Why Marxism Can Maintain a More Vigorous Vitality
杨耕:为何马克思主义能保持更加旺盛的生命力
Throughout history, most schools of thought gradually declined after the death of their founders, surviving only as specimens in a museum of ideas rather than flourishing in the world. Marxism, however, is not like this. After Marx’s death, generation after generation of Marxists emerged. On the basis of new practice, they continuously answered the new questions raised by the development of the times and continuously absorbed the outstanding intellectual and cultural achievements of human history, thereby enabling Marxism to maintain its vigorous vitality. Marxism is a theoretical system founded by Marx and developed by his successors, concerning the critique of capitalism and the construction of socialism. Its theoretical theme is the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity; its theoretical characteristic is the high unity of philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism, the high unity of philosophical critique, political critique, and the critique of capital; its foundation in argument is the laws of social development, especially the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production; its value orientation is to change the world and realize the comprehensive and free development of each individual. General Secretary Xi Jinping has provided a profound summary of this: “In the history of human thought, no other theory has had such a broad and profound impact on humanity as Marxism,” and “it remains an ideological system and discourse system of major international influence to this day.”
历史上众多思想流派,大多随着创始人的逝世而逐步走向没落,只能作为思想博物馆里的标本陈列于世,而不是兴盛于世了。然而,马克思主义不是这样。马克思逝世之后,仍然涌现出一批又一批的马克思主义者,他们依据新的实践不断解答时代发展提出的新的课题,不断吸收人类历史上优秀的思想文化成果,从而使马克思主义仍然保持着旺盛的生命力。马克思主义就是由马克思所创立、为他的后继者所发展的关于批判资本主义、建设社会主义的理论体系,其理论主题是无产阶级和人类解放,理论特征是哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义的高度统一,哲学批判、政治批判、资本批判的高度统一,立论依据是社会发展规律,尤其是资本主义生产方式运动规律,价值旨归是改变世界,实现每个人的全面而自由的发展。习近平总书记对此作了深刻总结,“在人类思想史上,没有一种思想理论像马克思主义那样对人类产生了如此广泛而深刻的影响”,“至今依然是具有重大国际影响的思想体系和话语体系”。
The Value Orientation and Foundation in Argument of Marxism
马克思主义的价值旨归和立论依据
Engels said that the creation of historical materialism and the theory of surplus value transformed socialism from utopian into scientific. This is indeed the case. The theory of surplus value uncovered the secret of capitalist production and revealed the basic laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production. Historical materialism solved the “riddle of history,” revealed the universal laws of social development, and profoundly grasped the essence of the capitalist system. As Lukács said, “Historical materialism is above all a theory of bourgeois society and its economic structure.” “The most important task of historical materialism is to make an accurate judgment of the capitalist social system and to expose the essence of the capitalist social system.” Upholding the priority of nature and matter over human society is the theoretical premise of historical materialism. Confirming that “social things,” which are generated in human practical activity and possess the connotation of social relations, constitute social existence and determine human consciousness—this is the theoretical characteristic of historical materialism. Marx clearly pointed out: “The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.”
恩格斯说过,历史唯物主义和剩余价值理论的创立,使社会主义由空想变为科学。的确如此,剩余价值理论发现了资本主义生产的秘密,揭示了资本主义生产方式运动的基本规律;历史唯物主义解答了“历史之谜”,揭示了社会发展的普遍规律,并深刻把握了资本主义制度的本质。正如卢卡奇所说,“历史唯物主义首先是资产阶级社会及其经济结构的一种理论”。“历史唯物主义最重要的任务是,对资本主义社会制度作出准确的判断,揭露资本主义社会制度的本质。”坚持自然物质对人类社会的先在性,这是历史唯物主义的理论前提;确认在人的实践活动中生成的、具有社会关系内涵的“社会的物”构成了社会存在,并决定着人的意识,这是历史唯物主义的理论特征。马克思明确指出,“物质生活的生产方式制约着整个社会生活、政治生活和精神生活的过程。不是人们的意识决定人们的存在,相反,是人们的社会存在决定人们的意识”。
However, historical materialism is not “taking things as the foundation,” “valuing things and slighting people,” and still less is it “seeing things but not people.” The author categorically rejects the view that there is a “humanist lacuna” in the Marxist system. In the author’s view, this is a misreading and a fantasy. At the very beginning of the founding of Marxism, Marx pointed out: “The critique of religion ends with the teaching that man is the highest essence for man, hence with the categorical imperative to overthrow all relations in which man is a debased, enslaved, abandoned, contemptible being,” and thus “to give back to man his own world and his own relations.” Therefore, “Communism is the positive transcendence of private property, i.e., of human self-alienation, and hence the genuine appropriation of the human essence through and for man.” Later, in *The Holy Family*, Marx discovered “human existence” within “material objects,” discovered “the social relation of man to man,” and held that “history is nothing but the activity of man pursuing his own ends,” thus striving to establish a “materialism that coincides with humanism.”
但是,历史唯物主义不是“以物为本”“重物轻人”,更不是“见物不见人”。笔者断然拒绝这样一种观点,那就是,在马克思主义体系中存在着“人学空场”。在笔者看来,这是一种误读和臆想。在马克思主义创立之初,马克思就指出,“对宗教的批判最后归结为人是人的最高本质这样一个学说,从而也归结为这样的绝对命令:必须推翻使人成为被侮辱、被奴役、被遗弃和被蔑视的东西的一切关系”,从而“把人的世界和人的关系还给人自己”。因此,“共产主义是私有财产即人的自我异化的积极的扬弃,因而是通过人并且为了人而对人的本质的真正占有”。后在《神圣家族》中,马克思从“实物”中发现了“人的存在”,发现了“人对人的社会关系”,并认为“历史不过是追求着自己目的的人的活动”,因而力图建立一种“和人道主义相吻合的唯物主义”。
In *The German Ideology*, which marks the birth of Marxism, Marx pointed out: “The system that communism establishes is precisely this real foundation, which excludes everything that does not depend on individuals,” thereby establishing “individuals with individuality.” In the *Communist Manifesto*, which serves as the “detailed theoretical and practical party program” of the Communists, Marx pointed out: “In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” Later, in *Capital*, Marx profoundly criticized the “fetishism” of capitalist society and deeply analyzed “personal independence founded on objective dependence.” In his view, what the communist revolution pursues is “free individuality, based on the universal development of individuals and on the subordination of their communal, social productivity as their social wealth,” and communism is “a social form in which the comprehensive and free development of each individual is the fundamental principle.”
