on you, being arrogant, displaying a great-power chauvinist attitude. Are there such people? If there are, we will punish them.” [33]33 Source note: 79. See Shanghai Local History Office, ed., *Shanghai Textile Industry History*, Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1998, p. 215. The Guinean delegation genuinely felt Mao’s attitude and determination in opposing great-power chauvinism. However, during the ten years of internal turmoil [the Cultural Revolution], Chinese diplomacy was interfered with by ultra-leftist trends, and great-power chauvinism infiltrated to varying degrees among some members of China’s institutions in Africa. The most prominent case was the rebellion of an English translator at the China-aided Tanzania Friendship Textile Mill. An English translator sent from Shanghai’s textile system engaged in agitation among Tanzanian workers, propagating “rebellion is justified.” [34]34 Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Forge a China-Africa Community with a Shared Future in the New Era,” speech at the opening ceremony of the 2018 Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, September 3, 2018. Nyerere was deeply worried about this abnormal situation, and for this reason made his second visit to China in October 1968. When Mao met Nyerere, he focused on the English translator rebellion incident, saying that some of the people China sent abroad were also bad, and that such people would be recalled as soon as they were discovered, with no leniency. [35]35 “Sincerity, real results, amity and good faith” (真实亲诚) is a four-character phrase summarizing China’s policy principles toward Africa, emphasizing genuine friendship, tangible outcomes, close affinity, and good faith. Nyerere was deeply moved. After returning home, he told China’s ambassador to Tanzania: “There is no other country in the world that would treat its own dispatched experts and recipient countries in this way.” [36] In addition, some embassies in African countries and their foreign affairs personnel indiscriminately distributed Chairman Mao’s quotations and badges, supporting the “leftists” in the host country against the government, arousing the doubts and unease of the host country’s leaders. [37] Mao promptly and severely criticized such erroneous acts of great-power chauvinism. He always firmly believed that “the Chinese people should resolutely, thoroughly, cleanly, and completely eliminate great-power chauvinism in international relations.” [38]

毛泽东在会见非洲政要及友人的谈话中，多次主动论及反对大国沙文主义。1963年5月3日，毛泽东在同几内亚政府经济代表团和妇女代表团的谈话中问道：“如果我们有人在你们那里做坏事，你们就对我们讲。例如看不起你们，自高自大，表现大国沙文主义态度。有没有这种人？如果有这种人，我们要处分他们。”[33]几内亚代表团从中真切感受到毛泽东反对大国沙文主义的态度与决心。然而，在十年内乱期间，中国外交受到极“左”思潮的干扰，大国主义不同程度地渗透到我国驻非机构部分成员当中，最突出的是我国援助坦桑尼亚友谊纺织印染厂的英语翻译造反事件。从上海纺织系统派出的英语翻译在坦桑尼亚工人中搞串连活动，宣传“造反有理”。[34]尼雷尔对这种不正常情况深为忧虑，为此在1968年10月第二次访华。毛泽东在会见尼雷尔时着重谈到英语翻译造反事件，说中国派到国外的人也有不好的，这样的人发现一个撤回一个，决不姑息。[35]尼雷尔深受触动，回国后他对我国驻坦大使说：“世界上没有第二个国家能这样对待自己派出的专家和受援国。”[36]此外，有的驻非洲国家使馆和涉外人员滥发毛主席语录、像章，支持驻在国的“左派”反对政府，引起驻在国领导人的疑虑和不安。[37]毛泽东及时对这类大国沙文主义的错误行为进行严厉批评。他始终坚信“中国人在国际交往方面，应当坚决、彻底、干净、全部地消灭大国主义”[38]。

Mao Zedong resolutely opposed interfering in the internal affairs of other countries and respected their sovereignty and independence. When African leaders visited China, Mao personally explained the great-power chauvinist mistakes made by some staff members in Africa, dispelling doubts. In February 1974, Mao successively met with Zambian President Kaunda and Algerian Revolutionary Council Chairman Boumediene, voluntarily admitting that China “has some people who look down on the people of some Third World countries” and had committed great-power chauvinist mistakes. He reminded African friends to pay attention, saying “our subordinate staff love to boast about their achievements but are unwilling to talk about their mistakes,” and stressed that “if bad things are done, no matter which country they come from, the people involved should be educated, punished, or sent back.” [39] Mao entrusted Kaunda and Nyerere with educating Chinese engineering personnel in Africa, “otherwise those people will stick their tails up to the sky.” [40] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs compiled the content of Mao’s talks with Kaunda and Boumediene into a “Foreign Affairs Bulletin,” which the Central Committee of the CPC circulated, requiring responsible persons of all units to convey it to the broad ranks of cadres. Through Mao’s repeated explanations, African countries’ doubts about whether China practiced great-power chauvinism were significantly reduced, enhancing the value consensus of sincere friendship and equal treatment between China and Africa. As Nyerere said: “China recognizes the dignity of all people and the rights of all countries, regardless of whether they are big or small.” [41]

毛泽东坚决反对干涉他国内部事务，尊重他国的主权和独立。在非洲国家领导人访华时，毛泽东对部分工作人员在非洲犯的大国沙文主义错误亲自解释，化解疑虑。1974年2月，毛泽东先后会见赞比亚总统卡翁达及阿尔及利亚革命委员会主席布迈丁，主动承认中国“有一些人看不起第三世界一些国家的人民”，犯过大国沙文主义的错误，并提醒非洲朋友要注意，“我们下面的工作人员就爱吹他的成绩，而不爱把自己的错误讲出来”，强调“做了坏事，不管哪个国家的都应该教育、处分或者把他们赶回去”[39]。毛泽东委托卡翁达及尼雷尔教育中国在非洲的工程人员，“不然那些人就把尾巴翘到天上”[40]。外交部将毛泽东会见卡翁达、布迈丁的谈话内容整理为《外交通报》，中共中央转发了这一通报，并要求各单位负责人向广大干部传达。在毛泽东的多次解释下，非洲国家对中国是否奉行大国沙文主义的疑虑有了明显减少，增进了中非真诚友好、平等相待的价值共识。正如尼雷尔所说：“中国承认所有人的人格和所有国家的权利，而不论他们的力量是大还是小。”[41]

