Chen Yun’s Economic-Political Outlook and Its Implications for Chinese-Path Modernization

How to correctly handle the dialectical relationship between economics and politics is a major theoretical and practical question that a proletarian party must answer when carrying out revolution, seizing state power, and organizing social construction. The Marxist economic-political outlook derives from the basic viewpoints of historical materialism; it regards politics as the concentrated expression of economics and reduces the essence and center of politics to the question of state power, making clear that “politics is participation in state affairs, giving direction to the state, determining the forms, tasks, and content of state activity.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, “On the Tasks of the People’s Commissariat of Justice under the New Economic Policy,” *Collected Works*, vol. 36, p. 532. Economics and politics, as two categories that are both interconnected and distinct, influence and even determine the overall course of human civilization’s development in specific historical periods. For a period, due to misunderstandings of Marxist political values, the essence of “politics” was seen as a reflection of class relations, and the political value of society was confined within the categories of class and state, greatly affecting the normal operation of our country’s economy and society. “Politics, as a concept, is a scientific abstraction of political phenomena and people’s political behavior under given social conditions”; its “essence is the regulation of relations concerning people’s survival interests, the inevitable result of the integration of individual personality and sociality.” [2]2 See Liu Tong, *Political Science: Theory, System, and Practice*, Peking University Press, 2007, p. 2. Chen Yun’s economic-political outlook refers to the political-philosophical views on the dialectical relationship between economics and politics that Chen Yun formed under the guidance of historical materialism while leading and carrying out economic construction. Some scholars use “economic politics” to explain the social-political phenomena presented by socio-economic development, holding that economic politics in a broad sense “is a ‘special kind of social-political phenomenon,’ whose main content is politics in the economic sphere.” [3]3 See Wang Huning, “Economic Politics in a Broad Sense,” *Journal of Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences*, 1986, no. 3. The economic-political outlook discussed in this article focuses precisely on the political-philosophical views contained in Chen Yun’s economic thought, namely: viewing and handling economic problems from a political perspective, emphasizing the foundational and determining role of economic work for political work, and adhering to the dialectical unity of economics and politics in concrete practice. These three points centrally present the main content of Chen Yun’s economic-political outlook, embodying his regular understanding and theoretical views on the political phenomena reflected in the economic sphere during the process of socialist revolution and construction. 2025 marks the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s birth. Systematically sorting out the important political views contained in Chen Yun’s economic thought at this major time node, and scientifically evaluating Chen Yun’s economic-political outlook and its contemporary value implications, can not only provide a scientific theoretical perspective for deepening the study of Chen Yun’s life and objectively presenting the systematicity and completeness of Chen Yun’s economic thought, but also offer useful insights for scientifically coping with practical difficulties such as the adjustment of economic interests and the transformation of political value connotations in the process of Chinese-path modernization.

如何正确处理经济与政治二者辩证关系问题，是无产阶级政党开展革命、夺取政权及组织社会建设必须回答的重大理论与实践问题。马克思主义经济政治观衍生于历史唯物主义基本观点，其将政治视为经济的集中表现，并将政治的实质和中心归结为国家政权问题，明确“政治就是参与国家事务，给国家定方向，确定国家活动的形式、任务和内容”。经济与政治作为两个既相联系又相区别的范畴，在特定历史时期影响乃至决定着人类文明发展的总体进程。一段时期内，因对马克思主义政治价值观的误解，“政治”的实质被视为阶级关系的反映，社会的政治价值也被限定在阶级与国家范畴之内，极大地影响了我国经济社会的正常运行。“政治作为一个概念，它是对一定社会条件下政治现象和人们政治行为的科学抽象”，其“本质是关于人的生存利益关系的调控，是人的个性与社会性整合的必然结果”。陈云的经济政治观，是指陈云在领导和开展经济建设中，以唯物史观为指导所形成的关于经济与政治二者辩证关系的政治哲学观点。有学者以“经济政治学”阐释由社会经济发展所呈现的社会政治现象，认为广义的经济政治“是一种‘特殊的社会政治现象’，其主要内容是经济方面的政治”。本文所述及的经济政治观就聚焦陈云经济思想中所蕴含的政治哲学观点，即从政治角度看待和处理经济问题、强调经济工作对政治工作的基础决定作用以及在具体的实践中坚持经济与政治的辩证统一。以上三点集中呈现了陈云经济政治观的主要内容，体现着陈云对社会主义革命和建设进程中经济领域反映的政治现象的规律性认识与理论性观点。2025年是陈云诞辰120周年，在此重大时间节点系统梳理陈云经济思想中蕴含的重要政治观点，科学评析陈云的经济政治观及其时代价值意蕴，既能为我们深化陈云生平研究、客观呈现陈云经济思想的系统性与完整性提供科学理论视角，也可为我们科学应对中国式现代化进程中经济利益调整及政治价值内涵转变等实践难题提供有益启示。

I. Insisting on First Viewing and Handling Economic Problems from a Political Perspective

一、坚持首先从政治角度看待和处理经济问题

“For the classical Marxist writers, the relationship between theory and practice is the ultimate foothold of all theoretical inquiry.” [4]4 See Sun Litian, “The Practical Turn of Marxist Philosophy,” *Social Sciences in China*, 1994, no. 5. Understanding political problems from the dimension of practice is an inevitable extension of the Marxist view of practice and history in political thinking. Economic problems, as the core content of human material production practice, are an important manifestation of human political practice. The primary aspect of Chen Yun’s economic-political outlook is manifested in always recognizing and handling economic problems in the process of revolution, construction, and reform from a political height, and summarizing the laws of political practice in the economic sphere with systematic dialectical thinking, thereby guiding concrete economic practice.

“对于马克思主义经典作家来说，理论与实践的关系问题是所有理论探讨的最终落脚点。”从实践维度理解政治问题，是马克思主义实践观与历史观在政治思维中的必然延伸。经济问题作为人类物质生产实践的核心内容，是人类政治实践的重要体现。陈云的经济政治观的首要方面表现为始终从政治高度认识和处理革命、建设和改革进程中的经济问题，以系统辩证思维总结经济领域的政治实践规律，以此指导具体经济实践。

(1) Starting from a Political Height, Formulating Economic Guidelines and Policies That Conform to the Revolutionary Struggle Situation

（一）从政治高度出发，制定符合革命斗争形势的经济方针政策

Class struggle, as the core of political practice in the era of revolutionary war, determines that social practice, including economics, must be subordinate to politics and serve the overall political situation. In leading economic construction during the period of revolutionary war, Chen Yun always emphasized the political significance of economic construction, continuously formulating economic guidelines and policies in light of changes in the political situation and its inherent laws, effectively supporting the revolutionary struggle in special periods.

阶级斗争作为革命战争年代政治实践的核心，决定包括经济在内的社会实践必然从属于政治并服务于政治大局。在领导革命战争时期的经济建设中，陈云始终强调经济建设的政治意义，不断结合政治形势变化及其内在规律制定经济方针政策，有力支援了特殊时期的革命斗争。

First, clarifying how to correctly handle the issue of the “greater public” and the “lesser public” under conditions of economic difficulty and material supply shortages. [5]5 “Greater public” (大公) refers to the central or overall public interest, typically the state or the Party as a whole; “lesser public” (小公) refers to the interests of a specific unit, locality, or department within the larger whole. Since the border region alleviated the difficult situation caused by the economic blockade through the Great Production Campaign, the financial system of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region mainly implemented a combination of financial supply and production self-sufficiency. Production self-sufficiency achieved great development, but neglect of centralized and unified leadership led to serious waste in the public sphere. To solve the core financial problem of the border region—the supply of anti-Japanese funds—Chen Yun handled the supply issue starting from the relationship between the “lesser public” and the “greater public.” In 1944 and 1945, Chen Yun successively attended funding discussions for units such as the Seventh Branch of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University and the Third Brigade of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia-Jin-Sui Joint Defense Army and the Independent First Brigade, and emphasized at these meetings that “lesser public” units should increase production to support the “greater public.” At a meeting on December 26, 1944, concerning the supply standards for the coming year in the border region, he proposed that all units should adhere to “‘lesser public’ submitting to the ‘greater public,’ the part submitting to the whole, the present submitting to the long term, small pain submitting to great pain,” emphasizing “better a small disorder under heaven than a great disorder under heaven.” [6]6 “Better a small disorder under heaven than a great disorder under heaven” (宁可天下小乱，不要让天下大乱) is a colloquial expression used by Chen Yun to argue that allowing minor, localized disruptions is preferable to risking a major, systemic breakdown. In handling the relationship between the “greater public” and the “lesser public,” Chen Yun proposed insisting that the “lesser public” submit to the “greater public” while also taking into account the interests of the “lesser public,” making clear that “what benefits the lesser public but harms the greater public must not be done; what benefits the lesser public and also benefits the greater public must be done; what benefits the lesser public but does no harm to the greater public may be done.” [7]7 Chen Yun, *Selected Works of Chen Yun*, vol. 1, People’s Publishing House, 1995, p. 288. Thus, on the basis of drawing clear criteria for handling the relationship between the “lesser public” and the “greater public,” he ensured the material supply for the revolutionary war and effectively safeguarded the unity and solidarity of the Party.

一是明确在经济困难、物资供应短缺的情况下，正确处理“大公”与“小公”问题。自边区以大生产运动缓解因经济封锁导致的困难局面后，陕甘宁边区的财政体制主要实行财政供给与生产自给相结合，生产自给取得很大发展，但对集中统一领导的忽视导致公共领域浪费严重。为解决抗日经费供给这一边区财政的核心问题，陈云从“小公”与“大公”关系入手处理供给问题。1944年及1945年，陈云先后出席抗日军政大学七分校和陕甘宁晋绥联防军警备三旅、独立一旅等单位经费讨论会，并在会上强调“小公”单位应加大生产以支持“大公”，而在1944年12月26日召开的有关边区来年供给标准问题的会议上，他则提出各单位要坚持“‘小公’服从‘大公’，局部服从全局，眼前服从长远，小痛服从大痛”，强调“宁可天下小乱，不要让天下大乱”。在处理“大公”“小公”二者关系时，陈云提出要坚持“小公”服从“大公”并兼顾“小公”利益，明确“有利小公有害于大公者不能干，有利小公也有利于大公者一定干，有利于小公无害于大公者可以干”，从而在划清处理“小公”“大公”关系取舍标准的基础上保证了革命战争的物资保障，有力维护了党的团结统一。

Second, in light of the special revolutionary situation, proposing to restore and develop the economy to support the war. By analyzing the social connections of war, the classical Marxist writers revealed that the essence of war is the continuation of politics. On the basis of critically transforming the Prussian military theorist Clausewitz’s views on war, Lenin pointed out: “The basic principle of dialectics (which Plekhanov shamelessly distorted to curry favor with the bourgeoisie) applied to war is: ‘War is merely the continuation of politics by other <i.e., violent> means.’” [8]8 V. I. Lenin, “The Collapse of the Second International,” *Collected Works*, vol. 21, p. 219. War is rooted in politics, and politics is the concentrated expression of economics; therefore, war and economics have a special dialectical relationship. Consequently, Chen Yun’s exposition on the dialectical relationship between war and economics constitutes an important part of his economic-political outlook. From taking charge of financial and economic work in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region in 1944 to supporting the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea [9]9 The War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea (1950–1953) was the Chinese name for the Korean War, in which the People’s Volunteer Army fought alongside North Korean forces against UN forces led by the United States. with economic construction after the founding of New China, Chen Yun always attached importance to the political significance of economic work, successively proposing to “protect urban machinery” and calling on Party cadres to “vigorously learn to do economic work.” [10]10 Chen Yun, *Selected Works of Chen Yun*, vol. 1, p. 296. He believed that only by educating senior and middle-level Party cadres to be familiar with economic work, urban management, and dealing with capitalists and technical personnel could the Party grow into a strong political leadership force and the guide of revolutionary victory amid the rapidly changing revolutionary situation. In the circumstances of the revolution’s continuous advance toward victory, Chen Yun always insisted on planning the Party’s economic work from a political height, making the Party’s economic policies keep pace with the development of the political situation, thereby ensuring the final victory of the revolutionary war economically.