在标志着马克思主义诞生的《德意志意识形态》中,马克思指出:“共产主义所建立的制度,正是这样的一种现实基础,它排除一切不依赖于个人而存在的东西”,从而确立“有个性的个人”。在作为共产党人“详细的理论和实践的党纲”的《共产党宣言》中,马克思指出:“代替那存在着阶级和阶级对立的资产阶级旧社会的,将是这样一个联合体,在那里,每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件。”后在《资本论》中,马克思深刻批判了资本主义社会的“拜物教”,深刻剖析了“以物的依赖性为基础的人的独立性”。在他看来,共产主义革命所追求的,就是“建立在个人全面发展和他们共同的社会生产能力成为他们的社会财富这一基础上的自由个性”,共产主义就是“以每个人的全面而自由的发展为基本原则的社会形式”。
It can be seen that realizing the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity, and realizing the comprehensive and free development of each individual, determined the direction and value orientation of Marx’s entire theoretical activity, and determined the original aspiration and founding mission of Marxism. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: “Marxism is broad and profound, but in the final analysis it comes down to one sentence: to seek the liberation of humanity.” It is precisely in Marxism that we see a thoroughgoing critical spirit toward the capitalist system, experience a profound concern for the alienated state of human existence, and comprehend a strong sense of mission aimed at realizing the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity and the comprehensive and free development of each individual. If realizing the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity is the theoretical theme of Marxism, then realizing the comprehensive and free development of each individual is the value orientation of Marxism. To change the world, to realize the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity, and the comprehensive and free development of each individual—this is the solemn “ontological commitment” made by Marxism. If the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity and the comprehensive and free development of each individual are removed, Marxism would become a soulless shell.
可以看出,实现无产阶级和人类解放,实现每个人的全面而自由的发展,决定了马克思一生理论活动的方向和旨归,决定了马克思主义的初心和使命。习近平总书记强调:“马克思主义博大精深,归根到底就是一句话,为人类求解放。”正是在马克思主义中,我们看到了一种对资本主义制度的彻底的批判精神,体会到对人类生存异化状态的深切的关注之情,领悟到一种旨在实现无产阶级和人类解放、每个人的全面而自由的发展的强烈使命意识。如果说实现无产阶级和人类解放是马克思主义的理论主题,那么,实现每个人的全面而自由的发展就是马克思主义的价值旨归。改变世界,实现无产阶级和人类解放、每个人的全面而自由的发展,这是马克思主义所作出的庄严的“本体论承诺”。抽掉了无产阶级和人类解放、每个人的全面而自由的发展,马克思主义就会成为无魂的躯壳。
Marxism is concerned with “how the emancipation of humanity is possible,” and with “the comprehensive and free development of each individual.” However, Marxism is not an “abstract humanism.” It does not merely represent a “moral protest” against capitalism, and still less is it an “ethical socialism” established merely out of sympathy for workers and laborers. The author cannot agree with the view that Marx was a “moralist,” that “the Marxist critique of the capitalist system takes effect primarily as a moral critique,” and that “Marx’s critique of capitalism is mainly based on his sympathy for the suffering workers under this system.” This is a theoretical “myopia.” Marx certainly had sincere sympathy for “the suffering people of the whole world,” but Marxism is by no means founded on this sympathy. Just as a skilled doctor does not substitute sympathy for the patient for diagnosis and prescription, Marx did not base the argument of Marxism on sympathy for workers and laborers—these “suffering people.” Marx was not a “savior” with a philanthropic mission, but a perfect combination of thinker and revolutionary. Marxism is not a “book of moral maxims,” but a scientific theory founded on the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production and the laws of social development.
马克思主义关注的是“人类解放何以可能”、关注的是“每个人的全面而自由的发展”。但是,马克思主义不是“抽象的人道主义”,并不是仅仅代表对资本主义的一种“道德抗议”,更不是仅仅出于对工人、劳动者的同情而建立的“伦理的社会主义”。笔者不能同意这样一种观点,那就是,马克思是一个“道德学家”,“马克思主义对资本主义制度的批判主要以一个道德的批评而发生效力”,“马克思对资本主义的批判主要是依据他对这种制度下受苦的工人的同情”。这是一种理论“近视”。马克思对“全世界受苦的人”当然怀有真挚的同情,但马克思主义绝不是建立在这种同情基础上的。正像妙手回春的医生不以对病人的同情代替诊断、开出药方一样,马克思也不是以对工人、劳动者这些“受苦的人”的同情作为马克思主义的立论根据的。马克思不是心怀济世的“救世主”,而是思想家和革命家的完美结合;马克思主义不是“劝世箴言”,而是以资本主义生产方式运动规律、社会发展规律为立论依据的科学理论。
“Man is not an abstract being squatting outside the world. Man is the world of man, the state, society.” The essence of man is, in its actuality, the ensemble of all social relations. Marx incisively and vividly pointed out: “A Negro is a Negro. He only becomes a slave in certain relations.” This means that what makes a Negro a slave is not some so-called “nature” of the Negro, but the specific social relations in which the Negro lives. A person “becomes a slave or becomes a citizen; this is a social determination.” “The capitalist and the wage-labourer are themselves merely the bearers, the personifications of capital and wage-labour; they are definite social characteristics stamped upon individuals by the social production process; they are the products of these definite social relations of production.” Therefore, the inquiry into the emancipation of the proletariat and of humanity inevitably impelled Marx to study social relations and their laws of development from the dual perspectives of philosophy and political economy, especially the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production. It was precisely in the process of unifying philosophy and political economy that Marxism discovered and profoundly grasped the laws of social development and the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production, thereby founding scientific socialism. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: “Marxism is mainly composed of three major components: philosophy, political economy, and scientific socialism. These three components originated respectively from German classical philosophy, British classical political economy, and French utopian socialism. However, the fundamental reason they were ultimately sublimated into Marxism is Marx’s in-depth investigation of the era and the world in which he lived, and Marx’s profound grasp of the laws of human social development.” If the laws of social development and the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production are removed, “Marxism” would become rootless duckweed.