(2) Value Consensus of Balancing Righteousness and Benefit, with Righteousness Taking Precedence

（二）义利相兼、以义为先的价值共识

The situation in Africa after independence remained grim. Although African countries had achieved political independence, they still found it difficult to break free from economic dependence on their former colonial masters. To better control Africa, European and American countries frequently provided various forms of alms-like aid to cultivate their respective proxies in Africa and compete for regional dominance. Leaders of newly independent African countries such as Ghana, Guinea, Tanzania, and Mali were deeply worried about the state of post-independence Africa and came to China one after another, hoping to establish economic and trade relations with China. Facing the economic difficulties and demands of Africa’s politically independent countries, Mao, in his talks with visiting African leaders and delegations, stressed: “We hope you can stand firm, not only politically but also economically, and not be overthrown.” [42] Mao attached great importance to developing aid and trade relations with Africa, focusing on shaping a value consensus of balancing righteousness and benefit, with righteousness taking precedence.

独立后的非洲形势依然严峻，非洲国家虽在政治上获得独立，但仍难以摆脱对原宗主国的经济依附。欧美国家为了更好地控制非洲，频频给予各式各样的施舍性援助，以培植各自在非洲的代理人，争夺地区的主导权。加纳、几内亚、坦桑尼亚、马里等非洲新独立国家的领导人对独立后非洲国家的状况极为忧虑，纷纷来华访问，希望同中国建立经济贸易关系。面对非洲政治独立国家的经济困境及其诉求，毛泽东在同来访的非洲国家领导人及代表团的谈话中强调：“我们希望你们站住脚，不仅在政治上，而且要在经济上站住脚，不要被人颠覆掉了。”[42]毛泽东十分重视发展对非援助及贸易关系，注重塑造义利相兼、以义为先的价值共识。

Unlike the major Western powers, which treated aid to Africa as a key to opening the door to Africa, Mao adhered to the principles of “non-exclusivity,” “no conditions,” and “no privileges” in aid to Africa, and through the construction of infrastructure projects, helped Africa achieve self-reliance and develop its national economy. Mao always stressed: “Without economic independence, a country’s independence is incomplete and not consolidated.” [43] To truly help African countries, Mao required Chinese experts in Africa to use the method of “passing on experience, helping, and leading” to teach technology to personnel in the recipient countries. In September 1965, Mao said to a visiting Guinean government delegation: “Chinese experts in Guinea should work together with the local people, so that after our experts leave, your experts can take over.” [44] For example, to meet the needs of the construction and operation of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway, the Chinese construction expert team, over more than five years, “trained over 12,000 technical workers for Tanzania and Zambia, of whom more than 600 later became technical backbone of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway Authority.” [45] In addition, the aid-to-Africa work teams resolutely followed the requirements of the Eight Principles for Foreign Aid, ensuring the quality of aid projects and equipment, and formed project quality inspection teams. “This team visited five countries—Somalia, Tanzania, Congo, Mali, and Guinea—from April to September 1973, inspecting a total of 55 projects,” [46] focusing on checking the quality of construction projects. Problems, regardless of size, were remedied or compensated for, shaping a value consensus of balancing righteousness and benefit, with righteousness taking precedence.

与西方大国把对非援助当作打开非洲大门的钥匙不同，毛泽东坚持“不排他”“无附加”“无特权”的对非援助原则，并通过援建基础设施项目实现非洲的自力更生，帮助其发展民族经济。毛泽东始终强调：“没有经济独立，一个国家的独立就是不完全、不巩固的。”[43]为了能够真正帮助非洲各国，毛泽东要求援非的中国专家通过“传帮带”的方式向受援国的人员传授技术。1965年9月，毛泽东对来访的几内亚政府代表团说：“在几内亚的中国专家应该同那里的群众一道工作，要做到我们的专家走了，你们的专家能接下手来。”[44]比如，为适应坦赞铁路建设和运营的需要，中国施工专家组在五年多时间里，“为坦赞两国培训了1.2万多名技术工人,其中有600多名后来成为坦赞铁路局的技术骨干”[45]。此外，对非援助工作队伍坚决按照援外八项原则的要求，确保援外工程和设备的质量，并抽调人员组成项目质量检查小组，“该组于1973年4月至9月先后赴索马里、坦桑尼亚、刚果、马里、几内亚五国，共检查了55个项目”[46]，对建筑工程的质量问题进行重点检查，存在问题的则不论大小给与补救或赔偿损失，塑造了义利相兼、以义为先的价值共识。

After independence, most African countries, subject to the monopoly and control of their former colonial masters over their products, generally faced difficulties such as economic downturn and foreign exchange shortages. Some African countries could not even sustain the commodities available for trade, and they actively sought help from China. In response to this situation, Mao advocated providing trade assistance to African countries within China’s capacity. China successively signed intergovernmental payment agreements with more than 20 African countries, including Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, and Cameroon, adopting a bookkeeping trade payment method to solve the problem of insufficient foreign exchange hindering cash trade between China and Africa. In the 1950s and 1960s, China provided $102 million in commodity loans to African countries [47] through trade loans, economic aid loans, financial aid loans, and grants, offering commodity assistance to African countries. China actively imported goods from African countries, such as cotton from Uganda and Nigeria, gum arabic from Sudan, cocoa beans from Ghana, coffee and palm kernels from Guinea, and sardine cans and phosphates from Morocco; for goods urgently needed by African countries, such as green tea, black tea, food, frozen beef and mutton, and light textile products [48], China also arranged for export supply as much as possible. These are all vivid manifestations of the value consensus of balancing righteousness and benefit, with righteousness taking precedence between China and Africa, and played a positive role in promoting friendly cooperation between China and Africa.