二是结合革命特殊形势提出要恢复和发展经济以支援战争。马克思主义经典作家通过分析战争所具有的社会联系，揭示战争的本质是政治的继续。列宁在对普鲁士军事理论家克劳塞维茨有关战争观点作批判性改造基础上指出：“辩证法（普列汉诺夫为了取悦于资产阶级而无耻地将它歪曲了）的基本原理运用在战争上就是：‘战争不过是政治通过另一种手段〈即暴力的〉手段的继续’。”战争植根于政治，而政治是经济的集中表现，因而战争与经济便存在着辩证关联的特殊关系。因此，陈云有关战争与经济辩证关系的论述构成其经济政治观的重要内容。从1944年主持陕甘宁边区财经工作到新中国成立后以经济建设支援抗美援朝战争，陈云始终重视经济工作的政治意义，先后提出要“保护城市机器”，呼吁党内干部要“大力学做经济工作”。他认为，只有教育党内高中级干部熟悉经济工作、城市管理及与资本家和技术人员打交道，党才能在瞬息万变的革命形势中成长为坚强的政治领导力量及革命胜利的引路人。在革命不断走向胜利的情势中，陈云始终坚持从政治高度谋划党的经济工作，使党的经济政策与政治局势发展齐头并进，从经济上确保了革命战争的最终胜利。

Third, proposing that the “law of struggle” in the Northeast revolutionary base area was “economy—armed force—economy again.” Adjusting struggle tactics based on actual conditions through investigation and research is a valuable experience of our Party in carrying out the agrarian revolution. “Economy—armed force—economy again” is Chen Yun’s summary of the mass work experience of the county Party secretary of Bin County in Northern Manchuria; this experience reflects the characteristics of the Northeast, such as “armed peasants opposing armed landlords, bandits, and landlord militia.” [11]11 “Landlord militia” (大排) refers to armed groups organized by landlords for self-defense and suppression of peasants during the land reform period. Based on his understanding that farm laborers accounted for 60 percent of the peasant population in Northern Manchuria and the laws of mass struggle, Chen Yun determined the combat policy of building Northern Manchuria into a great rear area for the Northeast. Chen Yun believed that land reform was both an economic reform changing relations of production and a political change involving the adjustment of the pattern of interests. The change in land ownership required careful handling of the relationship between political struggle and economic construction. Changes in the revolutionary situation meant that the situation where economics was completely subordinate to politics had changed; “economic problems can only be solved by economic means.” [12]12 Chen Yun, *Selected Works of Chen Yun*, vol. 1, p. 310. To this end, Chen Yun proposed that the revolutionary struggle in the Northeast should both rely on the poor peasants and unite with the middle peasants, relying on the agrarian revolution in the countryside to realize “land to the tiller,” and also correctly and differentially handle the issue of urban capital, protect national industry and commerce, and vigorously develop national capital beneficial to the national economy and people’s livelihood and the development of industry and commerce.

三是提出东北革命根据地“斗争的规律是经济—武装—再经济”。在调查研究基础上根据实际情况调整斗争策略是我们党开展土地革命的宝贵经验。“经济—武装—再经济”是陈云对北满宾县县委书记群众工作经验的概括，这一经验反映着东北地区“武装的农民反对武装的地主、土匪及大排”等特点。陈云根据北满雇农占农民人口百分之六十及群众斗争规律的认识，确定了将北满建设成为东北大后方的战斗方针。陈云认为，土地改革既是生产关系变化的经济改革，也是涉及利益格局调整的政治变革，土地所有权的改变要求必须慎重处理政治斗争与经济建设的关系，革命形势的变化使经济完全从属于政治的局面发生了变化，“经济问题只能用经济手段解决”。为此，陈云提出东北革命斗争既要坚持依靠贫农、团结中农，在农村中依靠土地革命实现耕者有其田，也要正确且有区别地处理城市资本问题，保护民族工商业，大力发展有利于国计民生与工商业发展的民族资本。

(II) Understanding and Grasping Economic Issues in State Power Building from the Perspective of the Overall National Situation

（二）从国家大局出发，认识和把握政权建设中的经济问题

“The most important issue in any revolution is the question of state power.” The question of state power, as the fundamental issue of social revolution, encompasses two major aspects: seizing power and consolidating power. In leading financial and economic construction, Chen Yun consistently viewed economic construction from the perspective of seizing and consolidating state power, demonstrating a heightened economic-political consciousness.

“任何革命的最主要的问题都是国家政权问题。”而作为社会革命根本问题的国家政权问题，又包括夺取政权和巩固政权两大方面。陈云在领导财经建设过程中，始终从夺取和巩固政权高度看待经济建设问题，体现了高度的经济政治意识。

First, he regarded doing a good job in economic construction as a key issue in winning popular support and establishing the prestige of the people’s government. The question of state power is the core issue of politics; all political questions ultimately boil down to the question of state power building. Chen Yun deeply understood the political significance of national economic recovery and the safeguarding of people’s livelihoods, proposing that the economic order, thrown into chaos by war, should be restored on the basis of stabilizing finance and prices. In the article “Financial and Economic Workers Must Raise Their Enthusiasm,” Chen Yun elevated the importance of doing economic work to a status comparable to military struggle, emphasizing: “If U.S. imperialism intimidates us, the currency will depreciate, prices will fluctuate, and the reputation of the people’s government will suffer.” Through in-depth investigation and research, Chen Yun rapidly unified the national finance and economy with practical and feasible economic policies, thereby consolidating the newly born people’s government.

一是将做好经济建设工作视为赢得民心、树立人民政府威信的重点问题。国家政权问题是政治观的核心问题，任何政治问题最终都将归结为国家政权建设问题。陈云深刻认识到国民经济恢复工作与民生保障的政治意义，提出要在稳定金融物价基础上恢复因战乱而陷入混乱的国民经济秩序。在《财经工作人员要提高积极性》一文中，陈云将做好经济工作提高到比肩军事斗争的地位，强调“如果美帝国主义一吓唬，票子就贬值，物价就波动，人民政府的声誉就不大好”。通过深入调查研究，陈云以切实可行的经济政策快速统一了全国财政经济，由此巩固了新生人民政权。

Second, he made clear that a stable and united political situation is the prerequisite for carrying out economic construction. Chen Yun not only soberly recognized the political significance of economic construction but also stressed the need to plan work on the economic front from the perspective of maintaining a stable and united political situation. After the Party Central Committee made the major decision to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea, and to defend the homeland, Chen Yun pointed out: “If we do not put national defense first, if we do not beat back the aggressive arrogance of U.S. imperialism, all economic construction will be unreliable.” He emphasized that “without land reform, the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, and the suppression of counterrevolutionaries, it is impossible to do economic work well,” and proposed that the guiding principle for financial and economic work should place national defense construction in the primary position, ahead of economic and cultural construction. In response to the slogan popular in the early days of New China, “To get rich, plant cotton,” Chen Yun believed this only reflected one side of the reality, stressing that “without the victory of the revolution, without the establishment of the people’s government, without land reform, cotton farmers could hardly get rich,” and that the reality should be “patriotic getting rich, plant more cotton.” This highlighted the fundamental significance of a stable national political situation for national prosperity and the people’s well-being.

二是明确安定团结的政治局面是开展经济建设的前提。陈云既清醒认识到经济建设的政治意义，也强调要从维护安定团结的政治局面谋划经济战线工作。在中共中央作出抗美援朝、保家卫国重大决策后，陈云指出，“假如我们不把国防放在第一位，不把美帝国主义的侵略气焰打下去，一切经济建设都靠不住”。他强调“没有土地改革、抗美援朝、镇压反革命，把经济工作做好是不可能的”，提出财经工作方针理应将国防建设置于优先于经济与文化建设的首要位置。而针对新中国成立初期曾流行的“要发家，种棉花”的口号，陈云认为这仅仅反映了事实的一面，强调“没有革命的胜利，没有人民政府的成立，没有土地改革，棉农绝难发家”，事实理应是“爱国发家，多种棉花”。凸显了稳定的国家政局对于国富民强的基础性意义。

Third, he consistently adhered to the people-centered value stance in financial and economic work. Chen Yun believed that “the issue of people’s livelihood” is the central issue for the Communist Party of China in carrying out socialist construction, because the “issue of people’s livelihood” is not a simple economic issue but a major political issue concerning the Party’s prestige and the rise or fall, success or failure of the Party and the state. He pointed out: “The masses of the people will see whether the Communist Party truly cares about them and whether it has ways to solve their livelihood problems. This is a political issue.” So-called people’s livelihood mainly refers to the basic survival and living conditions of the people, as well as their basic development opportunities, basic development capabilities, and the protection of their basic rights and interests. If politics is the affairs of the many, then the issue of people’s livelihood is the greatest politics. In the early days of New China, to curb inflation, the financial and economic departments vigorously implemented work such as collecting public grain and issuing government bonds. While affirming this work, Chen Yun emphasized that urban-rural exchange should be placed first, making it clear that not only should the peasants’ local products be collected, but also cheap urban industrial goods should be sold to the countryside. He pointed out: “This is something no government in history has ever proposed, but it is a major matter concerning the economic life of the people across the country. If we do not take care of it, how can we be considered a people’s government?” At the end of 1956, at a Party group meeting of the ministry, Chen Yun stated: “Commercial work, including selling chickens and eggs, has its political significance. The quality of commercial work directly affects the vital interests of 600 million people and whether the broad masses of urban and rural people are satisfied with us.” At the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Party, Chen Yun, addressing the experiences and lessons of the First Five-Year Plan, emphasized: “We must ensure that the people have enough to eat and wear. The formulation of the Second Five-Year Plan must start from having enough to eat and wear.” “If the economy is not built on the foundation of having enough to eat and wear, I think construction will not be stable.” In formulating specific economic policies, Chen Yun consistently assessed the success or failure of economic guidelines and policies from the perspective of the people’s needs, effectively practicing the people’s stance and mass viewpoint in formulating economic lines.

三是始终坚持财经工作的人民价值立场。陈云认为，“民生问题”是中国共产党开展社会主义建设的中心问题，因为“民生问题”并非简单的经济问题，而是涉及党的威信及关乎党和国家兴衰成败的重大政治问题。他指出：“人民群众要看共产党对他们到底关心不关心，有没有办法解决生活的问题。这是政治问题。”而所谓民生，主要指民众的基本生存和生活状态，以及民众的基本发展机会、基本发展能力和基本权益保护的状况，如果说政治就是众人之事，那么民生问题就是最大的政治。新中国成立初期，财经部门为制止通货膨胀，大力施行公粮征收及国债发行等工作，陈云在肯定相关工作的同时，强调应将城乡交流摆在第一位，明确不仅要将农民的土产收上来，还应将城市廉价的工业品销往乡村。他指出：“这是历史上没有一个政府提出过的，但却是关系全国人民经济生活的一件大事，我们如果不管，怎么能算人民的政府呢？”1956年底，陈云在部党组会上指出：“商业工作，包括卖鸡、卖蛋，都有其政治意义。商业工作的好坏，直接关系到六万万人民群众的切身利益，关系到广大的城乡人民对我们是否满意。”在党的八届二中全会上，陈云针对第一个五年计划期间的经验教训，强调“我们必须使人民有吃有穿，制定第二个五年计划要从有吃有穿出发”，“经济不摆在有吃有穿的基础上，我看建设是不稳固的”。在制定具体经济政策过程中，陈云始终从人民需求出发考量经济方针政策成败得失，切实践行了经济路线制定中的人民立场与群众观点。

(III) Starting from Economic Construction, Proposing the Financial and Economic Work Concept of “Seventy Percent Economy, Thirty Percent Politics”

（三）从经济建设出发，提出“七分经济，三分政治”的财经工作理念

Historical materialism both emphasizes the decisive role of the economic base over politics and other parts of the superstructure and makes clear that the political superstructure can actively act upon the economic base. Classical Marxist writers profoundly revealed: “If a class does not correctly view problems from a political perspective, it cannot maintain its rule, and consequently cannot complete its production tasks,” therefore “politics cannot but take precedence over economics.” [13]13 V. I. Lenin, “Once Again on the Trade Unions, the Current Situation and the Mistakes of Trotsky and Bukharin” (1921). Mao Zedong, integrating the reality of the Chinese revolution, emphasized that “political work is the lifeblood of all economic work,” a law that “is especially true during periods of fundamental change in the socio-economic system.” [14]14 Mao Zedong, “Introductory Note to ‘The Socialist Upsurge in China’s Countryside’” (1955). Based on the importance of politics for economic construction, Chen Yun proposed “seventy percent economy, thirty percent politics,” emphasizing that ideological and political education for financial and economic workers should run through the entire process of financial and economic construction, ensuring the socialist direction of economic construction.

