The Significant Meaning of Mao Zedong’s People’s Discourse System

Mao Zedong’s people’s discourse system encompasses multiple expressive forms, including discourse on the people as the subject, discourse on people’s democracy, discourse on serving the people, and discourse on the mass line, and possesses distinct theoretical characteristics and rich ideological connotations. Among these, “the people” is undoubtedly the core concept of this discourse system.

毛泽东人民话语体系，包含人民主体话语、人民民主话语、为人民服务话语、群众路线话语等多种表达形态，具有鲜明理论特色和丰富思想内涵。其中，“人民”无疑是这一话语体系的核心概念。

Concepts are the basic constituent units of a discourse system, while a discourse system is an organic whole formed around a certain ideological theme, including different levels of content such as concepts, judgments, and reasoning, and presents corresponding semantic and pragmatic functions in specific contexts. It is precisely within concrete totality that a concept acquires its determinate meaning form. Therefore, only within the overall framework of Mao Zedong’s people’s discourse system can the ideological connotation of the concept of “the people” be relatively accurately revealed. The author believes that this research not only helps deepen the understanding of the logic of the discursive construction of Mao Zedong Thought but also has theoretical significance for grasping the formation mechanism of the discourse system of the Communist Party of China and enhancing the theoretical self-awareness of the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

概念是话语体系的基本构成单位，话语体系则是围绕一定思想主题形成的有机整体，包括概念、判断、推理等不同层次内容，并在特定语境中呈现出相应的语义与语用功能。正是在具体整体性中，概念获得其确定的意义形态，因此，只有在毛泽东人民话语体系的整体框架中，才能较为准确地揭示“人民”概念的思想内涵。笔者认为，这一研究不仅有助于深化对毛泽东思想话语建构逻辑的理解，而且对于把握中国共产党话语体系的形成机制、增强中国特色社会主义话语体系的理论自觉，亦具有理论意义。

I. The Establishment of People’s Discourse: The Sinicized Development of Marxist Class Discourse

一、人民话语的确立：马克思主义阶级话语的中国化发展

Marxist class discourse is a discursive form formed by Marx and Engels in their theoretical system, with class analysis theory as its core, and is an important foundation of the theory of proletarian revolution. In the ideological confrontation with the bourgeois discourse of “the people,” Marx and Engels, by revealing class antagonisms within the social structure, established a form of class discourse with the proletariat as the revolutionary subject. Within this theoretical framework, Lenin further developed a revolutionary discourse with the working people as the political subject and emphasized that the worker-peasant alliance is the “guarantee of achieving success and final victory” for the proletariat. [1]1 Lenin, “Theses on the National and Colonial Questions,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 152. Although Marx, Engels, and Lenin all paid attention to the status of the peasant class in revolution to varying degrees, in their theoretical context, peasants were generally regarded as a stratum lacking stable political independence. When analyzing the problem of the French small peasants, Marx and Engels pointed out that peasants “cannot represent themselves, they must be represented” [2]2 Karl Marx, “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” *Marx Engels Collected Works*, vol. 11, p. 187. and believed that only when their socio-economic status changed and approached that of the proletariat could they form a stable revolutionary force. Lenin pointed out that under the historical conditions of intensified struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and drastic changes in social relations, peasants often exhibited political characteristics such as “vacillation, capriciousness, and indecision.” [3]3 Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” *Collected Works*, vol. 28, p. 289. In short, within the classical Marxist class discourse structure, although peasants were included in the perspective of the revolutionary alliance, they were not established as a subject with independent historical agency.