独立之后，多数非洲国家受原宗主国对其产品的垄断和控制，普遍面临经济下滑、外汇储备短缺等困难，有些非洲国家连可用于贸易的商品也难以为继，他们积极向中国寻求帮助。针对这一情况，毛泽东主张在力所能及的范围内为非洲国家提供贸易援助。中国先后同埃及、摩洛哥、突尼斯、阿尔及利亚、赤道几内亚、卢旺达、喀麦隆等20多个非洲国家签订了政府间支付协定，采取记帐贸易支付方式，解决中非因外汇不足而导致难以进行现汇贸易的问题。在20世纪50-60年代，中国通过贸易贷款、经援贷款、财政援助贷款、无偿赠款等方式，向非洲国家提供1.02亿美元商品贷款[47]，给非洲国家提供商品援助。中国积极进口非洲国家的商品，如乌干达和尼日利亚等国的棉花、苏丹的阿拉伯胶、加纳的可可豆、几内亚的咖啡和棕榈仁、摩洛哥的沙丁鱼罐头和磷酸盐；对于非洲国家急需的绿茶、红茶、食品、冻牛羊肉和轻纺产品等[48]，中国也尽量安排出口供应。以上都是中非之间义利相兼、以义为先的价值共识的生动体现，对推动中非友好合作产生了积极作用。

(3) Value Consensus of Upholding Fairness and Defending Justice

（三）主持公道、捍卫正义的价值共识

In the 1950s and 1960s, the national independence and liberation movements in Africa surged like a storm. Mao Zedong actively supported the Suez Canal War, the Algerian National Liberation War, the struggle of the South African people against white racism, and the national independence movements in the Congo, Gold Coast [Ghana], Guinea, Cameroon, and Portuguese African colonies, shaping a value consensus of upholding fairness and defending justice.

20世纪50-60年代，非洲民族独立解放运动风起云涌，毛泽东对苏伊士运河战争、阿尔及利亚民族解放战争、南非人民反对白人种族主义的斗争，以及刚果、黄金海岸、几内亚、喀麦隆、葡属非洲殖民地的民族独立运动，都给予积极支持，塑造了主持公道、捍卫正义的价值共识。

Mao Zedong’s full support for the Egyptian government’s recovery of the Suez Canal was a model of upholding justice and defending the value consensus of fairness. In June 1956, Britain ended its 74-year occupation of Egypt. However, the International Suez Canal Company, a “state within a state” in Egypt, remained in the hands of British and French colonists, with substantial profits still flowing into the pockets of British and French monopoly capitalists. For example, in 1955 the company earned a net profit of US$100 million, while Egypt received only US$3 million, a mere 3 percent.[49] After Nasser came to power, Egypt pursued an independent foreign policy. On July 26, 1956, the Egyptian government decided to nationalize the Suez Canal. This was a resolute and courageous action by the Egyptian government and people against colonialism and imperialism, in defense of national independence and state sovereignty. This move by the Egyptian government did not deny or infringe upon the rights of any country; while implementing nationalization, the government pledged to guarantee freedom of navigation through the canal and prepared to provide full compensation to the company’s shareholders.[50] Nevertheless, Western countries expressed strong dissatisfaction. Britain and France launched an armed invasion of Egypt on October 31, 1956, thus triggering the Suez Canal War. Starting from the standpoint of defending international fairness and justice, Mao Zedong stated that he would “fully support Egypt’s just struggle to safeguard national independence and state sovereignty.”[51] On September 17 of the same year, Egypt’s first ambassador to China, Rajab, presented his credentials, “thanking China for its lofty stance and resolute support during Egypt’s restoration of its full rights and sovereignty over the Suez Canal.”[52] In his reply and in talks with Ambassador Rajab, Mao Zedong emphasized that “Egypt has done a very good thing” and that “the Chinese government and the Chinese people will do everything in their power to support the Egyptian people’s heroic struggle to uphold the sovereignty of the Suez Canal.”[53]

毛泽东全力支持埃及政府收回苏伊士运河，是主持公道、捍卫正义价值共识的典范。1956年6月，英国结束了占领埃及74年的历史。但是，国际苏伊士运河公司这个埃及的“国中之国”仍然掌握在英、法殖民者的手中，大量利润依然流入英、法垄断资本家的腰包。譬如，1955年该公司获纯利1亿美元，而埃及仅分得其中300万美元，只占3%。[49]在纳赛尔上台之后，埃及推行独立自主的外交政策。1956年7月26日，埃及政府决定将苏伊士运河收归国有，这是埃及政府和人民反对殖民主义和帝国主义，维护民族独立和国家主权的一项坚决而勇敢的行动。埃及政府此举并没有否认及侵犯任何国家的权利，政府在推行国有化的同时承诺保证运河的航行自由，并且准备给予公司的股东全部赔偿。[50]尽管如此，西方国家仍表示强烈不满，英法于1956年10月31日对埃及发起武装侵略，苏伊士运河战争由此爆发。毛泽东以捍卫国际公平正义为出发点，表示“全力支持埃及维护民族独立和国家主权的正义斗争”[51]。同年9月17日，埃及首任驻中国大使拉加卜递交国书，“感谢中国在埃及恢复它在苏伊士运河的全部权利和主权时所采取的崇高立场和所给予的坚决支持”[52]。毛泽东在致答词以及与拉加卜大使的谈话中强调，“埃及做了一件非常好的事情”，“中国政府和中国人民将尽一切可能支持埃及人民维护苏伊士运河主权的英勇斗争”[53]。

After the outbreak of the Suez Canal crisis, Western countries imposed an economic blockade on Egypt, and many nations suspended trade with Egypt. Mao Zedong pointed out, “We have also experienced such blockades and deeply understand the hardships of the Egyptian people. Whatever you need, as long as it is within our capacity, we will certainly help.”[54] On the basis of continuing existing trade contracts, China reached several new deals with Egypt and shipped urgently needed supplies—including 6,000 tons of beans, over 1,000 tons of frozen beef and mutton, and large quantities of steel, grain, ore, and cottonseed oil—to Egypt.[55] At the same time, the Chinese government also provided trade assistance funds to Egypt, agreeing to deposit 20 million Swiss francs into Egypt’s National Bank as advance payment for Chinese imports from Egypt.[56] With China’s active support, the Egyptian people won the final victory in safeguarding national sovereignty and resisting foreign invasion. China’s full support for Egypt shaped the value consensus of upholding justice and defending fairness.