唯物史观既强调经济基础对政治等上层建筑的决定性作用，也明确政治的上层建筑能主动作用于经济基础。马克思主义经典作家深刻揭示：“一个阶级如果不从政治上正确地看问题，就不能维持它的统治，因而也就不能完成它的生产任务”，因此“政治同经济相比不能不占首位”。毛泽东结合中国革命实际，强调“政治工作是一切经济工作的生命线”，这一定律“在社会经济制度发生根本变革的时期，尤其是这样”。陈云基于政治对经济建设的重要性，提出“七分经济，三分政治”，强调要将对财经工作人员的思想政治教育贯穿财经建设全过程，确保经济建设的社会主义方向。

Chen Yun’s “seventy percent economy, thirty percent politics” thinking on financial and economic work creatively applied Lenin’s educational principle of “inculcation.” In 1894, Lenin proposed in his work “What the ‘Friends of the People’ Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats” that, on the basis of popularizing Marxist viewpoints and concretely examining class struggle in Russia, it was necessary to “inculcate it into the workers” in order to “spread Social-Democracy and unite the workers into a political force.” [15]15 V. I. Lenin, “What the ‘Friends of the People’ Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats” (1894). Lenin emphasized the role of ideological and political education in arousing the political consciousness of the working class and enhancing its revolutionary combat effectiveness. “Seventy percent economy, thirty percent politics” focuses on highlighting the prominent significance of ideological and political work in carrying out economic construction. The political rule of the proletariat serves the socialist economic base; revolution, construction, and reform are all aimed at removing obstacles in the superstructure that are incompatible with the economic base. Firmly adhering to the socialist political direction is the fundamental principle for a proletarian party to lead economic construction. Chen Yun pointed out that financial and economic workers “are busy all day with very specific economic work and pay insufficient attention to ideological and political work, which easily leads to routinism,” and “if they do not pay attention to reversing this trend, they will become shortsighted.” As the revolutionary stage transitioned to the stage of socialist construction, the main function of ideological and political work also shifted from arousing the people’s revolutionary will to educating the people to devote themselves to social production, and the intermingling of economy and politics became increasingly prominent. In August 1974, while listening to a work report from the responsible comrades of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, Chen Yun profoundly elaborated on the major political significance of trade with Hong Kong and Macau. He pointed out: “Trade with Hong Kong and Macau is work with strong policy implications.” “We must strengthen the political education of cadres engaged in trade with Hong Kong and Macau, so that they have two kinds of self-awareness: first, the great responsibility; second, the ability to withstand the test of a special environment. This test has great political significance, and the opportunity is rare.” To enhance the political consciousness of financial and economic workers, Chen Yun proposed carrying out ideological and political work among them, emphasizing that the key content should not only include summarizing past experiences and studying current political issues but also educating financial and economic cadres to focus on studying philosophy as a method for correctly observing problems, so that the Party’s various economic guidelines and policies can be better implemented and implemented, ensuring that socialist economic construction better serves the broad masses of the people.

陈云的“七分经济，三分政治”财经工作思想创造性地运用了列宁的“灌输论”教育原则。1894年，列宁曾在《什么是“人民之友”以及他们如何攻击社会民主党人？》一文提出要在使马克思主义观点通俗化及具体考察俄国阶级斗争基础上，“把它灌输给工人”，“以便传播社会民主主义并把工人团结为一支政治力量”。列宁强调了思想政治教育在激发工人阶级政治觉悟、提高工人阶级革命战斗力中的作用。“七分经济，三分政治”侧重强调思想政治工作在开展经济建设中的突出意义。无产阶级政治统治是为社会主义经济基础服务的，革命、建设及改革均是为了破除上层建筑中与经济基础不相适应的障碍，坚定社会主义的政治方向是无产阶级政党领导开展经济建设的根本原则。陈云指出，财经工作人员“一天到晚忙于非常具体的经济工作，对思想政治工作注意不够，这样就很容易产生事务主义”，“如果不注意扭转，就会变得目光短浅”。伴随着革命阶段向社会主义建设阶段的转变，思想政治工作的主要功能也由激发人民革命斗志转向教育人民投身社会生产，经济与政治的交融性也越发凸显。1974年8月，陈云在听取对外贸易部负责同志汇报工作时，深刻阐述了港澳贸易所具有的重大政治意义。他指出：“对港澳贸易是政策性很强的工作”，“要加强对港澳贸易工作干部的政治教育，使他们有两点自觉性：一是责任重大，二是能经受特殊环境的考验。这种考验有很大的政治意义，机会难得”。为加强财经工作人员的政治觉悟，陈云提出要在财经工作人员中开展思想政治工作，强调重点内容不仅要包括总结过往经验及时事政治问题学习，还应教育财经干部以哲学研究为重点学习正确观察问题的方法，使党的各项经济方针政策得到更好贯彻落实，确保社会主义经济建设更好服务广大人民群众。

“Seventy percent economics, thirty percent politics” both emphasizes the foundational role of economics and highlights the active role of political education in economic construction. It is a concrete manifestation of Marxist historical materialism in the economic sphere. The relationship between the two is not a mechanical combination but is organically unified throughout the entire process of socialist economic construction. Only by implementing the “seventy percent economics, thirty percent politics” policy in economic construction can we, while creating new people of the era who meet the requirements of socialist production, promote the great development of socialist production, ensure the socialist nature and production objectives of our country’s economic construction, truly achieve the integration of opening up with independence and self-reliance, and realize the organic unity of the interests of the state, the collective, and the individual.

“七分经济，三分政治”既强调了经济的基础性作用，也突出了政治教育对经济建设的能动作用，是马克思主义唯物史观在经济领域的具体体现，二者关系并非机械组合，而是有机统一于社会主义经济建设全过程。只有在经济建设中贯彻“七分经济，三分政治”方针，才能在创造符合社会主义生产要求的时代新人中推进社会主义生产大发展，保证我国经济建设的社会主义性质及生产目的，真正做到对外开放与独立自主、自力更生相结合，实现国家、集体及个人三者利益的有机统一。

II. Emphasizing the Foundational and Determinative Role of Economic Work for Political Work

二、强调经济工作对政治工作的基础决定作用

“Economics is the decisive factor for politics; under the socialist system it becomes the primary object of management and determines the primacy of economic policy over other policies.” [16]16 This is a quotation from a source cited by the author; the original source is not identified in the text. Economic practice is the most fundamental and essential content of human social life. Chen Yun’s economic-political view not only values political practice in the economic sphere but, more importantly, emphasizes the foundational and determinative role of economics relative to politics. On the basis of scientifically grasping the essence and laws of socialist economic construction, it brings into play the foundational guarantee role of economics for politics.

“经济对政治来说是决定性因素，它在社会主义制度下成为主要的管理对象，并决定了社会的经济政策与其他各种政策相比的首要地位”，经济实践是人类社会生活中最为基础和根本的内容。陈云的经济政治观既重视经济领域的政治实践，更强调经济相对于政治的基础决定性作用，在科学把握社会主义经济建设本质及其规律基础上发挥了经济对政治的基础保障作用。

(1) Overcoming the Negative Influence of “Left” Deviation in the Economic Sphere within the Party, “Consolidating the Fundamental Interests of the Soviet Political Power”

（一）克服党内经济领域“左”倾消极影响，“巩固苏维埃政权的根本利益”

During the era of revolutionary war, brutal military struggle subordinated economics to military politics. Chen Yun was one of the Party leaders who recognized the importance of economic work relatively early and who, when “Left” erroneous thinking was spreading within the Party, made every effort to correct erroneous tendencies in the economic sphere. From January 1933 to August 1934, on the basis of field investigations and research, Chen Yun corrected the “Left” errors in the economic sphere of the Central Soviet Area, [17]17 The Central Soviet Area was the largest and most important base area of the Chinese Communist Party during the early 1930s, centered on the Jiangxi-Fujian border region, with Ruijin as its capital. It was the site of the Chinese Soviet Republic, proclaimed in 1931. effectively consolidating the newborn Soviet political power.

在革命战争年代，残酷的军事斗争使经济从属于军事政治。陈云是党内较早认识到经济工作重要性并在“左”倾错误思想蔓延党内时极力纠正经济领域错误倾向的领导人之一。1933年1月至1934年8月，陈云在实地调研考察基础上对中央苏区经济领域的“左”倾错误予以纠正，有力地巩固了新生苏维埃政权。

“Left” erroneous thinking in the economic sphere was mainly manifested in disregarding the economic realities of the Soviet Area and blindly copying the experience of economic construction from the Soviet Union and large cities. For example, the Labor Law of the Chinese Soviet Republic, [18]18 The Labor Law of the Chinese Soviet Republic was enacted in 1931 and revised in 1933. It was modeled on Soviet labor legislation and included provisions for an eight-hour workday, minimum wages, and extensive worker benefits, which proved impractical for the underdeveloped rural economy of the Soviet Area. which aimed to raise the political status of workers, blindly copied the Soviet Union’s economic laws and provisions applicable to large cities, one-sidedly pursuing workers’ welfare while neglecting the enterprises’ own interests. This led to the closure of a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises and worker unemployment, as well as the calling of general strikes during the year-end struggle [19]19 The “year-end struggle” (年关斗争) refers to the traditional period around the Lunar New Year when debts were settled, often a time of intensified class conflict in rural China. The Communist Party organized campaigns during this period to mobilize peasants and workers against landlords and employers. that harmed the economic circulation of the Soviet Area. Chen Yun pointed out: “This kind of ‘Left’ erroneous leadership destroys the economic development of the Soviet Area, destroys the worker-peasant alliance, destroys the Soviet political power, and destroys the complete liberation of the working class.” To correct the “Left” errors in the economic sphere, Chen Yun personally went to Fujian to investigate the development of industry and commerce in Tingzhou [20]20 Tingzhou (now Changting County, Fujian Province) was a major commercial center in the Central Soviet Area. and successively published articles such as “On the Economic Struggle of Workers in the Soviet Area” and “The Mistakes We Made in Correcting the ‘Left’ Tendency in the Workers’ Economic Struggle,” criticizing the syndicalism and bureaucratic leadership in the economic sphere. He pointed out that the working class in the Soviet Area should not only strive to improve its own living conditions but should also regard developing the Soviet Area’s economy and consolidating the worker-peasant political power as its fundamental task for liberation. He clearly stated that “the struggle for daily interests must be most closely linked with the struggle for the complete victory of the revolution,” stimulating the political struggle enthusiasm of the workers by improving their economic status. At the same time, Chen Yun also rejected the rightist error in the trade union movement that neglected economic struggle and the improvement of workers’ living conditions, proposing that “‘Left’ and right opportunism in the workers’ economic struggle are both great dangers to the consolidation and development of the Soviet political power.” He clearly stated that correcting both “Left” and right erroneous tendencies in the economic sphere and consolidating and developing the Soviet political power were the Party’s central tasks in that specific period. This shows that, in the Party’s early democratic revolutionary struggle, Chen Yun had already seen the important significance of economic-political construction and clarified the internal connection between economic struggle and political struggle. He paid great attention to using economic interests to stimulate the enthusiasm of the broad masses of workers for political struggle, greatly mobilizing the working class’s autonomy in using economic struggle to consolidate and develop the newborn revolutionary political power.