“人并不是抽象的栖息在世界以外的东西。人就是人的世界,就是国家,社会”,人的本质在其现实性上是一切社会关系的总和。马克思形象而精辟地指出:“黑人就是黑人。只有在一定的关系下,他才成为奴隶。”这就是说,使黑人成为奴隶的原因,不是所谓的黑人的“本性”,而是黑人生活其中的特定的社会关系。一个人“成为奴隶或成为公民,这是社会的规定”,“资本家和雇佣工人,本身不过是资本和雇佣劳动的体现者,人格化,是由社会生产过程加在个人身上的一定的社会性质,是这些一定的社会生产关系的产物”。因此,对无产阶级和人类解放的探讨必然促使马克思从哲学和政治经济学的双重视角研究社会关系及其发展规律,尤其是资本主义生产方式运动规律。正是在哲学和政治经济学相统一的研究过程中,马克思主义发现并深刻把握了社会发展规律、资本主义生产方式运动规律,从而创立了科学社会主义。习近平总书记深刻指出:“马克思主义主要由哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义三大组成部分构成。这三大组成部分分别来源于德国古典哲学、英国古典政治经济学、法国空想社会主义,然而,最终升华为马克思主义的根本原因,是马克思对所处的时代和世界的深入考察,是马克思对人类社会发展规律的深刻把握。”抽掉了社会发展规律、资本主义生产方式运动规律,“马克思主义”就会成为无根的浮萍。
Unlike humanists such as the American scholar Erich Fromm, the British scholar Karl Popper, as a scientistic thinker, recognized that Marxism takes the laws of social development, i.e., historical laws, as its theoretical basis, and believed that scientific socialism is precisely the prediction Marx made based on historical laws. However, Popper placed this reasonable fact he saw within an unreasonable understanding, namely, that historical laws do not exist, and therefore, by “eliminating” historical laws, one could “destroy” scientific socialism and even Marxism as a whole. Popper was in effect trying to cut the ground from under the feet of Marxism, fundamentally negating the scientific nature of scientific socialism and even of Marxism as a whole. The crux of the matter is that Popper was subjectively denying an objective fact that cannot be denied: history indeed has its inherent laws, and no matter how you curse them, you cannot “eliminate” historical laws. Historically, every generation of feudal rulers was repeatedly admonished that “water can carry a boat, but it can also capsize it,” [1]1 A classical Chinese idiom from *Xunzi* and later used by Tang dynasty statesman Wei Zheng, comparing the people to water and the ruler to a boat; the water can support the boat or capsize it, meaning the people can uphold or overthrow a ruler. and was repeatedly taught how to rule, with books like *Zizhi Tongjian* [2]2 *Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government*, a monumental Chinese historical text compiled by Sima Guang in the 11th century, intended to provide rulers with lessons from past dynastic cycles. compiled for their reading, in the hope that the feudal dynasty would last forever. Yet, throughout history, peasant uprisings continued to occur, dynastic changes continued to happen, and bourgeois revolutions continued to take place. Comrade Deng Xiaoping once summarized: “Feudal society replaced slave society, capitalism replaced feudalism, and after a long process of development, socialism will inevitably replace capitalism. This is an irreversible general trend in social and historical development, but the path is tortuous. In the several hundred years when capitalism replaced feudalism, how many times did dynastic restorations occur? Therefore, in a certain sense, some temporary restoration is also a regular phenomenon that is difficult to completely avoid.” [3]3 A quotation from Deng Xiaoping’s speech during his 1992 southern tour, summarizing his view of historical inevitability and the possibility of temporary setbacks. Viewed from the overall history of humanity, the historical drama of socialism replacing capitalism has only just raised its “curtain”; mistaking the “curtain” for the “finale” is a historical illusion.
与美国学者弗洛姆等人本主义者不同,作为科学主义者,英国学者波普尔看到了马克思主义是以社会发展规律,即历史规律作为理论依据的,并认为科学社会主义就是马克思依据历史规律所作的预言。可是,波普尔却把他看到的这一合理的事实置于不合理的理解之中,即认为不存在历史规律,因而只要“清除”历史规律,就能“摧毁”科学社会主义以至整个马克思主义。波普尔实际上力图釜底抽薪,从根本上否定科学社会主义以至整个马克思主义的科学性。问题的关键在于,波普尔是在主观否定一个无法否定的客观事实,那就是,历史的确有其内在规律,不管你如何诅咒,也无法“消除”历史规律。从历史上看,每一代封建统治者都被反复告诫“水能载舟,亦能覆舟”,被反复教导如何进行统治,甚至编写了《资治通鉴》之类的书供他们阅读,以希图封建王朝万世一系。可是,历史上照样不断发生农民起义,照样发生改朝换代,照样发生资产阶级革命。邓小平同志曾总结,“封建社会代替奴隶社会,资本主义代替封建主义,社会主义经历一个长过程发展后必然代替资本主义。这是社会历史发展不可逆转的总趋势,但道路是曲折的。资本主义代替封建主义的几百年间,发生过多少次王朝复辟?所以,从一定意义上说,某种暂时复辟也是难以完全避免的规律性现象”。从人类总体历史看,社会主义代替资本主义这一历史之剧才刚刚拉开“序幕”,把“序幕”看成“谢幕”,这是历史的错觉。
Marxism is a science, not an apocalypse.