马克思主义阶级话语，是马克思、恩格斯在其理论体系中形成、以阶级分析理论为核心的话语形态，是无产阶级革命理论的重要基础。在同资产阶级“人民”话语的思想交锋中，马克思、恩格斯通过揭示社会结构中的阶级对立，确立了以无产阶级为革命主体的阶级话语形态。列宁在这一理论框架内进一步发展出以劳动人民为政治主体的革命话语，并强调工农联盟是无产阶级“取得成就、取得最终胜利的保证”。尽管马克思、恩格斯以及列宁都在不同程度上关注到农民阶级在革命中的地位，但在其理论语境中，农民总体上被视为缺乏稳定政治独立性的阶层。在分析法国小农问题时，马克思、恩格斯指出农民“不能以自己的名义来保护自己的阶级利益”，认为只有在其社会经济地位发生转变并趋近于无产阶级时，才可能形成稳定的革命力量。列宁则指出，在无产阶级与资产阶级斗争尖锐化、社会关系剧烈变动的历史条件下，农民往往呈现出“摇摆不定，反复无常，犹豫不决”等政治特征。总之，在经典马克思主义阶级话语结构中，农民虽被纳入革命联盟视野，但并未被确立为具有独立历史能动性的主体。

On the basis of inheriting the Marxist method of class analysis, Mao Zedong, rooted in the concrete realities of the Chinese revolution, elevated the historical subject status of the Chinese peasantry. In the practice of the Chinese revolution, the peasant class was not only regarded as an important allied force but also confirmed as one of the main forces of the revolution. In this process, class discourse gradually transformed into a political discourse form with “the people” as the core category, enabling Marxist class discourse to acquire a new theoretical expression form and practical mode of development.

毛泽东在继承马克思主义阶级分析法的基础上，立足中国革命具体实际，提升了中国农民的历史主体地位。在中国革命实践中，农民阶级不仅被视为重要同盟力量，而且被确认为革命的主要力量之一。在这一过程中，阶级话语逐步转化为以“人民”为核心范畴的政治话语形态，使马克思主义阶级话语获得了新的理论表达形式和实践展开方式。

Mao Zedong applied and developed Marxism in the unique context of China. Context refers to the specific historical conditions and social environment in which discourse is generated and operates; the formation and expression of any discourse are inseparable from the social structure and practical field in which it is situated. Engels pointed out that the application of Marxism “must take into account the institutions, customs, and traditions of each country,” [4]4 Friedrich Engels, “Letter to Joseph Bloch,” *Marx Engels Collected Works*, vol. 49, p. 34. and Mao Zedong also emphasized that the Communist Party of China must “learn to apply the theory of Marxism-Leninism to the specific environment of China.” [5]5 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 2, p. 209. These statements all point to an important methodological principle: only by embedding Marxist discourse in the historical context of a specific nation and society and transforming it in concrete practice can it become a real revolutionary force. Marxist class discourse provided ideological guidance for the Chinese revolution, but classical Marxist class discourse emerged from the historical conditions of European capitalist society and its workers’ movement and could not presuppose the concrete realities of different countries. Therefore, Mao Zedong had to “honestly begin to study actual class struggle.” [6]6 Mao Zedong, “Preface and Postscript to ‘Rural Surveys’,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 3, p. 11. In his investigation of China’s social structure, Mao Zedong discovered that China under semi-colonial and semi-feudal conditions presented a class configuration markedly different from that of European capitalist society: on the one hand, although the proletariat possessed strong revolutionary character and gradually became the leading force of the revolutionary movement, its numbers were limited; on the other hand, the national bourgeoisie exhibited a certain revolutionary character in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle while also showing obvious wavering; the peasant class, constituting the vast majority of the population, had accumulated profound discontent and a sense of resistance under long-term class oppression and economic exploitation. It was precisely in this concrete context that Mao Zedong re-recognized and re-evaluated the status of the peasant class in the revolution, repeatedly emphasizing the fundamental role of peasants in China’s democratic revolution, stating: “To forget the peasants is to have no Chinese democratic revolution… Do not forget the word ‘peasant’; if you forget these two words, even if you read a million volumes of Marxist books, it will be useless, because you will have no strength.” [7]7 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Meeting of Representatives of the Border Region and the Masses,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 3, p. 317. Based on a systematic analysis of the conditions of various social classes in China, Mao Zedong established the peasantry as one of the main forces of the revolution and, in practice, gradually formed a revolutionary path relying on the countryside and seizing political power through armed struggle, thereby enabling Marxist class discourse to acquire a new theoretical form and mode of practical development in the Chinese context.