“左”倾错误思想在经济领域主要表现为不顾苏区经济现实，片面照搬苏联及大城市经济建设经验，如旨在提高劳动者政治地位的《中华苏维埃共和国劳动法》盲目照搬苏联经济法及适用于大城市的条文，片面追求工人福利而忽视企业自身利益，致使大量中小企业倒闭及工人失业，以及在年关斗争中举行有害苏区经济流通的总同盟罢工。陈云指出：“这种‘左’的错误领导，是破坏苏区经济发展，破坏工农联盟，破坏苏维埃政权，破坏工人阶级的彻底解放的。”为纠正经济领域存在的“左”的错误，陈云亲自前往福建调查汀州工商业发展情况，并先后发表《关于苏区工人的经济斗争》《在纠正工人经济斗争“左”的倾向中我们所作的错误》等文章，批评经济领域存在的工团主义和领导上的官僚主义。他指出，苏区工人阶级不仅要争取改善自身生活，还应当将发展苏区经济和巩固工农政权视为解放自身的根本任务，明确提出“要把争取日常利益的斗争和争取革命完全胜利的斗争最密切地联系起来”，通过改善工人的经济地位激发工人政治斗争的积极性。同时，陈云也否定了职工运动中忽视经济斗争和改善工人生活条件的右倾错误，提出“工人经济斗争中‘左’、右倾机会主义，都是对于巩固和发展苏维埃政权的莫大的危险”，明确纠正经济领域存在的“左”与右两种错误倾向并巩固和发展苏维埃政权，是党在特定时期的中心任务。这表明，在党的早期民主革命斗争中，陈云已经看到经济政权建设的重要意义并明确了经济斗争与政治斗争的内在联系，十分注意以经济利益激发广大工人开展政治斗争的积极性，极大调动工人阶级以经济斗争巩固和发展新生革命政权的自主性。

(2) Emphasizing the Serious Political Significance of Economic Work, Systematically Elaborating the Revolutionary Significance of Organizing Production

（二）强调经济工作具有严重政治意义，系统阐述组织生产的革命意义

In the long-term environment of revolutionary struggle, the urgency and importance of political work led Party cadres to form a tendency to value politics over economics, which greatly hindered the expansion of revolutionary base areas and the shift of the Party’s central work to the cities. To break the financial and economic difficulties caused by the enemy’s blockade, Chen Yun coordinated the political and financial construction of the Border Region [21]21 The Border Region (边区) here refers specifically to the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, the main base area of the CPC after the Long March, with Yan’an as its capital. It was established in 1937 and served as the headquarters of the CPC during the War of Resistance Against Japan. in a flexible manner. On the one hand, he corrected the erroneous view within the Party that belittled economic work, changing the marginalized and passive situation of economic work. To correct the erroneous view within the Party that valued politics over economics and technology, Chen Yun elaborated on the importance of economic and technical work from the height of winning revolutionary victory. As early as May 1941, the Central Committee of the CPC issued the “Decision on Party Members Participating in Economic and Technical Work,” drafted by Chen Yun. This Decision clearly stated that various kinds of economic and political work are indispensable parts of revolutionary work and are concrete revolutionary work, emphasizing that “the abstract and narrow understanding of revolutionary work by certain Party organizations and Party members should be corrected, as well as the erroneous view that belittles economic work and technical work and considers these works to have no serious political significance.” This elevated economic work to a status equal to political work and clarified the necessity of economic construction itself as part of the revolutionary struggle. Subsequently, at the Yan’an Military Conference, [22]22 The Yan’an Military Conference was a meeting of military and Party leaders held in Yan’an in 1944 to discuss military strategy and the rectification of work styles in the armed forces. Chen Yun again criticized the erroneous tendency within the Party that neglected technical, economic, and other routine work. He pointed out: “Eating and dressing are major matters, difficult matters,” clearly stating that “technical, economic, and routine work have their political significance, and political work will also have a technical, economic, and routine character,” emphasizing that “there is no such thing as purely political work.” In the complex revolutionary environment, Chen Yun not only saw the political significance of doing economic work well but was also able to grasp the core content of economic work—developing production—and emphasized the revolutionary significance of organizing production. On May 28, 1944, Chen Yun, in a speech at the opening ceremony of the accounting personnel training class organized by the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government, pointed out: “The revolution has now entered a stage where the main task is to organize the people to produce and promote the victory of the War of Resistance. If we can solve the problem of the masses’ food and clothing, we can become the leaders of the masses.” “A revolutionary merchant is a thoroughgoing revolutionary.” It was precisely based on this understanding of the great political significance of economic work that Chen Yun emphasized the need to bring into play the Party’s leadership role in economic work, proposing that “the Party must strengthen its leadership over Party members and non-Party members working in economic and technical departments, take care of their political progress, and help them in all aspects.” Combining changes in the revolutionary situation, he proposed organizing the people to carry out production work, calling on Party cadres to change the erroneous tendency of valuing propaganda over production, and to practice the concept of serving the people by solving the problem of the masses’ food and clothing. This shows that Chen Yun was aware of the great significance of financial and economic work for winning revolutionary victory and elevated economics to a status equal to military and political affairs. On the other hand, Chen Yun proposed that the political enthusiasm of the poor and lower-middle peasants was based on economics, clearly stating the need to satisfy the material interest demands of the masses. Economics and material interests are the most basic interests for maintaining individual survival and development. The fundamental purpose of a proletarian party is to reflect and safeguard the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people. Starting from the Party’s class line, Chen Yun emphasized that “the poor and lower-middle peasants must be enabled not only to struggle but also to hold political power, and this requires them to obtain sufficient means of production.” “If they are unstable economically, they cannot become the ruling class.” The “political enthusiasm of the poor and lower-middle peasants is based on economics.” From proposing that “eating and dressing are the basic problems of the revolution” to emphasizing that “material interests stimulate the revolutionary enthusiasm of the poor and lower-middle peasants,” Chen Yun consistently viewed and handled revolutionary issues from the basic historical materialist viewpoint that economics determines politics. He changed economic struggle strategies in accordance with changes in the revolutionary situation at different stages, effectively supporting military and political struggle.

在长期的革命斗争环境中，政治工作的紧迫性与重要性使党内干部形成了重政治而轻经济的倾向，这极大阻碍了革命根据地的扩大及党的中心工作向城市转移。为打破因敌军封锁导致的财经困难局面，陈云以灵活方式统筹边区政治与财经建设。一方面，纠正党内存在的轻视经济工作的错误观点，改变经济工作边缘被动局面。为纠正党内重政治而轻经济技术的错误观点，陈云从夺取革命胜利的高度阐述经济技术工作的重要性。早在1941年5月，中共中央就曾下发由陈云起草的《关于党员参加经济和技术工作的决定》。该《决定》明确指出各种经济和政治工作均是革命工作不可缺少的内容，是具体的革命工作，强调“应纠正某些党的组织和党员对革命工作抽象的狭隘的了解，以至轻视经济工作和技术工作，认为这些工作没有严重政治意义的错误观点”。这就将经济工作提升到了同政治工作同等重要的地位，并明确了经济建设本身作为革命斗争一部分内容的必要性。而在随后召开的延安军事会议上，陈云再次批评了党内忽视技术及经济等事务性工作的错误倾向，他指出“吃饭穿衣，就是一件大事，一件难事”，明确“技术、经济、事务工作有其政治意义，政治工作也会带有技术、经济、事务性”，强调“单纯的政治工作，是没有的”。在复杂的革命环境中，陈云不仅看到做好经济工作的政治意义，而且能够抓住发展生产这一经济工作的核心内容，强调组织生产的革命意义。1944年5月28日，陈云在出席陕甘宁边区政府组织的会计人员训练班开学典礼的讲话中指出：“现在革命已进入这样一个阶段，主要任务是组织人民生产，促进抗战胜利，如果我们能解决群众的吃饭穿衣问题，我们就能成为群众的领导者”，“一个革命的商人，就是一个十足的革命者”。正是基于对经济工作的重大政治意义的认识，陈云强调要发挥党对经济工作的领导作用，提出“党必须加强对在经济和技术部门工作的党员和非党员的领导，照顾他们的政治进步，并在各方面帮助他们”。他结合革命形势变化提出要组织人民开展生产工作，呼吁党员干部改变重宣传而轻生产的错误倾向，要从解决人民群众穿衣吃饭问题践行为人民服务的理念。由此可见，陈云意识到财经工作对于夺取革命胜利的重大意义，并将经济提到与军事政治同等重要的地位。另一方面，陈云提出贫雇农政治上的积极性是建立在经济上的，明确要满足群众的物质利益诉求。经济与物质利益是维护个体生存发展的最基本利益，无产阶级政党的根本宗旨是反映和维护最广大人民群众的根本利益。陈云从党的阶级路线出发，强调“一定要使贫雇农不仅能斗争，而且能执政，这就要使他们得到足够的生产资料”，“经济上站不稳，就不可能成为统治阶级”，贫雇农“政治上的积极性是建立在经济上的”。从提出“穿衣吃饭是革命的基本问题”到强调“物质利益对激发贫雇农革命积极性”，陈云始终从经济决定政治这一历史唯物主义基本观点出发，看待和处理革命问题，并结合不同阶段革命形势变化改变经济斗争策略，有力地支援了军事政治斗争。

(3) Insisting that “the Central Government’s Economic Authority Is the Foundation of Its Political Authority”

（三）坚持“中央的经济权威是中央政治权威的基础”