马克思主义是科学而不是启示录
Marx’s philosophical research, political economy research, and socialist theoretical research were not “pure” or “value-neutral” theoretical inquiries; they were closely intertwined with and integrated into philosophical critique, political critique, and the critique of political economy, i.e., the critique of capital. Criticality is an essential characteristic of Marxism. As early as the founding of Marxism, Marx declared: “The advantage of the new trend of thought” lies in “the ruthless critique of everything existing,” and in “discovering the new world through the critique of the old world.” Centered on the theme of the emancipation of the proletariat and of humanity, Marxism unfolded a triple critique: philosophical critique, political critique, and the critique of capital.
马克思的哲学研究、政治经济学研究、社会主义理论研究不是“纯粹”的、“价值中立”的理论研究,而是和哲学批判、政治批判、政治经济学批判即资本批判密切相关、融为一体的。批判性是马克思主义的本质特征。早在马克思主义创立之初,马克思就宣布:“新思潮的优点”就在于,“对现存的一切进行无情的批判”,“在批判旧世界中发现新世界”。围绕着无产阶级和人类解放这一主题,马克思主义展开了哲学批判、政治批判、资本批判三重批判。
The Marxist inquiry into the emancipation of the proletariat and of humanity was consistently permeated by philosophical critique: “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” “Critique of Hegel’s Dialectic and Philosophy as a Whole,” “Critique of Critical Criticism,” “Critique of French Materialism,” and “Critique of Modern German Philosophy as Represented by Feuerbach, Bruno Bauer, and Stirner.” This series of philosophical critiques enabled Marx to establish the “new materialism” as a “truly critical world outlook,” and through philosophical critique, to return to reality, reflect on the contradictions of reality and their developmental trends, in order to answer the questions of the era. At the same time, Marx’s philosophical critique did not remain at the level of “pure philosophy”; it integrated philosophical critique with political critique. In Marx’s view, the “alliance” of philosophy and politics was the “sole alliance” through which modern philosophy could attain truth. Indeed, philosophy is not equal to politics, but politics needs philosophy; without philosophically justified politics, it lacks ideas, logical force, and spiritual support, making it difficult to gain people’s recognition and support. Philosophy is not equal to politics, but philosophy cannot be divorced from politics either. An important characteristic of philosophy is that it always reflects real social movements through abstract conceptual movements, and reflects social relations through conceptual systems. Philosophy always reflects and embodies the interests, aspirations, and demands of specific nations and classes in its own unique way, always contains politics in its own special manner, and always has one political effect or another. The unity of philosophy and the era is first and foremost realized and manifested through its political effects. It is precisely for this reason that philosophical change is often the precursor to political change and social change.
马克思主义对无产阶级和人类解放的探讨始终贯穿着哲学批判:“黑格尔法哲学批判”“对黑格尔的辩证法和整个哲学的批判”“对批判的批判所做的批判”“对法国唯物主义的批判”与“对费尔巴哈、布·鲍威尔和施蒂纳所代表的现代德国哲学的批判”。这一系列哲学批判使马克思创立了“新唯物主义”这一“真正批判的世界观”,并通过哲学批判返归现实、反思现实的矛盾及其发展趋势来解答时代课题。同时,马克思主义的哲学批判并没有停留在“纯粹哲学”的层面上,而是把哲学批判和政治批判结合起来了。在马克思看来,哲学和政治的“联盟”是现代哲学能够成为真理的“唯一联盟”。的确如此,哲学不等于政治,但政治需要哲学,没有经过哲学论证的政治,缺乏理念、逻辑力量和精神支柱,很难得到人们的认同和拥护;哲学不等于政治,但哲学又不可能脱离政治,哲学的一个重要特点,就是它总是以抽象的概念运动反映现实的社会运动,以概念体系反映社会关系体系。哲学总是以自己独特的方式反映并体现特定民族、阶级的利益、愿望和要求,总是以自己特殊的方式蕴含着政治,总是具有这样或那样的政治效应,哲学和时代的统一性首先就是通过它的政治效应实现并体现出来的。正因为如此,哲学变革往往是政治变革、社会变革的先导。
More importantly, Marx’s philosophical critique and political critique were closely related to and highly unified with the critique of political economy, i.e., the critique of capital. The subtitle of *Capital* is “Critique of Political Economy.” Within the Marxist system, the critique of capital is a critique of premises. This is because the proletariat does not stand in a “one-sided opposition” to the “consequences” of the capitalist system, but in a “total opposition” to the “premises” of the capitalist system. This “premise” is capital. The fundamental condition for the existence and rule of the bourgeoisie is the formation and valorization of capital. In capitalist society, capital has the power to command everything; capital itself is the most basic and highest social existence. In the contemporary era, whether it is the analysis of science and technology, value systems, and political systems, or the analysis of individual modes of existence, social production modes, and international modes of interaction, all should be based on the Marxist critique of capital. Only by deeply understanding that the Marxist critique of capital is a critique of premises can we profoundly grasp the theoretical content of Marxist philosophical critique and political critique.