苏伊士运河危机爆发后，西方国家对埃及进行经济封锁，许多国家中断了与埃及的贸易往来。毛泽东指出，“我们也经历过这种封锁，深知埃及人民的艰苦”，“你们有什么需要，只要我们能力所及，一定帮助”[54]。中国在继续履行已有的贸易合同的基础上，又与埃方达成多宗新的交易，并将6000吨豆类、1000多吨冻牛羊肉，以及大批钢材、粮食、矿石、棉籽油等急需物资运往埃及。[55]与此同时，中国政府还向埃及提供贸易援助款，同意将2000万瑞士法郎存入埃及国家银行，作为中国自埃及进口商品的预付款项。[56]在中国的积极支持下，埃及人民赢得维护国家主权、抗击外族入侵的最后胜利。中国对埃及的全力支持，塑造了主持公道、捍卫正义的价值共识。

The China-Africa value consensus shaped by Mao Zedong has, after more than half a century of historical vicissitudes and testing, remained unchanged in substance and unfaded in color, providing value support for building an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future.

毛泽东塑造的中非价值共识历经半个多世纪的历史沉浮与淘洗依然质不变、色不褪，为建构更加紧密的中非命运共同体提供价值支撑。

III. Providing Basic Guidelines for the China-Africa Community with a Shared Future

三、为中非命运共同体提供基本遵循

“Basic guidelines” refer to certain principles, regulations, or laws that people must observe when carrying out practical activities. China’s interactions with Africa must not only consider the emotional foundation and value consensus of both sides but also grasp the development trends of world history and follow the basic principles of interstate relations. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, in the process of expressing solidarity with and supporting the African revolution and construction, Mao Zedong always stood at a new height of historical and epochal development, respected the dignity and autonomy of African countries, adhered to taking “Africa for the Africans” as the starting point, serving the common strategic interests of China and Africa as the focus, and enhancing the well-being of the Chinese and African peoples as the ultimate goal. He pushed China-Africa friendly relations to a new historical height, providing basic guidelines for the China-Africa community with a shared future.

基本遵循指的是人们在开展实践活动时所要遵守的某种原则、规定或者规律。中国与非洲的交往不仅要考虑到双方的情感基础和价值共识，也要把握世界历史的发展趋势、遵照国家间交往的基本原则。新中国成立后，毛泽东在声援与支持非洲革命和建设的过程中，始终站在历史和时代发展的新高度，尊重非洲国家的尊严和自主性，坚持以“非洲是非洲人的非洲”为出发点、以服务中非共同战略利益为着眼点、以增进中非人民福祉为落脚点，将中非友好关系推向了历史新高度，为中非命运共同体提供了基本遵循。

(1) Taking “Africa for the Africans” as the Starting Point

（一）以“非洲是非洲人的非洲”为出发点

Mao Zedong regarded the national liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America after World War II as an irreversible historical trend and called this period “the historical era in which socialism and people’s democracy throughout the world are moving toward victory.”[57] Considering the development of the international situation and the experience of the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that conditions vary from country to country, that the African people must prepare for a long-term struggle, and that they should follow the basic principle of “Africa for the Africans,” relying mainly on their own strength while seeking foreign assistance as a supplement.[58] China firmly supported African countries in safeguarding national independence and sovereignty, engaged in close cooperation with African countries, and jointly opposed imperialism and colonialism.

毛泽东将二战后亚非拉的民族解放运动看作是不可逆转的历史趋势，并称这一时期为“全世界社会主义和人民民主主义走向胜利的历史时代”[57]。考虑到国际形势的发展以及中国革命的经验，毛泽东反复强调各国情况不同，非洲人民要有长期斗争的准备，要遵循“非洲是非洲人的非洲”这一基本原则，以依靠自己力量为主，争取外国援助为辅。[58]中国坚决支持非洲国家维护国家独立和主权，与非洲国家开展紧密合作，共同反对帝国主义、殖民主义。

Taking “Africa for the Africans” as the starting point, Mao Zedong insisted that “revolution cannot be exported”[59] and advised African national leaders to choose their development paths based on actual conditions. When discussing revolutionary issues with visiting African friends, Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that no country could achieve victory by relying on the export of revolution from abroad and disapproved of African national liberation movements copying China’s experience, arguing that they should decide their policies and guidelines according to their own characteristics. In May 1957, when meeting with a delegation from the Grand National Assembly of Romania and the Bucharest City People’s Conference, Mao Zedong pointed out: “We do not require foreign comrades to imitate our practices. Every country has its own habits; mechanical copying is unhelpful.”[60] After independence, some African countries attempted to break away from the Western governance paradigm, experiment with socialist revolution, and seek economic and social development under a new system. Mao Zedong clearly stated: “The entire task of Africa is to oppose imperialism, not to oppose capitalism, nor to establish socialism. To propose establishing socialism in Africa would be a mistake.”[61] He also emphasized that the nature of the African revolution was a bourgeois-democratic revolution, not a proletarian socialist revolution; “it is about opposing imperialism and carrying out national liberation movements, not about communism, but about national liberation.”[62] In August 1961, visiting Ghanaian President Nkrumah told Mao Zedong that the purpose of his visit to socialist countries was to cast Ghana’s destiny on the side of socialism. Mao Zedong pointed out: “China’s experience can only serve as your reference. Policies and guidelines must be formulated according to your specific conditions; do not copy foreign models.”[63] Mao Zedong consistently insisted that all African affairs be resolved by the Africans themselves, relying mainly on their own strength while seeking foreign assistance as a supplement.