Correctly handling the relationship between the concentration and decentralization of fiscal power is an important component of Chen Yun’s economic-political view. Adhering to the effective mobilization of local initiative on the basis of the centralized, unified leadership of the central government in fiscal matters runs through the entire process of Chen Yun’s leadership of the Party’s financial and economic work. As early as the initial period of the War of Liberation, in order to accelerate victory in that war and rapidly restore the national economy, Chen Yun stressed that economic work must implement a high degree of unity. He pointed out: “In the initial stage of unified management, the lower levels will have difficulties,” but such difficulties “are far smaller in degree and lighter in consequence than the difficulties that would arise from continued non-unification of national financial and economic management, leading to major turmoil in finance and prices.” Therefore, financial and economic management must adhere to the principle that “the part is subordinate to the whole, and the locality is subordinate to the central authorities.” [23]23 The War of Liberation (1945–1949) was the Chinese Communist Party’s military campaign against the Kuomintang regime, culminating in the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. In the early 1960s, in order to overcome severe economic difficulties, Chen Yun again stressed the importance of centralized, unified leadership in the economy, and clearly stated: “The centralized unity referred to here means concentrating and unifying power after granting the necessary flexible financial and material resources to localities and enterprises.” [24]24 This refers to the period of severe economic difficulties following the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), a failed campaign for rapid industrialization and collectivization. In the early period of reform and opening up, China’s economic system reform began with fiscal reform, which stimulated economic and social vitality by delegating power and transferring profits, thereby mobilizing the initiative of local governments, enterprises, and individuals. The “eating from separate kitchens” [25]25 “Eating from separate kitchens” (分灶吃饭) was a fiscal reform initiated in 1980 that gave local governments greater autonomy over revenue and expenditure, replacing the previous system of unified central control. fiscal system reform broke the tradition of the “big pot of rice.” [26]26 “Big pot of rice” (大锅饭) is a metaphor for the egalitarian distribution system under central planning, where everyone received equal shares regardless of contribution. Local governments collected their own revenues, covered their own expenditures, and sought their own balance. While mobilizing local government initiative, this also led to serious problems such as each locality acting on its own and economic disorder, resulting in severe inflation in China’s economic construction field in the late 1980s. Chen Yun thus proposed that “in economic activities, the central authorities should concentrate the power that must be concentrated,” emphasizing that “without the central authorities’ economic authority, the central authorities’ political authority is not consolidated.” [27]27 This refers to the economic overheating and high inflation that occurred in 1988–1989, partly due to decentralized fiscal policies. At the same time, political authority, as an important component of state power, must necessarily be built on a solid foundation of material interests; political authority lacking an economic foundation will only degenerate into empty political slogans. In this regard, Mao Zedong once clearly revealed: “All empty talk is useless; the people must be given visible material benefits.” [28]28 This is a paraphrase of Mao Zedong’s emphasis on material benefits for the masses, articulated in his 1942 essay “Economic and Financial Problems.” Fiscal power, as the core of the central authorities’ economic authority, is not only the material foundation of the central authorities’ political authority but also the main tool for the central government to implement the will of the state. Central political authority, as a key element in the normal operation of the superstructure such as state power, concerns the implementation of the Party Central Committee’s line and policies; in essence, it is a question of the Party Central Committee’s political guiding force. Strengthening the central authorities’ economic authority to consolidate the central authorities’ political authority is Chen Yun’s reflection on the relationship between economic construction and the consolidation of state power during China’s transition period. Central political authority, as the main manifestation of the Party Central Committee’s political leadership, must be established on a solid material foundation, i.e., economic authority. The central authorities’ economic authority is mainly manifested through the formulation and implementation of national plans and macro-control based on those plans. Chen Yun always stressed consolidating the central authorities’ economic authority and vigorously practiced this principle in economic practice. For example, he regarded the economic system reform as a “bird” and a “cage,” [29]29 The “bird and cage” metaphor, attributed to Chen Yun, likens market forces to a bird that must be allowed to fly within the limits of a cage, representing state planning and macro-control. emphasizing the need to expand the role of the market under the government’s macro-control to guard against the risk of economic disorder; he resolutely opposed issuing a special currency for the Special Economic Zones, demanding the maintenance of the authority of the renminbi issuance to defend the central authorities’ economic authority; he stressed the significance of maintaining the Party central authorities’ authority for economic construction, expounded the relationship among the Party central authorities’ authority, central political authority, and central economic authority, and subsequently put forward views such as maintaining the authority of the Party’s leader, which still have contemporary value. This series of theories and practices embodies Chen Yun’s flexible application of historical materialism and played an important role in maintaining political stability and creating a stable and harmonious environment for reform.

正确处理财政集中与分散二者关系是陈云的经济政治观的重要内容，坚持财政在中央集中统一领导基础上有效发挥地方积极性贯穿于陈云领导党的财经工作全过程。早在解放战争初期，为了加快解放战争的胜利及迅速恢复国民经济，陈云就强调经济工作要实行高度的统一。他指出：“统一管理的初期，下级是有困难的”，但这种困难“比之因全国财经管理继续不统一而致金融物价大乱所产生的困难，其程度要小得多，其后果要轻得多”，因而财经管理必须坚持“部分服从全体，地方服从中央”。20世纪60年代初，为克服严重经济困难，陈云再次强调了经济集中统一领导的重要性，并明确指出：“这里所说的集中统一，就是在给地方和企业以必需的机动的财力、物力以后，把力量集中统一起来。”改革开放初期，我国经济体制改革始于财政改革，通过放权让利及调动地方政府、企业及个人的积极性激发了经济社会活力。“分灶吃饭”的财政体制改革打破了“大锅饭”传统，地方政府自收自支、自求平衡，其在调动地方政府积极性的同时也引发了各地自行其是、经济失序等严重问题，致使我国在20世纪80年代末经济建设领域出现严重通货膨胀。陈云由此提出“在经济活动中，中央应该集中必须集中的权力”，强调“没有中央的经济权威，中央的政治权威是不巩固的”。同时，作为国家政权重要组成部分的政治权威必然建筑于坚实的物质利益基础之上，缺乏经济基础的政治权威只会沦为虚无的政治口号。对此，毛泽东曾明确揭示：“一切空话都是无用的，必须给人民以看得见的物质福利。”作为中央经济权威核心的财政不仅是中央政治权威的物质基础，也是中央政府贯彻国家意志的主要工具。中央政治权威作为国家政权等上层建筑正常运转的关键要素，关系党中央路线方针执行问题，实质是党中央政治引领力问题。以加强中央经济权威巩固中央政治权威是陈云对我国转型时期经济建设与政权巩固二者关系的思考。中央政治权威作为党中央政治领导力的主要表现，必须建立在坚实的物质基础即经济权威之上，而中央的经济权威主要以制定和实施国家计划及依据计划进行宏观控制的方式体现出来。陈云始终强调巩固中央经济权威并在经济实践中有力践行这一原则，如将经济体制改革视为“鸟”与“笼子”，强调要在政府宏观调控下扩大市场作用，谨防经济失序风险；坚决抵制发行特区货币，要求维护人民币发行的权威，捍卫中央经济权威；强调维护党的中央权威对于经济建设的重要意义，阐述党中央权威、中央政治权威及中央经济权威三者之间的关联，继而提出维护党的领袖权威等至今仍具时代价值的观点。这一系列理论与实践体现着陈云对历史唯物主义的灵活运用，对于维护政治稳定、营造安定和谐的改革环境发挥了重要作用。

III. Adhering to the Dialectical Unity of Economy and Politics in Practice

三、在实践中坚持经济与政治的辩证统一

Marxism holds that human life is essentially practical. It is precisely the simultaneous production and interactive progress of social practice and human society that drives the advancement of human civilization. Thus, the category of “social practice” encompasses the entire content of human social life. “The dialectical unity of economy and politics is the fundamental sign of a modern society maintaining a normal development order.” [30]30 This quotation is from a Chinese source, likely a contemporary commentary on Chen Yun’s thought. In leading economic construction, Chen Yun placed great emphasis on adhering to the dialectical unity of economy and politics in practice, scientifically handling various economic decision-making difficulties in the course of China’s revolution, construction, and reform.

马克思主义认为，人类生活在本质上是实践的，正是社会实践与人类社会的同步生产与互动共进推动了人类文明的进步，因而“社会实践”范畴便概括了人类社会生活的全部内涵。“经济与政治的辩证统一，是现代社会保持正常发展秩序的根本标志。”陈云在领导经济建设过程中，十分重视在实践中坚持经济与政治的辩证统一，科学处理了我国革命、建设和改革进程中各类经济决策难题。

(1) To Consciously Study Capitalism, Rationally Utilize Capitalism, and Clearly Be Vigilant Against Capitalism

（一）要自觉研究资本主义、合理利用资本主义和清醒地警惕资本主义

How to correctly understand capitalism is a basic prerequisite for the proletariat to scientifically carry out revolution and organize socialist construction. Marx and Engels once envisioned that countries with relatively backward economic and cultural conditions could use the advanced productive forces created by capitalism to achieve leapfrog development. After the October Revolution in Russia, Lenin, while seeking to resolve the economic difficulties facing the newborn Soviet regime, pointed out: “Merely destroying capitalism does not fill one’s stomach. One must acquire all the culture left behind by capitalism and use it to build socialism,” [31]31 This is a paraphrase of Lenin’s views on utilizing capitalist achievements, as expressed in his 1918 work “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government.” thereby creating a precedent for socialist countries to scientifically understand and correctly utilize capitalism to develop socialism.

如何正确认识资本主义是无产阶级科学开展革命及组织社会主义建设的基本前提。马克思、恩格斯曾设想经济文化相对落后的国家可利用资本主义所创造的先进生产力实现赶超式发展。俄国十月革命后，列宁曾在寻求化解新生苏维埃政权面临的经济困境时指出，“仅靠摧毁资本主义，还不能填饱肚子。必须取得资本主义遗留下来的全部文化，并且用它来建设社会主义”，开创了社会主义国家科学认识和正确利用资本主义发展社会主义的先例。

Chen Yun’s exposition on “to consciously study capitalism, rationally utilize capitalism, and clearly be vigilant against capitalism” was grounded in China’s actual conditions and reflected his profound thinking on the relationship between economy and politics during a special period. From the 1960s to the 1970s, changes in the international situation and the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations caused a sharp decline in China’s trade volume with socialist countries such as the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, the improvement in Sino-US relations and the development of the capitalist world economy increased China’s trade exchanges with Western capitalist countries. However, the ultra-leftist ideology formed during the “Cultural Revolution” [32]32 The “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976) was a mass political movement launched by Mao Zedong to purge capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society, resulting in widespread social and economic disruption. greatly shackled people’s thinking, and ordinary cadres were unable to objectively understand or come into contact with capitalism, which severely hindered China’s economic exchanges with the Western capitalist world. To better utilize capitalism to promote China’s economic development, in 1973, Chen Yun, when meeting with the person in charge of the People’s Bank of China, pointed out: “If we do not study capitalism, we will suffer losses and will not be able to occupy the position we deserve in the world market.” [33]33 This meeting occurred in the context of China’s gradual re-engagement with the global economy under Premier Zhou Enlai’s leadership. In the 1970s, capitalist countries generally experienced economic crises mainly characterized by “stagflation,” and financial monopoly capital gradually took control of global production, distribution, and consumption. Chen Yun thus clearly stated: “We must carefully study the various factors in the laws of capitalist economic crises, such as frequency and cyclical changes. This is very important for our foreign trade, especially our import and export trade.” [34]34 The 1970s stagflation crisis in the West, triggered by the 1973 oil shock, led to high unemployment and inflation, creating opportunities for China to access foreign capital. To better grasp the economic situation of the Western capitalist world, Chen Yun required relevant personnel from the People’s Bank of China to collect materials starting from the currency issuance, foreign exchange reserves, cyclical conditions of economic crises, crisis resolution methods, major world gold production, and world economic, monetary, and financial conditions of major capitalist countries such as the United States, Japan, Britain, West Germany, and France. Through in-depth research on capitalist economic crises, Chen Yun proposed to fully utilize the situation where major capitalist countries were eager to escape the crisis and international markets were flush with idle funds, and boldly introduce foreign capital and technology. Relying on his years of experience in leading economic construction and his keen observation of the international political situation, Chen Yun focused economic construction on the international market. He proposed to consciously study capitalism, strengthen research on international capital markets, periodic economic crises in major capitalist countries, and capitalist countries’ strategies of peaceful evolution [35]35 “Peaceful evolution” (和平演变) is a term used by the CPC to describe Western strategies to subvert socialist systems through non-military means, such as cultural and economic influence. against socialist countries, and then purposefully utilize capitalist countries’ funds, technology, equipment, and management experience to develop socialism. At the same time, in view of the blockades and threats deliberately created by capitalist countries due to ideological differences, Chen Yun clearly stated that “utilizing foreign capital and introducing new technology is an important policy measure for us at present, but we must keep a clear head,” [36]36 This reflects Chen Yun’s cautious approach to foreign borrowing and technology transfer, emphasizing self-reliance and vigilance against dependency. and proposed to be vigilant against the threats of imperialist countries and hostile forces. Maintaining a high degree of sensitivity and alertness toward capitalism, and both cooperating and struggling with capitalist countries in economic exchanges, is an important component of Chen Yun’s economic-political view.