更重要的是,马克思主义的哲学批判、政治批判是和政治经济学批判即资本批判密切相关、高度统一的。《资本论》的副标题就是“政治经济学批判”。在马克思主义体系中,资本批判是一种前提批判。这是因为,无产阶级不是同资本主义制度的“后果”发生“片面的对立”,而是同资本主义制度的“前提”发生“全面的对立”。这个“前提”就是资本。资产阶级生存和统治的根本条件就是资本的形成和增殖,在资本主义社会,资本具有支配一切的权力,资本本身就是最基本和最高的社会存在。在当代,无论是对科学技术、价值观念和政治制度的分析,还是对个人生存方式、社会生产方式和国际交往方式的分析,都应当以马克思主义的资本批判为基础。我们只有深刻理解马克思主义的资本批判是前提批判,才能深刻把握马克思主义哲学批判、政治批判的理论内涵。
It was precisely through philosophical critique, political critique, and the critique of capital that Marxism discovered the secret of human self-alienation, discovered the laws of social development and the historical law that socialism will inevitably replace capitalism, and transformed this scientificity into people’s value goals and ideal pursuits. Within the Marxist system, moral judgments and value evaluations are based on scientific judgments, and scientific judgments in turn contain moral judgments and value evaluations. “The more science is ruthless and impartial, the more it conforms to the interests and aspirations of the workers.” The criticality and scientificity of Marxism are highly unified. It is precisely for this reason that Marxism is a high unity of knowledge system and value form, a theoretical system that is a high unity of “truly positive science” and a “truly critical world outlook.”
正是通过哲学批判、政治批判、资本批判,马克思主义发现了人的自我异化的秘密,发现了社会发展规律以及社会主义必然代替资本主义的历史规律,并把这种科学性转化为人们的价值目标和理想追求。在马克思主义体系中,道德判断、价值评价以科学判断为依据,科学判断又蕴含着道德判断、价值评价。“科学越是毫无顾忌和大公无私,它就越符合工人的利益和愿望。”马克思主义的批判性和科学性是高度统一的。正因为如此,马克思主义是知识体系和价值形态的高度统一,是“真正实证的科学”和“真正批判的世界观”高度统一的理论体系。
I cannot agree with the view that Marxism, having emerged in the “Victorian era” more than 170 years ago, is therefore outdated. This is a form of “arrogance and prejudice.” We cannot judge whether a doctrine is truth or has value based on the time of its creation. What is new is not necessarily true, and what is old is not necessarily false. There are both the newest, fashionable fallacies and ancient, millennia-old truths. Truth can only be developed, never refuted. Although Archimedes’ theorem was established long ago, no matter how advanced the shipbuilding industry is today, it cannot violate this theorem. If it does, then no matter how advanced the technology of the ship built, no matter how “humanized” its form, it cannot sail. If it sails, it will inevitably sink.
笔者不能同意这样一种观点,即马克思主义产生于“维多利亚时代”,距今已经170多年,因而已经过时。这是一种“傲慢与偏见”。我们不能以某种学说创立的时间来判断其是不是真理,是否有价值。新的未必就是真的,老的未必就是假的。既有最新的、时髦的谬论,也有古老的、千年的真理。真理只能发展,而不可能被推翻。阿基米德定理创立的时间尽管很久远了,但今天的造船业无论多么发达,也不能违背这一定理。如果违背了这一定理,那么,造出的船无论技术多么先进,形式多么“人性化”,都不可能航行。如航行,则必沉无疑。
We should deeply understand the dialectical relationship between the conditions under which Marxism was founded and the scope of its application, or more precisely, the scope of application of the laws Marxism discovered. Generally speaking, the natural sciences discover certain natural laws and demonstrate their scientific nature and validity through laboratory methods that allow a natural process to proceed “in its pure form.” The social sciences cannot use such laboratory methods, but they can employ the “typical case analysis method,” that is, through the study of the most fully and prominently developed social unit of a certain social relation or social structure, to discover certain social laws and demonstrate their scientific nature and validity. Engels said that the steam engine convincingly proves that as long as heat is input, mechanical motion can be obtained; 100,000 steam engines do not prove this principle more than a single steam engine does. Similarly, the law of value discovered in the typical form of a commodity economy must universally take effect in all countries that implement a commodity economy. In the language of dialectics, this is discovering the general from the individual, the universal from the particular, and the infinite from the finite.
我们应当深刻理解马克思主义创立的条件与马克思主义适用的范围,或者说,与马克思主义所发现的规律的适用范围之间的辩证关系。一般说来,自然科学是通过某种自然过程“以纯粹形态进行”的实验室方法发现某种自然规律,并显示其科学性及其效力的。社会科学不可能运用这种实验室方法,但社会科学可以运用“典型分析方法”,即通过对某种社会关系、社会结构发展的最为充分、最为显著的社会单位的研究,发现某种社会规律,并显示自己的科学性及其效力。恩格斯说过,蒸汽机令人信服地证明,只要投入热就能获得机械运动,10万部蒸汽机并不比一部蒸汽机能更多地证明这一原理。同理,在一个商品经济典型形态中发现的价值规律,必然在所有实行商品经济的国家中普遍地发生作用。用辩证法的话语来说,就是从个别中发现一般,从特殊中发现普遍,从有限中发现无限。
In the mid-19th century, through the British Industrial Revolution and the French political revolution, the capitalist system had been established in Western Europe, and in the United States it had formed “the most modern mode of existence,” revealing its essential characteristics and inherent contradictions. It was precisely through the study of the typical cases of mid-19th-century capitalist economic (mode of production) development—Britain, capitalist political development—France, and “the most modern form of existence of bourgeois society—the United States,” that Marx discovered and profoundly grasped that the premise of private capitalist ownership of the means of production, the nature of wage labor, the goal of the boundless pursuit of surplus value, and capital’s right to dominate everything are the essential characteristics of the capitalist system, and that the law of surplus value is the basic law universally operative in capitalist society. Thus, he discovered and profoundly grasped the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production, and clearly pointed out: “The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future.” [4]4 Karl Marx, “Preface to the First German Edition,” Capital, Volume I. The American scholar Heilbroner pointed out that Marx provided us with the most important insights and the most effective method for correctly understanding capitalism, and “as long as capitalism exists, I believe we cannot declare that his understanding of the intrinsic nature of this system is wrong.” [5]5 Robert L. Heilbroner, Marxism: For and Against (New York: W.W. Norton, 1980), p. 9. At the same time, through capitalist society, this “most developed and most diverse historical organization of production,” Marx “saw through” the already collapsed social relations and social structures, discovering and profoundly grasping the fundamental law universally operative in human society: the law of the contradictory movement between the economic structure determining the political and ideological structures, and between the productive forces and the relations of production. This is precisely the scientific nature and validity of Marxism. We should deeply grasp the scientific nature and validity of Marxism, and must not oppose the scope of Marxism’s application to the conditions and time of its founding.