毛泽东是在中国独特语境中运用和发展马克思主义的。语境是话语生成与运作的具体历史条件和社会环境，任何话语的形成与表达都离不开其所处的社会结构与实践场域。恩格斯指出，对马克思主义的运用“必须考虑到各国的制度、风俗和传统”，毛泽东也强调，中国共产党必须“要学会把马克思列宁主义的理论应用于中国的具体的环境”。这些论述均指向一个重要的方法论原则，即马克思主义话语只有嵌入特定民族和社会的历史语境，并在具体实践中加以转化，才能成为现实的革命力量。马克思主义阶级话语为中国革命提供了思想指导，但经典马克思主义阶级话语产生于欧洲资本主义社会及其工人运动的历史条件，无法预设不同国家的具体现实。因此，毛泽东不得不“老老实实地来开始研究实际的阶级斗争”。在对中国社会结构的考察中，毛泽东发现，半殖民地半封建社会条件下的中国呈现出与欧洲资本主义社会明显不同的阶级格局：一方面，无产阶级虽具有较强的革命性并逐步成为革命运动的领导力量，但其数量有限；另一方面，民族资产阶级在反帝反封建斗争中具有一定的革命性，同时存在明显的动摇性；占人口绝大多数的农民阶级，在长期的阶级压迫与经济剥削之下积累了深刻的不满和反抗意识。正是在这一具体语境中，毛泽东重新认识并评价了农民阶级在革命中的地位，多次强调农民在中国民主革命中的基础性作用，指出：“忘记了农民，就没有中国的民主革命……不要把‘农民’这两个字忘记了；这两个字忘记了，就是读一百万册马克思主义的书也是没有用处的，因为你没有力量。”基于对中国社会各阶级状况的系统分析，毛泽东将农民确立为革命的主要力量之一，并在实践中逐步形成以农村为依托、通过武装斗争夺取政权的革命道路，从而使马克思主义阶级话语在中国语境中获得了新的理论形态和实践展开方式。

Mao Zedong reshaped the concept of “the people” in China’s specific historical context. The concept of “the people” is regarded as “a product of the great practice of reversing the semi-colonial and semi-feudal conditions of modern China,” [8]8 This is a paraphrase of a common formulation in Chinese Marxist historiography; the exact source is not specified in the original text. a category gradually formed in revolutionary practice and used to represent common political interests and historical goals. Unlike classical Marxism, which primarily defined political subjects within the framework of class structure, Mao Zedong, on the basis of class analysis, incorporated political stance and the conditions of revolutionary practice into consideration, enabling the concept of “the people” to transcend a single class semantics. In terms of conceptual expression, Mao Zedong fully considered the reality that “90 percent of China’s people are uneducated” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 4, p. 418. and chose to distinguish and explain through the categories of “enemy, ourselves, and friend.” In *Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society*, he clearly pointed out: “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 1, p. 13. “Ourselves” refers to the revolutionary camp and its leading force, “friends” refers to social strata that can be united under specific historical conditions, and “enemies” are the targets of revolutionary struggle. In terms of content, “ourselves” and “friends” together constitute the basic content of the category of “the people.” Since the scope of “friends” is always defined by the principal contradiction and the situation of struggle in a specific historical stage, the concept of “the people” exhibits a distinct historical and dynamic character. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The concept of ‘the people’ has different content in different countries and in different historical periods of each country.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People,” *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 5, p. 385. It was precisely on the basis of concrete analysis of the principal social contradiction that Mao Zedong incorporated social strata that could be united under specific historical conditions into the category of “the people.” Through the re-division of political stances, originally potentially dispersed social forces were formed into a united front under a common revolutionary goal, thereby promoting the innovative development from class discourse to people’s discourse.