毛泽东以“非洲是非洲人的非洲”为出发点，坚持“革命不能输出”[59]，并劝诫非洲国家领导人一定要根据实际情况选择发展道路。毛泽东在同来访的非洲友人谈到革命问题时多次强调，一个国家不可能靠外国输出革命而取得胜利，不赞成非洲民族解放运动照搬中国的经验，应根据自己的特点决定方针政策。1957年5月，毛泽东在会见罗马尼亚大国民议会和布加勒斯特市人民会议代表团时指出：“我们不要求外国同志学我们的做法，每个国家有自己的习惯，生硬的抄袭是无益的。”[60]一些非洲国家在独立后试图摆脱西方统治范式，进行社会主义革命的尝试，谋求全新制度下的经济社会发展。毛泽东明确指出：“整个非洲的任务是反对帝国主义，而不是反对资本主义，不是建立社会主义。在非洲提出建立社会主义，是要犯错误。”[61]他还强调，非洲革命的性质是资产阶级民主革命，不是无产阶级社会主义革命，“是反对帝国主义，搞民族解放运动，不是共产主义问题，而是民族解放问题”[62]。1961年8月，来访的加纳总统恩克鲁玛向毛泽东表明他这次到社会主义国家进行访问的目的，就是把加纳的命运投到社会主义这一边。毛泽东指出：“中国的经验只能作为你们的参考。方针、政策要根据你们的具体情况来制订，不要照抄外国的。”[63]毛泽东始终坚持整个非洲事务由非洲人自己来解决，以依靠自己力量为主，争取外国援助为辅。

Taking “Africa for the Africans” as the starting point, Mao Zedong helped the African people find the strength for unity and cooperation and the direction of struggle. First, Africa has a population of over 200 million; the superstitions of fearing imperialism and of believing that yellow, black, and brown people are inferior must be broken. “If you unite, become conscious, and organize yourselves, the imperialists will be afraid of you.”[64] Second, it was necessary to walk on two legs: one leg was big-power conferences, negotiating with them at the table; the other leg was the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Third, it was necessary to despise the enemy strategically while taking the enemy seriously tactically. Particularly in the 1970s, the Soviet Union accelerated its expansion and penetration into Africa. Countries such as Egypt, Sudan, Angola, Zaire, and those in the Horn of Africa waged struggles against Soviet “neocolonialism” and hegemonism. Mao Zedong viewed Africa’s cause of independence and liberation from a higher strategic perspective, believing that the national independence and liberation of African countries constituted the greatest constraint on hegemonism. He proposed the international united front thinking of “one line” and “one vast area” and the theory of “the three worlds.”[19]19 The “three worlds” theory, articulated by Mao Zedong in 1974, divided the world into three political and economic spheres: the First World (the United States and the Soviet Union, the two superpowers), the Second World (intermediate developed countries such as Japan, Europe, and Canada), and the Third World (developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America). It was a strategic framework for China’s foreign policy during the Cold War. In particular, the theory of “the three worlds” outlined in the most concise language the basic situation of international contradictions, struggles, and the balance of forces. Under the extremely complex external conditions of the time, it clearly indicated the relationships among enemies, friends, and ourselves.[65] These profound expositions by Mao Zedong helped the African people find the direction for unity and cooperation and strengthened their confidence in victory in the struggle.

毛泽东以“非洲是非洲人的非洲”为出发点，为非洲人民找到了团结合作的力量与斗争方向。首先，非洲有两亿多人口，要破除怕帝国主义迷信，破除黄种人、黑种人、棕种人都不行的迷信，“你们团结起来、觉悟起来、组织起来，帝国主义是怕你们的”[64]。其次，要坚持两条腿走路：一条是大国会议，跟它们在桌子上谈；另一条是亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲人民反殖反帝的斗争。再次，要在战略上藐视敌人，战术上重视敌人。特别是20世纪70年代，苏联加速向非洲扩张和渗透，埃及、苏丹、安哥拉、扎伊尔和非洲之角的国家开展了反对苏联“新殖民主义”和霸权主义的斗争。毛泽东从更高的战略格局看待非洲的独立解放事业，认为非洲国家的民族独立与解放就是对霸权主义最大的制约，提出“一条线”“一大片”的国际统一战线思想和“三个世界划分”理论。特别是“三个世界划分”理论，以最精炼的语言勾勒出国际矛盾斗争和国际力量对比的基本态势，在当时外部环境异常复杂的条件下清晰地指出了敌我友的关系[65]。毛泽东这些深邃的论述，为非洲人民找到了团结合作的方向，增强了斗争的必胜信念。

(2) Taking the Service of Common Strategic Interests of China and Africa as the Focus

（二）以服务中非共同战略利益为着眼点

Most African countries embarked on the path of independence struggles under extremely harsh international and domestic environments. Newly independent states, limited in national strength, lacked capacity in funds, technology, equipment, and other areas, and urgently needed external assistance. To help African countries develop their national economies and consolidate national independence, Mao Zedong promoted a series of aid-based diplomatic efforts. At a time when China itself still needed help from other countries, it not only provided economic and technical assistance to African countries but was even more generous than wealthy nations in aiding them. From 1956 to 1977, China provided over US$2.476 billion in economic aid to African countries, accounting for 58% of China’s total foreign aid.[20]20 Source note: 66. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2018, p. 2. This was a realistic consideration by Mao from the perspective of internationalism, standing at the height of supporting the African national liberation cause, and following the principle of serving the common strategic interests of China and Africa.