19世纪中叶,通过英国工业革命、法国政治革命,资本主义制度已在西欧得以确立,在美国则形成了“最现代的存在方式”,并显现出自己的本质特征和内在矛盾。而马克思正是通过对19世纪中叶资本主义经济(生产方式)发展的典型——英国、资本主义政治发展的典型——法国、“资产阶级社会的最现代的存在形式——美国”的研究,发现并深刻把握了生产资料资本家私人占有制的前提、雇佣劳动的性质、无限追求剩余价值的目的、资本具有支配一切的权利,是资本主义制度的本质特征,剩余价值规律是在资本主义社会普遍起作用的基本规律,从而发现、深刻把握了资本主义生产方式运动规律,并明确指出:“工业较发达的国家向工业较不发达的国家所显示的,只是后者未来的景象。”美国学者海尔布隆纳指出,马克思为我们正确理解资本主义提供了最重要的见解、最有效的方法,“只要资本主义存在,我认为我们就不能宣称他对这一制度内在性质的认识是错误的”。同时,马克思又通过资本主义社会这一“最发达的和最多样性的历史的生产组织”,“透视”出已经覆灭的社会关系、社会结构,发现并深刻把握了经济结构决定政治结构和观念结构、生产力与生产关系矛盾运动规律这一在人类社会普遍起作用的根本规律。这正是马克思主义的科学性及其效力。我们应当深刻把握马克思主义的科学性及其效力,不能把马克思主义适用的范围同马克思主义创立的条件和时间对立起来。
In fact, time is only a “filter” for truth and falsehood, not a “test” for them. Whether a doctrine is truth does not depend on the time of its founding, but on whether it has discovered and grasped the laws of its object of study. Every science takes discovering and grasping certain laws as its mission. For any doctrine to become a science, it must discover and grasp certain laws; its value and significance depend on what questions it raises and answers, and the breadth and depth of those questions. It is precisely because Marxism has profoundly grasped the laws of social development and the laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production, and precisely because the questions Marxism raises, focuses on, and answers deeply align with the major issues of the contemporary world, that Marxism, born in the mid-19th century, has transcended that specific era and remains the truth and conscience of our time, still occupying the moral and truth high ground. This is precisely why, whenever major issues or events occur in the world, people involuntarily turn their gaze back to Marxism: “We turn to Marx, not because he is infallible, but because we cannot avoid him. Everyone who wants to pursue the research Marx initiated will find that Marx is forever before them.” [6]6 This is a paraphrase of a common sentiment in Western Marxist scholarship; the exact source is not specified in the original text.
实际上,时间只是真理与谬误的“过滤器”,而不是真理与谬误的“检验器”。一种学说是不是真理,不在于它创立的时间,而在于它是否发现、把握了研究对象的规律。任何一门科学都以发现、把握某种规律为己任。任何一种学说要成为科学,就必须发现、把握某种规律,其价值和意义取决于它提出、解答了什么样的问题及其广度和深度。正是由于马克思主义深刻把握了社会发展规律、资本主义生产方式运动规律,正是由于马克思主义所提出、关注和解答的问题深度契合着当代世界的重大问题,所以,产生于19世纪中叶的马克思主义又超越了19世纪中叶这个特定的时代,依然是我们这个时代的真理和良心,依然占据着真理和道义的制高点。正因为如此,每当世界发生重大问题、重大事件时,人们都不由自主地把目光再次转向马克思主义,“我们求助于马克思,不是因为他毫无错误之处,而是因为我们无法回避他。每个想从事马克思所开创的研究的人们都会发现,马克思永远在他的面前”。
Marxism provides us with “crucial insights” for correctly understanding social history, but it does not and cannot provide an “omnipotent explanation,” nor does it and cannot contain ready-made answers to contemporary problems. A doctrine that claims to contain answers to all questions can only be theology, not science. History has proven that any ideological system that claims to be an “omnipotent explanation” or “ultimate truth,” like feudal dynasties that hoped to rule forever in a single line, has inevitably declined. Marx is “Prometheus,” not “God”; Marxism is a scientific method, not a dogma or ready-made doctrine. To seek ready-made answers to contemporary problems from the classical works of Marxism is, in fact, to turn Marxism into an “apocalypse.” We can only expect Marxism, according to its “nature,” to do what it can do, and cannot demand that it do what it cannot or is unable to do. If no ready-made answers to contemporary problems can be found in the classical works of Marxism, the one to blame is not Marx, but one’s own ignorance of the “nature” of Marxism.
马克思主义为我们正确理解社会历史提供了“至关重要的见解”,但没有也不可能提供“全能的解释”,没有也不可能包含关于当代问题的现成答案。自诩为包含一切问题答案的学说,只能是神学,而不可能是科学。历史已经证明,凡是以“全能解释”“终极真理”自诩的思想体系,如同希图万世一系的封建王朝一样,无一不走向没落。马克思是“普罗米修斯”,而不是“上帝”;马克思主义是科学方法,而不是教义、现成的教条。从马克思主义的经典著作中寻找当代问题的现成答案,实际上是把马克思主义变成了“启示录”。我们只能按照马克思主义的“本性”期待它做它所能做的事,而不能要求它做它不能做或做不到的事。从马克思主义的经典著作中找不到关于当代问题的现成答案,要责怪的不应是马克思,而应是自己对马克思主义“本性”的无知。
Of course, since Marx’s death, debates over Marxism have been persistent, extensive, and intense, involving the major disciplines of the social sciences and spanning the world’s major countries. In fact, the persistent, extensive, and intense debates surrounding Marxism themselves indicate that Marx is still “alive,” and that Marxism “remains an ideological system and discourse system with significant international influence.” “Fierce debate over a certain doctrine is an unmistakable sign that the doctrine under debate has a lofty image in the author’s environment, and even exerts a powerful attraction on him personally.” [7]7 R.G. Collingwood, An Autobiography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1939), p. 39. This insight from the British scholar Collingwood is apt and profound.