毛泽东在中国具体历史语境中重塑了“人民”概念。“人民”概念被视为“扭转近代中国半殖民地半封建状况的伟大实践的产物”，是在革命实践中逐步形成并用以表征共同政治利益与历史目标的重要范畴。与经典马克思主义主要在阶级结构框架内界定政治主体不同，毛泽东在阶级分析的基础上将政治立场与革命实践条件纳入考量，使“人民”这一概念超越了单一阶级语义。在概念表达方式上，毛泽东充分考虑“中国有百分之九十未受文化教育的人民”这一现实条件，选择以“敌、我、友”的方式进行区分与阐释。在《中国社会各阶级的分析》中，他明确指出：“谁是我们的敌人？谁是我们的朋友？这个问题是革命的首要问题。”“我们”指革命阵营及其领导力量，“朋友”指在特定历史条件下可以团结的社会阶层，“敌人”则是革命斗争的对象。从内容上看，“我们”与“朋友”共同构成“人民”范畴的基本内容。由于“朋友”范围的界定始终取决于具体历史阶段的主要矛盾及斗争形势，“人民”概念便呈现出鲜明的历史性与动态性。毛泽东指出：“人民这个概念在不同的国家和各个国家的不同的历史时期，有着不同的内容。”正是在对社会主要矛盾进行具体分析的基础上，毛泽东将特定历史条件下能够联合的社会阶层纳入“人民”范畴，通过政治立场的重新划分，使原本可能分散的社会力量在共同的革命目标下形成统一战线，从而推动了阶级话语向人民话语的创新发展。

By systematically innovating the content of discourse in light of the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, gradually established a system of discourse on the people that is clearly structured at different levels. Generally speaking, this system of discourse can be grasped from four levels—historical outlook, value orientation, institutional conception, and practical path—and it manifests the inner unity between theory and practice, between value goals and the means of their realization. At the level of historical outlook, Mao Zedong put forward that “the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history,”[12]12 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 24, 1945), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 3. concretizing the revolutionary subject from an abstract category of class into a people’s subject endowed with historical agency, and strengthening the actual force of this subject through the united front, thereby laying the foundation of the system of discourse on the people. At the level of value, Mao Zedong established “serving the people wholeheartedly” as the fundamental purpose of all the work of the Chinese Communist Party, making the interests of the people the highest criterion for measuring all policies and practical activities, thus constituting the value core of the system of discourse on the people. At the institutional level, on the basis of the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, Mao Zedong put forward the concept of “people’s democratic dictatorship,” transforming revolutionary theory into an institutional expression concerning the nature of state power and political structure, and forming a framework of democratic political discourse with the people as the subject. At the level of the practical path, centering on the major issues of how to correctly lead the people and how to handle contradictions among the people, Mao Zedong formed a work methodology with the mass line as its core, and systematically expounded the nature of contradictions among the people and the methods for resolving them, thereby providing a concrete mode of practical development for the system of discourse on the people. The above levels mutually support one another and together constitute the complete form of the transformation from class discourse to discourse on the people.

围绕中国革命的具体实践对话语内容进行系统创新，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人逐步建立了层次分明的人民话语体系。总体而言，这一话语体系可以从历史观、价值取向、制度构想和实践路径四个层面加以把握，体现出理论与实践、价值目标与实现方式之间的内在统一。在历史观层面，毛泽东提出“人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的动力”，将革命主体从抽象的阶级范畴具体化为具有历史能动性的人民主体，并通过统一战线增强这一主体的现实力量，从而奠定了人民话语体系的基础。在价值层面，毛泽东将“全心全意为人民服务”确立为中国共产党全部工作的根本宗旨，使人民利益成为衡量一切政策与实践活动的最高标准，从而构成人民话语体系的价值内核。在制度层面，毛泽东在无产阶级专政理论的基础上提出“人民民主专政”概念，将革命理论转化为关于国家政权性质与政治结构的制度表达，形成了以人民为主体的民主政治话语框架。在实践路径层面，毛泽东围绕如何正确领导人民以及如何处理人民内部矛盾等重大问题，形成了以群众路线为核心的工作方法论，并对人民内部矛盾的性质与解决方式作出系统阐述，从而为人民话语体系提供了具体的实践展开方式。上述各个层面相互支撑，共同构成阶级话语向人民话语转化的完整形态。

II. The Establishment of the People as Subject: The Theoretical Expression of the Force on Which National Rejuvenation Relies

二、人民主体的确立：民族复兴依靠力量的理论表达

Realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is an important historical theme in the development of Chinese society since modern times, and it is also one of the fundamental questions to which the practice of the Chinese revolution responds. This historical theme constitutes the important practical background and value orientation for the formation of Mao Zedong’s system of discourse on the people.