非洲大多数国家是在极其恶劣的国际国内环境下走上独立斗争道路的。新独立国家因国力有限，在资金、技术、设备等各方面均力不从心，急需国外支援。为了帮助非洲国家发展民族经济、巩固民族独立，毛泽东推动开展了系列援助外交工作。此时还需要别国帮助的中国不仅给非洲国家以经济技术援助，而且比富裕国家更为慷慨地援助非洲国家。1956-1977年，中国向非洲国家提供了超过24.76亿美元的经济援助，占中国对外援助的总额的58%。[66]这是毛泽东从国际主义的视角出发，站在支援非洲民族解放事业的高度，遵循服务中非共同战略利益原则的现实考量。

Based on an overall plan for the common strategic interests of China and Africa, China’s aid projects in Africa covered areas such as transportation, water conservancy projects, electric power, and public buildings. Among them, the Tanzania-Zambia Railway, hailed as the “Road of Friendship” and the “Road of South-South Cooperation,” is a typical example. After independence, Tanzania and Zambia urgently needed to build a railway to develop their national economies and expand their political influence. As Nyerere said, “You may not imagine how important it is to build this railway; it is equivalent to exploding an atomic bomb!”[21]21 Source note: 67. See He Yingbiao, ed., *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy*, Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 1990, p. 439. However, due to their own technological backwardness, Tanzania and Zambia had first sought help from Western countries and the Soviet Union, only to be rejected, and later turned to China. The aid project for the Tanzania-Zambia Railway was of great importance, and China conducted careful study. After joint discussion by Premier Zhou Enlai, Vice Premier Chen Yi, Director of the Foreign Liaison Committee Fang Yi, Minister of Railways Lü Zhengchao, and other comrades, five points of opinion were formed, and Mao Zedong was consulted for a decision. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs submitted a request-for-instructions report to Zhou Enlai, who gave the following instruction: “Submitted to Chairman and Comrade Liu Shaoqi for review. In order to aid newly independent African countries and support the African national liberation struggle, if President Nyerere raises the issue of aid for railway construction during his visit to China, I am inclined to agree. Whether this is appropriate, please instruct.”[22]22 Source note: 68. See He Yingbiao, ed., *Selected Works of Zhou Enlai on Diplomacy*, p. 440. After reading the report, Mao Zedong expressed his agreement.

基于中非共同战略利益的整体谋划，中国援非项目包括交通运输、水利工程、电力和公共建筑等领域。其中，被誉为“友谊之路”“南南合作之路”的坦赞铁路就是一个典例。独立后的坦桑尼亚和赞比亚为了发展民族经济，扩大政治影响，急需修建铁路。正如尼雷尔所说：“你们可能想不到修成这条铁路有多么重要，它等于爆炸了一颗原子弹！”[67]然而，坦赞两国因自身技术落后，曾先后求助于西方国家和苏联，均遭到拒绝，后来又求助于中国。援建坦赞铁路事关重大，中国进行了慎重研究。经周恩来总理与陈毅副总理、对外联络委员会主任方毅、铁道部部长吕正超等同志共同讨论后，形成五点意见，并请示毛泽东作出决定。外交部向周恩来提交了请示报告，周恩来作了如下批示：“呈主席、少奇同志审阅。为援助非洲新独立国家和支持非洲民族解放斗争，如果尼雷尔总统访华是提出援建铁路问题，我意应同意，当否，请指示。”[68]毛泽东看过报告后表示同意。

The Tanzania-Zambia Railway has a total length of 1,860.5 kilometers. From survey to completion, it took a full ten years. The Chinese government provided an interest-free loan of 988 million yuan, shipped nearly 1 million tons of various equipment and materials, and dispatched nearly 50,000 engineering and technical personnel over the period.[23]23 Source note: 69. See Shen Xiaolei, *A Study of China’s Foreign Aid: 1950-2010*, Beijing: Jiuzhou Press, 2013, p. 79. China’s aid in building the Tanzania-Zambia Railway had important strategic significance: First, it was a victory over imperialism. At that time, the main task facing China’s diplomacy was to break the pincer attack from the United States and the Soviet Union on China from north and south, and to strengthen unity and cooperation with Third World countries. However, the United States seized on Tanzania’s urgent desire to build the Tanzania-Zambia Railway, indicating that if the Chinese were driven out of Zanzibar, the United States could provide aid. Nyerere responded with righteous indignation, saying, “Tanzania is a moral and dignified country that will never trade sovereignty for anything, let alone hurt true friends,”[24]24 Source note: 70. See Wang Hongyi, *The Tanzania-Zambia Railway: A Monument to China-Africa Friendship*, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2015, p. 107. resolutely cutting off the tentacles of neocolonialist and imperialist hegemonic control. Second, it was a strategic project for Tanzania and Zambia to maintain and consolidate national independence, develop their national economies, support the national liberation struggle, and oppose racism. After the Tanzania-Zambia Railway was completed, trade between the two countries developed enormously, and external aid supplies could be smoothly transported to the front lines of the anti-colonial struggle, further strengthening the confidence of the African national liberation movement and the anti-racism struggle. Third, it was a milestone in China-Africa unity. The Chinese people’s selfless internationalist spirit of dedication won the praise of the African people, demonstrating the Chinese people’s militant and selfless friendship for the oppressed peoples of all countries. Kaunda was deeply moved: “It will forever be a milestone in China-Africa unity.”[25]25 Source note: 71. See Wang Hongyi, *The Tanzania-Zambia Railway: A Monument to China-Africa Friendship*, p. 107.

坦赞铁路全长1860.5公里，从勘探到竣工整整10年，中国政府提供无息贷款9.88亿元人民币，共发运各种设备材料近100万吨，先后派遣工程技术人员近5万人次。[69]中国援建坦赞铁路具有重要战略意义：首先，这是对于帝国主义的一次胜利。当时中国外交上面临的主要任务是打破美苏对中国的南北夹攻，加强同第三世界国家的团结合作。然而，美国抓住坦桑尼亚迫切希望修建坦赞铁路的需求，表示如把中国人从桑给巴尔赶走，美国可以援建。尼雷尔义正词严地回应，“坦桑是讲道德、有尊严的国家，绝不拿主权做交易，更不会伤害真正的朋友”[70]，毅然斩断新殖民主义和帝国主义霸权控制的魔爪。其次，这是坦赞两国维护和巩固国家独立、发展民族经济、支持民族解放斗争以及反对种族主义的战略工程。坦赞铁路建成后，两国间的贸易获得巨大发展，外界的援助物资可以顺利地运抵反殖斗争最前线，进一步增强了非洲民族解放运动和反对种族主义斗争的信心。再次，这是中非团结的一个里程碑。中国人民无私的国际主义奉献精神赢得了非洲人民的赞誉，表明了中国人民对各国被压迫人民的战斗的、无私的友谊。卡翁达深为感动：“它将永远是中非团结的一个里程碑。”[71]