当然,在马克思逝世后,人们对马克思主义的争论持久、广泛而激烈,涉及社会科学的主要学科,遍及世界主要国家。实际上,围绕着马克思主义而展开的持久、广泛而激烈的争论,本身就表明,马克思仍然“活着”,马克思主义“依然是具有重大国际影响的思想体系和话语体系”。“对某种学说进行激烈的论战,乃是争论中的学说在作者的环境中形象高大,甚至对他本人具有强大的吸引力的一个确实无误的标志。”英国学者柯林武德的这一见解中肯而深刻。
Opening Up a New Realm of Contemporary Chinese Marxism in the Two Integrations [8]8 The Two Integrations (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture, a key theoretical formulation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
在“两个结合”中开辟当代中国马克思主义新境界
Marxism has not only changed the world, but also changed China; it has not only changed Chinese society, but also promoted the self-renewal of Chinese culture. More importantly, Marxism itself has entered Chinese culture, not only activating the genes of fine traditional Chinese culture, but also gradually integrating with fine traditional Chinese culture, giving rise to an organically unified new cultural life entity, a new theoretical form. This process is precisely the process of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, or, in other words, the process of constructing the Chinese form of Marxism. Marx’s theoretical activities throughout his life were mainly conducted in Germany, Britain, and France; the main intellectual sources at the time of Marxism’s founding were the combination of German classical philosophy, British classical political economy, and French utopian socialism. Relative to traditional Chinese culture, Marxism belongs to foreign culture. Precisely because of this, Chinese Marxists cannot stop at the intellectual sources at the time of Marxism’s founding; rather, they should integrate the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture, constructing Marxism that is adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, so that the Chinese people identify with Marxism not only scientifically but also culturally.
马克思主义不仅改变了世界,而且改变了中国;不仅改变了中国社会,而且推动了中国文化的自我更新。更重要的是,马克思主义自身已经进入中国文化中,不仅激活了中华优秀传统文化的基因,而且逐步同中华优秀传统文化相结合,造就一个有机统一的新的文化生命体、新的理论形态。这一过程就是马克思主义中国化的过程,或者说,是建构马克思主义中国形态的过程。马克思一生的理论活动主要是在德国、英国、法国进行的,马克思主义创立时的主要思想来源是德国古典哲学、英国古典政治经济学、法国空想社会主义相结合。相对于中国传统文化来说,马克思主义属于外来文化。正因为如此,中国的马克思主义者不能停留在马克思主义创立时的思想来源上,而应当把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合,建构中国化时代化的马克思主义,从而使中国人民不仅在科学上认同马克思主义,而且在文化上认同马克思主义。
Conceptual systems are analyzable and reconstructable; conceptual factors are separable and compatible with each other. Among the conceptual factors contained in a cultural form, some cannot exist apart from the original system, while others can be transformed and accommodated into other conceptual systems. Spiritual production differs from physical material production; species continuation using genes as genetic material is same-species reproduction, whereas spiritual production can create new theoretical forms through the absorption, digestion, and re-creation of different disciplines and cultural achievements. Just as inbreeding is detrimental to species development, a theoretical form full of vitality must break through a single disciplinary or cultural system, drawing on the strengths of many to innovate.
观念系统具有可解析性、可重构性,观念因素之间具有可分离性、可相容性。一种文化形态所包含的观念因素,有些是不能脱离原系统而存在的,有些则可以经过改造而容纳到别的观念系统中。精神生产不同于肉体的物质生产,以基因为遗传物质的物种延续是同种相生,而精神生产则可以通过对不同学科、不同文化成果的吸收、消化和再创造,造就新的理论形态。正像亲缘繁殖不利于种的发育一样,一种富有生命力的理论形态一定是突破单一的学科系统或文化系统、博采众长而创新的理论形态。
Integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture is not “basic Marxist viewpoints + fine traditional Chinese culture”; this is external splicing, not internal fusion. It is not a simple conversion of categories or terms, turning “contradiction” into “yin-yang,” “law” into “Dao,” “cognition” into “investigating things to extend knowledge”… this is a word game, a simple analogy, not creative transformation or innovative development. Still less is it letting “Marx enter the Confucian temple,” [9]9 “Letting Marx enter the Confucian temple” is a metaphorical expression referring to attempts to reconcile or merge Marxism with Confucianism, often implying a subordination of Marxism to traditional Chinese thought. using traditional Chinese culture to “transform” Marxism and construct a so-called “Confucian Marxism”; the result of such “transformation” can only be the “hollowing out” of Marxism. History has proven that it was not traditional culture that saved China, but the victory of the Chinese revolution that prevented traditional culture from declining along with modern Chinese society; it was not traditional culture that pushed a poor and backward China onto the world stage, but the great achievements of contemporary China’s reform and opening up and socialist modernization that have pushed a hopeful China onto the world stage, pushing fine traditional Chinese culture onto the world stage. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, “Marxism brought advanced ideological theory to China, activated the genes of Chinese civilization with the light of truth, led China into the modern world, and promoted the life renewal and modern transformation of Chinese civilization.”