实现中华民族伟大复兴是近代以来中国社会发展的重要历史主题，也是中国革命实践所回应的根本问题之一。这一历史主题构成毛泽东人民话语体系形成的重要实践背景和价值指向。

To advance the process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, it is first necessary to clarify the social forces on which the revolution relies and to transform them into a real historical subject. Sun Yat-sen, summing up the experience of the Xinhai Revolution,[13]13 The Xinhai Revolution (1911–1912) overthrew the Qing dynasty and established the Republic of China. proposed that it was necessary to “arouse the masses.” However, constrained by the historical conditions and class standpoint in which he found himself, Sun Yat-sen was unable in practice to fully mobilize the peasant class, which constituted the overwhelming majority of the population, and failed to bring about “a great rural transformation,”[14]14 Mao Zedong, “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan” (March 1927), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1. exhibiting clear limitations in organization and mobilization. On the basis of a systematic analysis of the conditions of the various classes in Chinese society, Mao Zedong, through constructing a discourse on the people, clearly defined the main revolutionary forces. He used the analytical framework of “the people—the enemy” to make a political division of social forces, establishing political standpoints while defining the identity of the subject, and integrated and expanded the category of “the people” through the strategy of the united front. On this basis, dispersed social strata were transformed into revolutionary forces with a common political goal and direction of action, thereby laying a solid foundation of the subject for the cause of national rejuvenation.

要推进中华民族伟大复兴进程，首先必须明确革命所依靠的社会力量，并将其转化为现实的历史主体。孙中山总结辛亥革命的经验，提出必须“唤起民众”。然而，受所处历史条件与阶级立场影响，孙中山未能在实践中充分调动占人口绝大多数的农民阶级，未能完成“一个大的农村变动”，在组织和动员层面存在明显局限。毛泽东在系统分析中国社会各阶级状况的基础上，通过构建人民话语，对革命主体力量加以明确界定。他以“人民—敌人”的话语分析框架对社会力量进行政治划分，在界定主体身份的同时确立政治立场，并通过统一战线策略对“人民”范畴进行整合与扩展。在此基础上，分散的社会阶层被转化为具有共同政治目标和行动方向的革命力量，从而为民族复兴事业奠定了坚实的主体基础。