陈云关于“要自觉研究资本主义、合理利用资本主义和清醒地警惕资本主义”的论述立足中国实际，反映特殊时期陈云对经济与政治二者关系的深刻思考。20世纪60至70年代，国际形势变化及中苏关系恶化使中国同苏联及东欧等社会主义国家的贸易量急剧下降，而中美关系改善及资本主义世界经济的发展使中国同西方资本主义国家贸易往来增加，但“文化大革命”期间形成的极“左”思潮却极大地束缚了人们的思想，一般干部无法客观认识和接触资本主义，这极大阻碍了我国同西方资本主义世界经济交流。为更好利用资本主义推动我国经济发展，1973年，陈云在约见中国人民银行负责人时指出：“不研究资本主义，我们就要吃亏，就不要想在世界市场中占有我们应占的地位。”20世纪70年代，资本主义国家普遍发生以“经济滞胀”为主要表现的经济危机，金融垄断资本逐步掌握全球生产、分配和消费。陈云由此明确指出：“我们对资本主义经济危机的规律中的各个因素，比如次数、周期变化，要好好研究。这对我们外贸特别是对我们进口贸易很有关系。”为更好掌握西方资本主义世界经济情况，陈云要求中国人民银行相关人员从美、日、英、西德、法等主要资本主义国家货币发行量、外汇储备、经济危机周期性状况、危机解决办法、世界主要黄金产量及世界经济和货币、金融情况等入手收集材料。通过对资本主义经济危机的深入研究，陈云提出要充分利用各主要资本主义国家急于摆脱危机、国际上游资金充斥的情况，大胆引进外资和技术。凭借多年领导经济建设的经验及对国际政治局势的敏锐观察，陈云将经济建设的重点聚焦于国际市场，提出要自觉地研究资本主义，强化对国际资本市场、资本主义主要国家周期性经济危机及资本主义国家对社会主义国家和平演变战略等问题的研究，进而有针对性地利用资本主义国家资金、技术、设备及管理经验，以此发展社会主义。同时，鉴于资本主义国家因意识形态差异而刻意制造的封锁与威胁，陈云则明确“利用外资和引进新技术，这是我们当前的一项重要政策措施，不过要头脑清醒”，提出要警惕帝国主义国家及敌对势力的威胁。时刻保持对资本主义的高度敏感及警醒，在同资本主义国家开展经济交往时既合作又斗争，是陈云的经济政治观的重要组成部分。

(2) “The Economic System Reform Is the Self-Improvement and Self-Development of the Socialist System”

（二）“经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展”

Adhering to the view that economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system is an important component of Chen Yun’s economic-political view. Owing to changes in the principal contradiction, the political connotation shifted from class struggle in the era of revolutionary war to the construction of the people’s livelihood economy in peacetime. Developing the economy and improving the people’s livelihood became the primary political issue facing the proletarian party, and the economy and politics increasingly took on the characteristics of unity and interpenetration.

坚持经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展是陈云的经济政治观的重要内容。因社会主要矛盾的变化，政治内涵也由革命战争年代的阶级斗争转为和平时代的民生经济建设，发展经济与改善民生成为无产阶级政党面临的首要政治问题，经济与政治日益具有统一交融的特点。

In the process of promoting economic system reform, Chen Yun always dynamically handled the relationship between promoting economic development and maintaining the socialist system from the overall perspective of the economic and social situation, effectively preventing the political disorder that might be triggered in the course of modernization. As early as the initial period after the establishment of the socialist system, Chen Yun, on the basis of field investigations into the economic and social situation, put forward the conception of economic system reform known as “three mainstays, three supplements” [37]37 “Three mainstays, three supplements” (三个主体，三个补充): A concept proposed by Chen Yun in the 1950s, referring to a planned economy as the mainstay supplemented by market regulation, state-owned enterprises as the mainstay supplemented by private enterprises, and state-run commerce as the mainstay supplemented by free markets., proposing to allow market forces and the regulatory role of value to function within the framework of the basic socialist economic system, in order to adapt to China’s vast territory and the actual situation of unbalanced regional economic development. In March 1979, in his outline for a speech titled “Plan and Market,” Chen Yun pointed out the shortcomings of the original planned economic systems of socialist countries, including the Soviet Union and China, and advocated giving play to two regulatory methods, “plan and market,” thereby providing an intellectual precursor for reform in the economic sphere. In the autumn of 1983, Chen Yun proposed deepening economic system reform on the basis of summing up the experience of urban industrial and commercial reform. The following year, the development of rural economic system reform brought economic system reform centered on the cities onto the central decision-making agenda. From May to September 1984, the Central Committee of the CPC and the State Council successively issued documents such as the “Provisional Regulations on Further Expanding the Autonomy of State-Run Industrial Enterprises” and the “Report on Several Issues Concerning the Current Reform of the Urban Commercial System.” In light of the various reform measures in the central documents, Chen Yun successively offered his opinions on the reform of the planning system, the reform of the price system, and the reform of the state’s economic leadership functions. He emphasized that economic system reform must be combined with the reality of China’s planned economy, stimulate enterprise vitality on a stable foundation, and at the same time strengthen macro-level guidance and control, making it clear that urban reform should be carried out steadily on the basis of active exploration and summing up of experience. The formulation of these ideas had an important impact on the “Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Economic System Reform” adopted at the Third Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the CPC [38]38 The Third Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the CPC (党的十二届三中全会): Held in October 1984, this meeting adopted the landmark “Decision on Economic System Reform,” which shifted the focus of reform from rural areas to cities.. The Decision not only clarified the great significance of economic system reform centered on the cities but also proposed that “reform is the self-improvement of the socialist system, and the basic task of reform is to establish a socialist economic system with Chinese characteristics that is full of vigor and vitality.” Deng Xiaoping praised it, saying: “This document on economic system reform is good; it explains what socialism is. There are some things our forebears never said, some new words.”

在推动经济体制改革过程中，陈云始终从经济社会全局出发动态处理推动经济发展与维护社会主义制度二者关系，有效防止了现代化进程中可能引发的政治失序问题。早在社会主义制度确立初期，陈云就在实地调查经济社会情况基础上提出“三个主体，三个补充”的经济体制改革构想，提出要在社会主义基本经济制度框架内发挥市场规律与价值调节作用，以适应我国地域广阔及地区经济发展不平衡的实际情况。1979年3月，陈云在《计划与市场》的讲话纲要中指明了包括苏联及中国等社会主义国家原有计划经济体制的弊端，主张要发挥“计划与市场”两种调控方式，为经济领域改革提供了思想先导。1983年秋，陈云提出要在总结城市工商业改革基础上深化经济体制改革。次年，农村经济体制改革的发展使以城市为重点的经济体制改革被提上中央决策日程。1984年5月至9月，中共中央和国务院先后下发《关于进一步扩大国营工业企业自主权的暂行规定》《关于当前城市商业体制改革若干问题的报告》等文件。陈云结合中央文件各项改革措施，先后对计划体制改革、价格体系改革和国家领导经济职能改革提出自己的意见，强调经济体制改革要结合中国计划经济实际，在平稳基础上激发企业活力，同时加强对宏观方面的指导和控制，明确城市改革应当在积极探索和总结经验基础上稳妥开展。这些思想的提出对党的十二届三中全会通过的《中共中央关于经济体制改革的决定》产生了重要影响。《决定》不仅明确以城市为重点的经济体制改革的重大意义，且提出“改革是社会主义制度的自我完善，改革的基本任务是建立起具有中国特色的充满生机和活力的社会主义经济体制”。邓小平称赞：“这次经济体制改革的文件好，就是解释了什么是社会主义，有些是我们老祖宗没有说过的话，有些新话。”

At the beginning of reform and opening up, the impact in the ideological sphere was an important factor hindering economic system reform. Scientifically understanding and elucidating the essence of economic system reform was the key to advancing the cause of socialist modernization. Chen Yun clearly stated that economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system. He pointed out: “We are the Communist Party; the Communist Party is for building socialism.” “The current socialist economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system.” He emphasized: “Economic system reform is for developing the productive forces and gradually improving the people’s livelihood.” In response to problems such as the wavering of ideals and convictions among a small number of Party cadres under market economy conditions and their lack of confidence in socialist construction, Chen Yun clearly stated: “China is still very poor now, but we are a socialist country; our fundamental system is far superior to capitalism.” “Capitalism will inevitably be replaced by communism; this is an unchangeable law.” In June 1985, at the closing meeting of the National Conference on the Exchange of Experience in Party and Government Work, Chen Yun proposed: “We must make all Party comrades understand that what we are doing is the socialist cause, and the ultimate goal is to realize communism.” “The economic construction our country is now carrying out is socialist economic construction, and the economic system reform is also socialist economic system reform.” Undoubtedly, Chen Yun’s exposition that “economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system” eliminated the erroneous understanding that equated economic system reform with liberalization, ensured the socialist direction of economic system reform, and was the concentrated application and embodiment of Chen Yun’s economic-political view in the practice of reform and opening up.

改革开放之初，意识形态领域的冲击是阻碍经济体制改革的重要因素，科学认识并阐明经济体制改革的本质是推进社会主义现代化事业的关键。陈云明确提出经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善与发展，他指出，“我们是共产党，共产党是搞社会主义的”，“现在进行的社会主义经济体制改革，是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展”，强调“经济体制改革，是为了发展生产力，逐步改善人民的生活”。针对市场经济条件下少数党员干部理想信念动摇且对社会主义建设信心不足等问题，陈云明确指出：“中国现在还很穷，但我们是社会主义国家，我们的根本制度比资本主义优越得多”，“资本主义必然要被共产主义所代替，这是无可改变的法则”。1985年6月，陈云在全国党政工作经验交流闭幕会上提出：“要使全党同志明白，我们干的是社会主义事业，最终目的是实现共产主义”，“我们国家现在进行的经济建设，是社会主义的经济建设，经济体制改革也是社会主义的经济体制改革”。无疑，陈云关于“经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展”的论述破除了将经济体制改革与自由化等同的错误认知，确保了经济体制改革的社会主义方向，是陈云的经济政治观在改革开放实践中的集中运用与体现。

(3) Correctly Handling the Relationship among Reform, Development, and Stability

（三）正确处理改革、发展与稳定三者的关系

Whether the relationship among reform, development, and stability can be correctly handled is the key to determining the success or failure of contemporary China’s socialist modernization. Chen Yun expounded on the relationship among the three from the perspectives of the purpose of reform, the significance of development, and the importance of stability, clarifying how to handle the relationship among the three from a political dimension in economic practice. These philosophically rich discussions provided important intellectual guidance for promoting economic system reform, opening up to the outside world in an all-round way, and creating a harmonious environment for socialist modernization.