(3) Taking the Enhancement of the Common Well-Being of the Chinese and African Peoples as the Foothold

（三）以增进中非人民共同福祉为落脚点

From the 1950s onward, the African national liberation movement surged forward, especially from the 1960s when it swept across the entire African continent. The number of nationally independent states increased daily; in 1960 alone, 17 countries successively declared independence. Helping the peoples of African countries achieve victory in their national liberation struggles was not Mao Zedong’s ultimate goal for aid to Africa. In his view, “The common historical task of all Asian, African, and Latin American countries is to win national independence, develop the national economy, and develop national culture.” After gaining political independence, the economic lifelines of many African countries still remained in the hands of the former colonial suzerain states.[26]26 Source note: 72. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2019, p. 216. This required that the main content of China’s aid to Africa should promptly shift from helping African countries achieve independence to supporting their economic self-reliance, taking the enhancement of the common well-being of the Chinese and African peoples as the basic guideline.

自20世纪50年代开始，非洲民族解放运动风起云涌，特别是60年代开始席卷整个非洲大陆，民族独立国家日益增多，仅1960年就有17个国家先后宣告独立。帮助非洲各国人民争取民族解放斗争的胜利并不是毛泽东对非援助的最终目的，在他看来，“所有亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲的国家的共同历史任务，就是争取民族独立，发展民族经济和发展民族文化”，在政治上取得独立后，许多非洲国家的经济命脉依然掌握在殖民宗主国手里。[72]这要求中国援非主要内容应及时从帮助非洲国家独立向支持非洲国家经济自立转变，并以增进中非人民共同福祉为基本遵循。

The most urgently needed items for African countries just emerging from colonial rule were daily necessities. Mao Zedong placed the suffering of the people above all else. In June 1964, when meeting with Mali’s Minister of Development Kouyaté, Mao said: “Mali can start developing its economy from light industry and agriculture, in order to accumulate funds and solve the problems of food, clothing, and daily use.”[27]27 Source note: 73. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, p. 216. During the talks, Kouyaté hoped that China would send more experts to help Mali produce daily necessities and requested China to aid in building a textile mill to solve the clothing problem for the Malian people. From 1961 to 1965, China provided Mali with aid funds totaling the equivalent of 140 million yuan (71 million yuan had been delivered by the end of 1965), of which 92.61 million yuan was used for aid in building complete sets of projects.[28]28 Source note: 74. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. Mali’s President Keita stated, “The projects China helps Mali implement are truly for the development of Mali’s economy,”[29]29 Source note: 75. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. genuinely benefiting the Malian people. In addition, from the 1960s onward, China sent agricultural experts and technical experts to African countries such as Guinea, Tanzania, Somalia, and Congo (Brazzaville) to build agricultural technology experimental stations and extension stations, helping local areas successfully trial-plant tea, sugarcane, rice, and other crops and cash crops, overturning assertions that “Mali cannot grow tea and sugarcane” and “Somalia is unsuitable for growing rice”; China also aided in building tea processing plants, cigarette factories, match factories, sugar mills, textile printing and dyeing mills, and other important projects closely related to the daily lives of the African people, which were successively completed. Furthermore, to help African countries solve the problem of water shortages for people, livestock, and production, China successively sent well-drilling teams to more than 20 African countries, drilling over 4,000 wells,[30]30 Source note: 76. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2. effectively meeting Africa’s livelihood needs. The Ethiopian people said with deep feeling: “When we drink water, we will miss the Chinese experts. Our children and grandchildren will never forget China’s help.”[31]31 Source note: 77. See Li Anshan, *Aid and Development: A Study of China’s Foreign Aid to Africa*, p. 2.

刚从殖民统治中走出来的非洲国家最为紧缺的是生活必需品。毛泽东将人民疾苦看得高于一切。1964年6月，毛泽东在会见马里发展部部长库亚特时说：“马里发展经济，可以从轻工业、农业开始，以便积累资金，解决吃、穿、用的问题。”[73]会谈中，库亚特希望中国多派一些专家帮助马里生产日用品，并向我国提出了援建纺织厂的请求，以解决马里人民的穿衣问题。1961-1965年，中国向马里提供的援款共折合1.4亿元人民币(至1965年末已交付7100万元)，其中9261万元用于援建成套项目[74]。马里总统凯塔表示，“中国帮助马里实施的项目是实实在在地为了发展马里的经济”[75]，真正惠及马里人民。此外，自60年代起，中国向几内亚、坦桑尼亚、索马里、刚果(布)等非洲国家派遣农业专家、技术专家，建设农业技术试验站、推广站，帮助当地成功试种茶叶、甘蔗、水稻等农作物和经济作物，推翻了“马里不能种植茶叶和甘蔗”“索马里不适宜种水稻”的断言；援建茶叶加工厂、卷烟厂、火柴厂、糖厂、纺织印染厂等，一批与非洲人民日常生活息息相关的重要项目陆续建成。此外，为帮助非洲国家解决人畜和生产用水困难问题，中国先后向20多个非洲国家派出打井队，打井4000多眼[76]，切实解决了非洲民生之需。埃塞俄比亚人民深情地说：“我们喝水时就会想念中国专家。我们的子孙后代都不会忘记中国的帮助。”[77]

Sharing hardships with African countries and enhancing the common well-being of the Chinese and African peoples was Mao Zedong’s basic guideline for aid to Africa. In February 1974, Mao said to visiting Kaunda that we Communists are to help the people, and advised Kaunda also to help the people and be good to the people, “without the people, you will collapse.”[32]32 Source note: 78. See *Mao Zedong’s Conversations with Foreign Guests*, p. 216. Mao emphasized that once the technology and new products in aid projects to Africa were successfully trial-produced, they could not only promote Africa’s development but also be used to develop domestic production and meet the people’s needs, killing two birds with one stone. For example, in 1973, through continuous experiments at Shanghai No. 9 Printing and Dyeing Mill, the automation research task for the production of multi-color printing machines in aid projects was successfully completed, which not only enriched the varieties of textile printing and dyeing but also improved product quality and production efficiency.[33]33 Source note: 79. See Shanghai Local History Office, ed., *Shanghai Textile Industry History*, Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1998, p. 215.