把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合,不是“马克思主义基本观点+中华优秀传统文化”,这是外在的拼接,而不是内在的融合;不是范畴或术语的简单转换,把“矛盾”变为“阴阳”、“规律”变为“道”、“认识”变为“格物致知”……这是文字游戏、简单类比,而不是创造性转化、创新性发展;更不是让“马克思进文庙”,用中国传统文化去“化”马克思主义,建构所谓的“儒学马克思主义”,这种“化”的结果只能使马克思主义“空心化”。历史已经证明,不是传统文化挽救了中国,而是中国革命的胜利使传统文化避免了同近代中国社会一道走向没落;不是传统文化把一个贫穷落后的中国推向世界,而是当代中国的改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的巨大成就把一个充满希望的中国推向世界,把中华优秀传统文化推向世界。习近平总书记指出,“马克思主义把先进的思想理论带到中国,以真理之光激活了中华文明的基因,引领中国走进现代世界,推动了中华文明的生命更新和现代转型”。
Integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture is not based on an abstract “must,” but on the real existence of this possibility. In the view of Marx and Engels, “Chinese socialism has as much in common with European socialism as Chinese philosophy has with Hegelian philosophy.” [10]10 This is a paraphrase of a view expressed by Marx and Engels in their writings on China, notably in the *New-York Daily Tribune* articles, suggesting a perceived affinity between certain Chinese socialist ideas and European socialism. In fact, the relationship between fine traditional Chinese culture and Marxism is also like this; the two likewise have “common points,” and these common points in turn create points of compatibility between them. It is precisely these common points and points of compatibility that constitute the theoretical premise, theoretical basis, and inherent stipulations for integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. The construction of any theoretical form is stimulated by and takes as its realistic foundation the practice of reality. Therefore, we should take the practice of Chinese-path modernization as the coordinate of thought, deeply explore and profoundly grasp the common points and points of compatibility between fine traditional Chinese culture and Marxism, and carry out creative transformation and innovative development of those elements of fine traditional Chinese culture that share common points and points of compatibility with Marxism, thereby organically combining and integrating the two, giving rise to a new theoretical form, namely, the Chinese form of Marxism.
把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合,不是建立在抽象的“必须”上,而是确实存在这种可能性。在马克思恩格斯看来,“中国的社会主义跟欧洲的社会主义像中国哲学跟黑格尔哲学一样具有共同之点”。实际上,中华优秀传统文化与马克思主义的关系也是如此,二者同样具有“共同之点”,这种共同之点又使二者之间具有契合之处。正是这种共同之点、契合之处构成了把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合的理论前提、理论依据和内在规定性。任何一种理论形态的建构,都是由现实的实践所激发并以此为现实基础的。因此,我们应当以中国式现代化的实践为思维坐标,深入探讨、深刻把握中华优秀传统文化和马克思主义之间的共同之点、契合之处,并对那些和马克思主义具有共同之点、契合之处的中华优秀传统文化进行创造性转化、创新性发展,从而使二者有机结合、融为一体,造就新的理论形态,即马克思主义的中国形态。
The Chinese form of Marxism formed in the process of the “Two Integrations,” that is, integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with fine traditional Chinese culture—contemporary Chinese Marxism—has not only expanded the cultural foundation of Marxism, but has also become the essence of the times of Chinese culture. Therefore, contemporary Chinese Marxism belongs not only to Marxism, but also to Chinese culture. In the New Era, facing new practices, we must continue to study, research, and practice Marxism, constantly drawing from it scientific methods, philosophical wisdom, and ideological strength, and continuously open up new realms of contemporary Chinese Marxism through the “Two Integrations.” What can represent the future direction and path of China’s development is precisely contemporary Chinese Marxism; seeking another “way out” is equivalent to having no way out.
在“两个结合”,即把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合过程中形成的马克思主义中国形态——当代中国马克思主义,不仅拓展了马克思主义的文化根基,而且成为中国文化的时代精华。因此,当代中国马克思主义不仅属于马克思主义,而且属于中国文化。在新的时代,面对新的实践,我们必须继续学习、研究、实践马克思主义,不断从中汲取科学方法、哲学智慧和思想力量,在“两个结合”中不断开辟当代中国马克思主义新境界。能够代表中国未来发展方向和道路的,就是当代中国马克思主义,另谋“出路”等同于没有出路。
(Author: Yang Geng, Member of the Academic Committee of the Ministry of Education’s Social Science Committee, Professor at Beijing Normal University)
(作者:杨 耕,系教育部社会科学委员会学部委员、北京师范大学教授)
Online Editor: Huihui
网络编辑:慧慧
Notes
- A classical Chinese idiom from *Xunzi* and later used by Tang dynasty statesman Wei Zheng, comparing the people to water and the ruler to a boat; the water can support the boat or capsize it, meaning the people can uphold or overthrow a ruler. ↩
- *Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government*, a monumental Chinese historical text compiled by Sima Guang in the 11th century, intended to provide rulers with lessons from past dynastic cycles. ↩
- A quotation from Deng Xiaoping’s speech during his 1992 southern tour, summarizing his view of historical inevitability and the possibility of temporary setbacks. ↩
- Karl Marx, “Preface to the First German Edition,” Capital, Volume I. ↩
- Robert L. Heilbroner, Marxism: For and Against (New York: W.W. Norton, 1980), p. 9. ↩
- This is a paraphrase of a common sentiment in Western Marxist scholarship; the exact source is not specified in the original text. ↩
- R.G. Collingwood, An Autobiography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1939), p. 39. ↩
- The Two Integrations (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture, a key theoretical formulation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. ↩
- “Letting Marx enter the Confucian temple” is a metaphorical expression referring to attempts to reconcile or merge Marxism with Confucianism, often implying a subordination of Marxism to traditional Chinese thought. ↩
- This is a paraphrase of a view expressed by Marx and Engels in their writings on China, notably in the *New-York Daily Tribune* articles, suggesting a perceived affinity between certain Chinese socialist ideas and European socialism. ↩