能否正确处理改革、发展与稳定三者关系，是决定当代中国社会主义现代化建设成败的关键。陈云从改革的目的、发展的意义以及稳定的重要性等角度阐发了三者关系，明确在经济实践中如何从政治维度处理三者关系。这些极富哲学意义的论述对于推动经济体制改革、全方位扩大对外开放及营造和谐社会主义现代化建设环境提供了重要思想指导。

In Chen Yun’s view, reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system, “for developing the productive forces and gradually improving the people’s livelihood.” This indicates that reform and development constitute a pair of causally linked terms: reform promotes development, and development drives reform. This is a vivid manifestation of dialectical materialism in the realm of practice. At the same time, Chen Yun attached great importance to the stability of economic operations, emphasizing that turmoil in the economic situation might lead to instability in the political sphere, thereby affecting economic and social development. As early as the Second Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC [39]39 The Second Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC (党的十一届二中全会): Held in February 1978, this session discussed economic work and criticized the “rash advance” (冒进) approach in economic construction., Chen Yun criticized the rash advance tendency in the economic sphere from a political height, proposing opinions on developing in the order of agriculture, light industry, and heavy industry and on improving the quality of industrial products. In March 1979, Chen Yun, together with Li Xiannian, wrote a letter to the Central Committee of the CPC, emphasizing that financial and economic work should learn from past lessons: “The pace of advance should be steady.” “No more tossing and turning; repeated fluctuations and large ‘saddle shapes’ [40]40 “Saddle shape” (马鞍形): A metaphor used in Chinese political economy to describe sharp fluctuations in economic growth, resembling the shape of a saddle—a steep rise followed by a steep fall. must be avoided.” He clearly stated: “In the long run, the fastest speed for the national economy is to achieve proportional development.” This suggestion was reflected in the notice issued in April of the same year by the Central Committee of the CPC and the State Council, which transmitted the “Several Opinions on Improving Current Capital Construction Work” (hereinafter referred to as the “Several Opinions”) of the Party Group of the State Capital Construction Commission. The notice emphasized that for projects in economic construction that were not urgently needed or lacked the necessary conditions, measures of suspension, postponement, merger, conversion, or reduction should be implemented. The “Several Opinions” proposed earnestly implementing the new “eight-character policy” [41]41 The new “eight-character policy” (新“八字方针”): Adopted in 1979, the policy of “adjustment, reform, rectification, and improvement” (调整、改革、整顿、提高) aimed to correct imbalances in the national economy after the Cultural Revolution and guide the early phase of reform and opening up. of “adjustment, reform, rectification, and improvement” for the national economy. “Implementing the new ‘eight-character policy’ was not only an important step in adjusting economic relations but also a process of correcting the guiding principles for economic construction, exploring a path of socialist modernization suited to China’s national conditions, and advancing reform and opening up.”

在陈云看来，改革是社会主义制度的自我完善与发展，“是为了发展生产力，逐步改善人民的生活”，这表明改革与发展构成一对因果相连的词组：改革促进发展，发展推动改革，这是唯物辩证法在实践领域的生动体现。同时，陈云十分重视经济运行的平稳，强调经济形势的动乱可能会导致政治领域的动荡，进而影响经济社会的发展。早在党的十一届二中全会上，陈云就从政治高度批评了经济领域出现的冒进倾向，提出要按照农轻重次序发展、提高工业生产质量的意见。1979年3月，陈云会同李先念致信中共中央，强调财经工作要吸取已有教训，“前进的步子要稳”，“不要再折腾，必须避免反复和出现大的‘马鞍形’”，明确提出“从长期来看，国民经济能做到按比例发展就是最快的速度”。该建议在同年4月由中共中央、国务院所批转国家建委党组《关于改进当前基本建设工作的若干意见》（以下简称《若干意见》）的通知中得以体现。该通知强调，对于经济建设中不急需和不具备条件的项目，应当实行停、缓、并、转、缩。《若干意见》提出，要认真贯彻执行中央关于对国民经济实行“调整、改革、整顿、提高”的新“八字方针”。“贯彻新‘八字方针’，不但是调整经济关系的重要步骤，也是端正经济建设指导方针、探索适合中国国情的社会主义现代化建设道路的过程，是推进改革开放的过程。”

The three elements of “reform, development, and stability” respectively involve the categories of superstructure, economic base, and external environment, and in essence reflect the relationship between economics and politics. A clear understanding and practical application of the relationship among reform, development, and stability constitute the creative application of Chen Yun’s economic-political view in the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization. Reform and development revolve around the factor of liberating and developing productive forces, emphasizing the need to achieve economic and social progress by transforming those parts that are incompatible with the development of productive forces. Stability, on the other hand, points to the political factor, belonging to a steady-state effect between the political and social systems. Steady-state seeks not merely coordination among forces within the social system; it also strives, through the establishment of an ecological relationship between “politics and society,” to form an ecological circuit of mutual promotion in the “politics-society” relationship. In this circuit, political development drives social development, and in turn, social development acts upon political development. Therefore, political stability embodies a virtuous cycle between politics and economics, development signals a favorable trend in the economic situation, and the relationship among reform, development, and stability is essentially the dialectical relationship between economics and politics. “Only with social stability can reform and development be continuously advanced; only with continuous advancement of reform and development can social stability have a solid foundation. We must unify the intensity of reform, the pace of development, and the degree of social acceptability, and take improving the people’s lives as the point of integration for correctly handling the relationship among reform, development, and stability.” [42]42 Xi Jinping, *On the Comprehensive and Strict Governance of the Party* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2016), p. 28.

“改革、发展、稳定”三者分别涉及上层建筑、经济基础及外部环境等范畴，本质体现的是经济与政治的关系问题。对改革、发展与稳定三者关系的清晰认识与实践运用，是陈云的经济政治观在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期的创造性运用。改革与发展围绕解放和发展生产力这一要素，强调要通过变革与生产力发展不相适应的部分，实现经济社会的进步。稳定则指向政治要素，属于政治与社会系统之间一种稳态化效应。稳态化谋求的不仅仅是社会系统内各力量间的协调，它还力图通过“政治—社会”间生态关系的确立，在“政治—社会”关系上构成具有相互推动作用的生态回路。在这一回路中政治的发展推动社会的发展，反过来，社会的发展又作用于政治发展。因此，政治的稳定体现着政治与经济的良性循环状态，发展昭示着经济趋势的良好状态，改革、发展与稳定的关系本质是经济与政治的辩证关系。“只有社会稳定，改革发展才能不断推进；只有改革发展不断推进，社会稳定才能具有坚实基础。要坚持把改革的力度、发展的速度和社会可承受的程度统一起来，把改善人民生活作为正确处理改革发展稳定关系的结合点。”

IV. The Enlightenment of Chen Yun’s Economic-Political View for Deepening and Expanding Chinese-Path Modernization

四、陈云的经济政治观对深化和拓展中国式现代化的启示

The political views formed by Chen Yun in his long-term practice of leading socialist economic construction, especially the theoretical views such as “70 percent economics, 30 percent politics,” “economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system,” and the emphasis on consolidating the central economic authority, have important enlightening significance for advancing Chinese-path modernization through comprehensively deepening reform. Xi Jinping clearly pointed out: “Economics cannot be separated from politics, and politics cannot be separated from economics; this is an inevitable law of the development of objective things. The economization of politics and the politicization of economics should be the concentrated expression of the harmonious development of the dialectical unity of economics and politics.” Deepening and expanding Chinese-path modernization should draw philosophical wisdom from Chen Yun’s economic-political view, unify the active exertion of the decisive role of economics with the effective use of the active role of politics in Chinese-path modernization, and advance the construction of a strong socialist country while firmly adhering to the socialist political direction and comprehensively deepening reform.

陈云在长期领导社会主义经济建设实践中形成的政治观点，尤其是“七分经济、三分政治”“经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展”以及强调要巩固中央的经济权威等理论观点，对于当前以全面深化改革推进中国式现代化具有重要启示意义。习近平明确指出：“经济离不开政治，政治也离不开经济，这是客观事物发展的必然规律。经济政治化和政治经济化，应是经济和政治辩证统一关系和谐发展的集中体现。”深化和拓展中国式现代化应从陈云的经济政治观汲取哲学智慧，将积极发挥经济决定性作用与有效运用政治积极能动作用统一于中国式现代化，在坚定社会主义政治方向和全面深化改革中推进社会主义强国建设。

(I) We must strengthen the Party’s comprehensive leadership over Chinese-path modernization and transform the Party’s political leadership advantages into momentum advantages for steadily advancing the socialist modernization cause

（一）要加强党对中国式现代化的全面领导，将党的政治领导优势转化为稳步推进社会主义现代化事业的动力优势

Chinese-path modernization is a glorious example of a civilization-type political party leading the creation of a new type of civilization, and the Party’s strong leadership is the fundamental guarantee for ensuring that Chinese-path modernization advances steadily and goes far. The Party’s comprehensive leadership over Chinese-path modernization is concretely manifested in the Party’s overall control over the strategic blueprint for socialist modernization, as well as its overall coordination, planning, and deployment of various fields such as economy, politics, culture, society, and ecology in this process. On the one hand, in advancing Chinese-path modernization, it is necessary to effectively uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, implement the Two Upholds in all fields and departments of socialist modernization, unify the thoughts and actions of the entire people with the Party’s overall strategic layout for Chinese-path modernization, oppose decentralism and localism, and enhance the efficiency of China’s socialist modernization policy implementation. It is also necessary to improve the systems and mechanisms for the Party’s leadership over various fields such as economy, politics, culture, society, and ecology, adhere at the macro level to the guidance of Xi Jinping’s important expositions on Chinese-path modernization, and provide mature institutional support for Chinese-path modernization through measures such as building a high-level socialist market economy system, perfecting the whole-process people’s democracy system, deepening the reform of the cultural system and mechanisms, perfecting the system for ensuring and improving people’s livelihoods, and deepening the reform of the ecological civilization system, so as to cope with various external risks and challenges in the process of comprehensively expanding opening up, coordinate the overall situation of economic development, and formulate lines, principles, and policies that meet the actual needs of China’s society at the current stage. At the same time, it is necessary to improve the Party’s leadership level over Chinese-path modernization by deepening the reform of the Party building system and deeply advancing the construction of a clean government and the fight against corruption. On the other hand, by strengthening the Party’s self-construction, we improve the Party’s leadership level over Chinese-path modernization, “maintain a high degree of consciousness in using the Party’s self-revolution to lead social revolution, persist in governing the Party with the spirit of reform and strict standards, perfect the institutional system for the Party’s self-revolution, continuously promote the Party’s self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-enhancement, and ensure that the Party always remains the strong leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” thereby providing a strong political guarantee for Chinese-path modernization.

中国式现代化是文明型政党领导创造新型文明的光辉典范，党的坚强领导是确保中国式现代化稳步推进、行稳致远的根本保证。党对中国式现代化的全面领导具体表现为党对社会主义现代化建设战略蓝图的整体把控，以及在此进程中对经济、政治、文化、社会与生态等各领域的统筹协调与规划部署。一方面，在推进中国式现代化进程中，既要切实维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，将“两个维护”贯彻到社会主义现代化建设各领域、各部门，将全民思想与行动统一到党对中国式现代化整体战略布局，反对分散主义和地方主义，增强我国社会主义现代化政策执行效率，也要完善党对经济、政治、文化、社会及生态等各领域领导的体制机制，在宏观上坚持以习近平关于中国式现代化系列重要论述为指导，通过构建高水平社会主义市场经济体制、健全全过程人民民主制度体系、深化文化体制机制改革、健全保障和改善民生制度体系、深化生态文明体制改革等举措为中国式现代化提供成熟制度支撑以应对全面扩大对外开放过程中各种外部风险挑战，统筹经济发展大局，制定符合我国社会阶段性实际需要的路线方针政策。同时，要通过深化党的建设制度改革及深入推进党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争提高党对中国式现代化的领导水平。另一方面，通过加强党的自我建设提高党对中国式现代化的领导水平，“保持以党的自我革命引领社会革命的高度自觉，坚持用改革精神和严的标准管党治党，完善党的自我革命制度规范体系，不断推进党的自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高，确保党始终成为中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心”，为中国式现代化提供坚强政治保证。

(II) Correctly handling the relationship among reform, development, and stability remains an era issue that must be addressed in advancing Chinese-path modernization through comprehensively deepening reform

（二）正确处理改革、发展与稳定三者关系依然是以全面深化改革推进中国式现代化必须应对的时代课题

Chinese-path modernization is an important measure for advancing the construction of a strong country and the rejuvenation of the nation, while comprehensively deepening reform is the key move to break through the shackles of ideas and concepts, break through the barriers of solidified interests, and ultimately eliminate various institutional and mechanistic obstacles in socialist modernization. Deep-seated changes in various social fields and the construction of an open order of rights can easily induce a state of “social disorder” that may appear in the process of modernization and lead to the “interruption” of modernization. Therefore, it is necessary to correctly handle the relationship among reform, development, and stability to prevent the possible risk of “interruption” of modernization. First, we must break through the barriers of solidified interests through deepening reform, build a high-level socialist market economy system, and perfect the systems and mechanisms for promoting high-quality development, realize the opening of rights and the sharing of interests, enable the broad masses of the people to share the dividends of Chinese-path modernization, eliminate the governance crises triggered by modernization through common prosperity for all the people, and consolidate the consensus of the whole society to jointly promote Chinese-path modernization. Second, we must promote reform and seek stability through development. The basic national conditions of socialist modernization and the changes in the principal contradiction in Chinese society require us to continue to take economic construction as the central task, while taking into account the development of other social fields. “We must guide reform with the new development concept, base ourselves on the new stage of development, deepen supply-side structural reform, perfect the incentive and constraint mechanisms for promoting high-quality development, and shape new drivers and new advantages for development.” Third, we must create a stable domestic and international environment to ensure the steady advancement of reform and development. We must both create a fair and just social environment for Chinese-path modernization by perfecting the socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics, forming a favorable situation conducive to the coordinated and orderly advancement of socialist modernization in various fields and departments, and advance the modernization of the national security system and capacity, by perfecting the national security system, improving the public safety governance mechanism, perfecting the social governance system, and improving the foreign-related national security mechanism, to build a national security system with domestic and international linkage and efficient coordination across all fields, ensuring that Chinese-path modernization proceeds steadily and goes far.