与非洲国家共克时艰、增进中非人民共同福祉是毛泽东援非的基本遵循。1974年2月，毛泽东对来访的卡翁达说，我们共产党是要帮助人民的，并劝卡翁达也要帮助人民，对人民好，“没有人民就会垮台”[78]。毛泽东强调援非项目中的技术、新的产品一旦试制成功，既可促进非洲发展，又可用于发展国内生产，满足人民需求，一举两得。如1973年，经过上海印染九厂的不断试验，援外项目中的套色印花机生产自动化攻关任务获得成功，不仅丰富了纺织印染的品种，而且提高了产品质量和生产效率。[79]

4. Conclusion

四、结 语

Mao Zedong never set foot on African soil in his lifetime, yet his influence on Africa is ubiquitous and enduring. The China-Africa community with a shared future links the historical memories, practical demands, and future goals of China and Africa, and it undoubtedly also includes the shared memory of the Chinese people’s selfless assistance to African countries under Mao’s leadership. Xi Jinping pointed out that we must “hold up the telescope of history to review the past and sum up historical laws, and look forward to grasping the general trend of historical progress.”[34]34 Xi Jinping, “Working Together to Forge a China-Africa Community with a Shared Future in the New Era,” speech at the opening ceremony of the 2018 Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, September 3, 2018. Mao Zedong’s staunch support and generous assistance to the just causes of African countries enabled China-Africa relations to undergo a process from zero to something in diplomacy, from unfamiliarity to firmness in politics, and from small to large in economics, making both sides participants, builders, and contributors to the community with a shared future. Mao Zedong laid the emotional foundation, shaped value consensus, and provided basic guidelines for building the China-Africa community with a shared future, offering useful insights for forging an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future in the New Era: First, adhere to the China-Africa emotional foundation and “stand on the right side of history” to build an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future. At present, the reality that both China and Africa are developing countries has not fundamentally changed. We must base ourselves on the fact that China and Africa are interdependent and share a common destiny, uphold the principle of sincerity, real results, amity and good faith[35]35 “Sincerity, real results, amity and good faith” (真实亲诚) is a four-character phrase summarizing China’s policy principles toward Africa, emphasizing genuine friendship, tangible outcomes, close affinity, and good faith. in our Africa policy and the correct approach to friendship and interests, and write a new chapter of mutual understanding and affinity between the Chinese and African peoples. Second, adhere to the China-Africa value consensus and “stand on the side of human civilization and progress” to build an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future. The two great civilizations of China and Africa will have greater room for development in the 21st century. To build a China-Africa community with a shared future in the New Era, we must grasp the historical trend and the tide of the times, act accordingly, and use the spirit of China-Africa friendly cooperation to assist the modernization of the Global South. Third, adhere to the basic guidelines for China and Africa to build an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future, setting a model for “a community with a shared future for mankind.” Jointly building an even closer China-Africa community with a shared future is both a historical inheritance and a historical responsibility. China and Africa embarking on a path of cooperation must take recognizing differences, safeguarding common strategic interests, and jointly promoting the well-being of the people as basic guidelines, always thinking and acting in unison with the African people, and setting a model for promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

毛泽东一生未曾踏上非洲大地，但他对非洲的影响无处不在、历久弥新。中非命运共同体将中非的历史记忆、现实诉求与未来目标联结在一起，其中无疑也包含中非人民对毛泽东领导下中国对非洲国家无私援助的共同记忆。习近平指出，要“端起历史望远镜回顾过去、总结历史规律，展望未来、把握历史前进大势”[80]。毛泽东对非洲国家正义事业的鼎力支持和慷慨援助，使中非关系经历了外交上从零到有、政治上从陌生到坚定、经济上从小到大的过程，使中非双方成为命运共同体的参与者、建设者和贡献者。毛泽东为构建中非命运共同体奠定情感基础、塑造价值共识、提供基本遵循，为新时代构建更加紧密的中非命运共同体提供了有益启示：首先，坚守中非情感基础，“站在历史正确的一边”构建更加紧密的中非命运共同体。当前，中非同为发展中国家的现实定位并没有发生根本性改变，我们要立足中非相互依存、命运与共的事实，坚持真实亲诚对非政策理念和正确义利观，续写中非人民相知相亲友谊新篇章。其次，坚守中非价值共识，“站在人类文明进步的一边”构建更加紧密的中非命运共同体。中非两大文明在21世纪将迎来更大的发展空间，构建新时代中非命运共同体要把握历史大势和时代潮流，顺势而为，以中非友好合作精神助力全球南方现代化发展。再次，坚守中非基本遵循，构建更加紧密的中非命运共同体，为“人类命运共同体”树立典范。共筑更加紧密的中非命运共同体既是历史传承，也是历史责任。中非共赴合作之路，要以承认差异、维护共同的战略利益、共促人民福祉为基本遵循，始终同非洲人民心往一处想、劲往一处使，为推动构建人类命运共同体树立典范。

*This article is a phased result of the National Social Science Fund General Project “Research on the Life-Oriented Ideology of the Party during the New Democratic Revolution Period” (21BDJ065).

*本文系国家社会科学基金一般项目“新民主主义革命时期党的意识形态生活化研究”（21BDJ065）的阶段性成果。

(Author’s bio: Zhu Bin, Doctor of Law, Associate Professor at the School of Marxism, South China Normal University)

（作者简介：朱斌，法学博士，华南师范大学马克思主义学院副教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心