中国式现代化是推进强国建设、民族复兴的重要举措，全面深化改革则是冲破思想观念束缚、突破利益固化藩篱，最终破除社会主义现代化建设中各种体制机制障碍的关键一招，社会各领域深层变革与权利开放秩序的构建极易诱发现代化进程中可能出现的“社会失序”状态并导致现代化“中断”。因而必须正确处理改革、发展与稳定三者关系，防止可能出现的现代化“中断”风险。一是要通过深化改革破解利益固化藩篱，构建高水平社会主义市场经济体制并健全推动经济高质量发展体制机制，实现权利开放与利益共享，使社会广大民众共享中国式现代化红利，以全民共同富裕消弭现代化引发的治理危机，凝聚全社会共促中国式现代化的共识。二要以发展促改革、谋稳定。社会主义现代化建设的基本国情及我国社会主要矛盾变化要求我们依然要坚持以经济建设为中心，兼顾社会其他各领域发展，“必须以新发展理念引领改革，立足新发展阶段，深化供给侧结构性改革，完善推动高质量发展激励约束机制，塑造发展新动能新优势”。三要创造稳定的国内外环境以确保改革与发展稳妥推进。既要通过完善中国特色社会主义法治体系为中国式现代化营造公平正义的社会环境，形成有利于各领域、各部门协调有序推进社会主义现代化建设的有利局面，又要推进国家安全体系和能力现代化，通过健全国家安全体系、完善公共安全治理机制、健全社会治理体系及完善涉外国家安全机制，构建国内外一体联动、各领域协同高效的国家安全体系，确保中国式现代化行稳致远。

(III) We must adhere to the socialist political direction and people’s standpoint of Chinese-path modernization, and manifest the civilizational sharing nature of Chinese-path modernization through common prosperity

（三）要坚持中国式现代化的社会主义政治方向与人民立场，以共同富裕彰显中国式现代化的文明共享性

The interests of the masses of the people were always the starting point and ultimate goal of Chen Yun’s leadership in financial and economic construction, manifesting the value justice of socialism. To advance Chinese-path modernization, it is necessary to oppose empty politics that is divorced from material interests and to plan the overall layout of China’s socialist modernization around the vital interests of the broad masses of the people. “We must develop whole-process people’s democracy, build a higher-level rule-of-law China, continuously improve the social fairness guarantee system with equal rights, equal opportunities, and fair rules as its main content, and fully stimulate the historical initiative and historical creative spirit of all the people.” [43]43 Xi Jinping, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive in Unity to Build a Modern Socialist Country in All Respects” (Report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC), October 16, 2022. First, the people-centered thought of Chinese-path modernization must be manifested in the process of solidly advancing common prosperity. This requires both starting from improving the existing distribution system to consolidate the institutional foundation for achieving common prosperity, and focusing on marginalized and vulnerable groups in society, improving the mechanism for safeguarding the rights and interests of the masses led by the Party and the government, so that the dividends of economic and social development benefit marginalized and vulnerable groups more. Second, high-quality economic development must be promoted in the course of implementing the new development philosophy. Improving the efficiency of economic development is a prerequisite for realizing the material interests of the masses and a foundational project for achieving national rejuvenation. It is necessary to seize the initiative in economic development by constructing a development pattern, take expanding domestic demand as the strategic base point, strive to build a dual-circulation pattern at home and internationally, promote changes in the quality, efficiency, and driving forces of the economy, achieve high-quality economic development, and continuously make the “cake” bigger. Third, the gap in regional development must be addressed to solve the problems of insufficient and unbalanced development between regions and between urban and rural areas in the process of China’s modernization. With the rural revitalization strategy, the coordinated regional development strategy, and the people-centered new-type urbanization strategy as the focus, it is necessary to break down the interest barriers and policy barriers between urban and rural areas and between regions, promote deep-seated changes in the economy and society, so as to fully mobilize the enthusiasm of the broadest masses of the people and gather the broadest consensus to organize modernization construction.

人民群众利益始终是陈云领导财经建设的出发点与落脚点，彰显着社会主义的价值正义性。推进中国式现代化，就要反对脱离物质利益的空头政治而围绕广大人民群众切身利益谋划我国社会主义现代化整体布局，“要发展全过程人民民主，建设更高水平的法治中国，不断健全以权利公平、机会公平、规则公平为主要内容的社会公平保障体系，充分激发全体人民的历史主动和历史创造精神”。其一，要在扎实推进共同富裕过程中彰显中国式现代化的人民主体思想。既要从完善现有分配制度入手筑牢实现共同富裕的制度基础，又要聚焦社会边缘弱势群体，完善党和政府主导的群众权益维护机制，使经济社会发展红利更多惠及边缘弱势群体。其二，要在贯彻落实新发展理念中推动经济实现高质量发展。提高经济发展效益是实现群众物质利益的前提，也是实现民族复兴的基础性工程。要通过构建发展格局掌握经济发展主动权，以扩大内需为战略基点，着力构建国内国际双循环格局，推动经济实现质量、效率与动力变革，实现经济高质量发展，不断做大“蛋糕”。其三，要聚焦区域发展差距以解决我国现代化建设进程中区域间、城乡间发展不充分、不平衡问题。要以乡村振兴战略、区域协调发展战略及以人为核心的新型城镇化战略为重点，破除城乡、地区之间利益壁垒和政策壁垒，推动经济社会实现深层次变革，以最充分地调动最广大人民群众的积极性，凝聚起最广泛的共识组织现代化建设。

(4) It is necessary to emphasize the reaction of politics on the economy, effectively leverage the institutional advantages of China’s socialism, and create favorable political conditions for Chinese-path modernization

（四）要注重政治对经济的反作用，有效发挥我国社会主义制度优势，为中国式现代化创造有利政治条件

“In a socialist society, the main content of politics is modernization construction centered on economic construction, carried out on the basis of the fundamental unity of the people’s interests, and is therefore called politics in the economic sphere.” [44]44 Chen Yun, “The Economic Situation and the Lessons of Experience” (December 1980), in *Selected Works of Chen Yun*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1995), p. 279. Adhering to the investigation and study of actual conditions from a political perspective and formulating scientific and efficient economic lines and policies is an important part of Chen Yun’s economic-political view. The Party’s century-long history shows that a correct and scientific political line can create a stable and harmonious environment for economic development and ensure the orderly conduct of economic construction. To comprehensively deepen reform and advance Chinese-path modernization, it is necessary to effectively leverage the positive driving role of politics in economic construction and effectively leverage the institutional advantages of socialism in promoting the accelerated modernization of late-developing countries and achieving catch-up and parallel development. First, closely focusing on “advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization,” which is the greatest politics in China’s current economy and society, Chinese-path modernization must be enriched and expanded in the course of comprehensively deepening reform. Comprehensively deepening reform is a major change in the superstructure, with the fundamental purpose of removing institutional and mechanistic obstacles that hinder the transformation of relations of production and the development of productive forces, so as to truly realize the modernization of the governance system and governance capacity required by national modernization. It is necessary to focus on the high-level socialist market economy system, the whole-process people’s democracy system, the socialist rule-of-law system with Chinese characteristics, and the cultural system and mechanisms to plan reforms, promoting the steady progress of society toward open rights and shared interests. Second, adhering to the value orientation that “China’s economic system reform is the self-improvement and self-development of the socialist system,” it is necessary to oppose misinterpretations of the connotation of Chinese-path modernization in the ideological sphere, guard against the erosion of Western hostile forces relying on transnational capital and capitalist cultural hegemony, and always firmly uphold the socialist direction and people’s value stance of Chinese-path modernization. This requires both preventing the formulation of modernization strategies that exceed the primary stage of socialism by departing from China’s actual development situation, and guarding against the erroneous understanding that neglects political struggle under the pretext of socialist modernization construction, ensuring that Chinese-path modernization always proceeds along the correct path required by the principles of scientific socialism and the objective laws of world modernization. Third, it is necessary to effectively leverage ideological and political education in bridging the interest divergences that arise in the process of modernization and in gathering the overall social consensus for advancing Chinese-path modernization. Party members and cadres are the vanguard and main force in implementing the strategic deployment of Chinese-path modernization. Strengthening the ideological and political education of Party members and cadres is conducive to raising their political awareness, establishing the value concept of serving the people wholeheartedly, and at the same time strengthening the construction of clean governance and the fight against corruption in the economic construction field, purifying the ranks of Party members and cadres, and providing reliable talent guarantees for China’s modernization construction.

“在社会主义社会，政治的主要内容是在人民根本利益一致基础上进行的以经济建设为中心的现代化建设，从而被称为经济方面的政治。”坚持从政治角度考察和研究实际情况并制定科学高效的经济路线方针是陈云的经济政治观的重要内容。党的百余年历程表明，正确、科学的政治路线能为经济发展营造安定和谐的环境，确保经济建设有序开展。全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化应有效发挥政治对经济建设的积极推动作用，有效发挥社会主义在促进后发国家加速现代化、实现赶超并联发展上的制度优势。其一，紧扣“以中国式现代化推进中华民族伟大复兴”这一我国当前经济社会最大政治，在全面深化改革中丰富和拓展中国式现代化。全面深化改革是上层建筑领域的重大变化，根本目的在于破除阻碍生产关系变革及生产力发展的体制机制障碍，以真正实现国家现代化建设所要求的治理体系与治理能力现代化。要聚焦高水平社会主义市场经济体制、全过程人民民主制度体系、中国特色社会主义法治体系、文化体制机制等内容谋划改革，促进社会朝着权利开放与利益共享的方向稳步前进。其二，坚持“我国经济体制改革是社会主义制度的自我完善和发展”这一价值导向，反对意识形态领域存在的对中国式现代化内涵的误读，防范西方敌对势力依托跨国资本及资本主义文化霸权的侵袭，始终坚定中国式现代化的社会主义方向和人民价值立场，既要防止脱离我国发展实际制定超出社会主义初级阶段的现代化战略，也要谨防以社会主义现代化建设为由忽视政治斗争的错误认识，确保中国式现代化始终行进在科学社会主义原则及世界现代化客观规律所要求的正确道路上。其三，有效发挥思想政治教育在弥合现代化进程中出现的利益分歧，凝聚推进中国式现代化的社会整体共识。党员干部是贯彻落实中国式现代化战略部署的排头兵与主力军，强化党员干部思想政治教育有利于提高其政治觉悟，树立全心全意为人民服务的价值理念，同时可加强经济建设领域党风廉政建设，纯洁党员干部队伍，为我国现代化建设提供可靠人才保障。