During the period of the New Democratic Revolution,[15]15 The New Democratic Revolution (1919–1949) was the stage of the Chinese revolution led by the CPC, characterized by a united front of multiple classes against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, culminating in the founding of the People’s Republic of China. the Chinese Communist Party shouldered the historical tasks of opposing imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. In this revolutionary context, the people were the force of the revolution. Mao Zedong pointed out that “the deepest roots of the great power of war lie in the masses of the people,”[16]16 Mao Zedong, “On Protracted War” (May 1938), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2. emphasizing that the people are the fundamental force determining victory or defeat in war, and that the revolution must rely on the masses of the people and be carried out in the form of a people’s war. Therefore, all revolutionary practice first depends on how the connotation of “the people” is defined and which social forces belong to “the people.” Through the system of discourse on the people, Mao Zedong concretely defined the category of “the people,” re-divided the political identities of different strata in Chinese society, enabling each stratum to obtain a clear positioning of its standpoint in the revolutionary process, and also provided a theoretical basis for the Chinese Communist Party to determine the objects of unity and the objects of struggle. In the long-term practice of revolution, Mao Zedong’s understanding of the category of “the people” underwent a process of continuous deepening. In his student days, Mao Zedong attributed the cause of the nation’s peril to the fact that the citizens’ “thoughts were too old and their morality too bad,” distinguishing between “superior men” and “inferior men” by moral standards, and placing his hopes on the “superior men” saving the “inferior men.” After the May Fourth Movement,[17]17 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal cultural and political movement initiated by Chinese intellectuals and students, often regarded as the starting point of the New Democratic Revolution. Mao Zedong referred to the lower-class laborers as “the masses,” recognizing that “the strength of the united masses is the greatest,”[18]18 Mao Zedong, “The Great Union of the Popular Masses” (July–August 1919), in Collected Works of Mao Zedong (early writings). and emphasized achieving national liberation through broad unity. After becoming a Marxist, Mao Zedong recognized that the proletariat is the leading force of the revolutionary movement. During the period of the Great Revolution,[19]19 The Great Revolution (1924–1927) refers to the first united front period between the CPC and the Kuomintang, marked by the Northern Expedition against warlords. as the workers’ movement suffered repeated setbacks, Mao Zedong gradually realized that the revolution could not rely solely on the strength of the proletariat itself, but must “unite with real friends to attack real enemies.”[20]20 Mao Zedong, “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society” (March 1926), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1. On the basis of a systematic analysis of the numerical scale of the Chinese peasantry and its revolutionary characteristics, he put forward the important thesis that the peasants are the most extensive and most loyal ally of the working class, clarifying the main force on which the Chinese revolution relied. During the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War,[21]21 The Agrarian Revolutionary War (1927–1937), also known as the Ten-Year Civil War, was the period of the CPC’s rural base-building and land reform after the split with the Kuomintang. in order to consolidate the red political power, Mao Zedong further analyzed the class composition of the revolutionary motive forces, pointing out: “The motive forces of the revolution are basically still the workers, the peasants, and the urban petty bourgeoisie; now it may be possible to add the national bourgeoisie.”[22]22 Mao Zedong, “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party” (December 1939), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2. This judgment indicates that, under the new pattern of class relations, the composition of revolutionary forces is characterized by phased and strategic adjustments. During the period of the War of Resistance Against Japan,[23]23 The War of Resistance Against Japan (1937–1945) was China’s war against Japanese invasion, during which the CPC and the Kuomintang formed a second united front. the Chinese nation faced a severe test of survival. Based on the historical condition that national contradiction had risen to become the principal contradiction, Mao Zedong advocated establishing the broadest national united front for resistance, mobilizing all forces in the country that could be mobilized to jointly resist foreign aggression. Against this background, the category of “the people” was expanded to include all classes, strata, and social groups participating in the resistance, reflecting the breadth and inclusiveness of the united front policy. During the period of the War of Liberation,[24]24 The War of Liberation (1945–1949) was the civil war between the CPC and the Kuomintang, ending with the CPC’s victory and the founding of the People’s Republic of China. “the people” were clearly defined as “the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie.”[25]25 Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (June 30, 1949), in Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4. Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, the above class forces completed the historical task of overthrowing “U.S. imperialism and its running dogs, namely, the bureaucrat-capitalist class, the landlord class, and the Kuomintang reactionaries representing these classes.”[26]26 Ibid. Thus it can be seen that the connotation of the concept of “the people” was continuously adjusted as the revolutionary stage changed, and its class composition always unfolded around the central task of the revolution.

新民主主义革命时期，中国共产党肩负着反对帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义的历史任务。在这一革命语境中，人民就是革命的力量。毛泽东指出，“战争的伟力之最深厚的根源，存在于民众之中”，强调人民是决定战争胜负的根本力量，革命必须依靠人民群众并通过人民战争的形式展开。因此，一切革命实践首先取决于如何界定“人民”的内涵以及哪些社会力量属于“人民”。通过人民话语体系，毛泽东对“人民”的范畴作出了具体界定，重新划分了中国社会不同阶层的政治身份，使各阶层在革命进程中获得明确的立场定位，也为中国共产党确定团结对象与斗争对象提供了理论依据。在长期革命实践中，毛泽东对“人民”范畴的认识经历了不断深化的过程。在学生时代，毛泽东将国家危亡的原因归结为国民“思想太旧，道德太坏”，以道德标准区分“君子”与“小人”，寄希望于“君子”拯救“小人”。五四运动后，毛泽东将底层劳工称为“民众”，认识到“民众联合的力量最强”，强调通过广泛联合实现民族解放。成为马克思主义者后，毛泽东认识到无产阶级是革命运动的领导力量。大革命时期，随着工人运动屡次受挫，毛泽东逐步认识到，革命不能仅依靠无产阶级自身力量，而必须“团结真正的朋友，以攻击真正的敌人”。在系统分析中国农民的数量规模及其革命性特征基础上，他提出了农民是工人阶级最广大、最忠实同盟军的重要论断，明确了中国革命的主要依靠力量。土地革命战争时期，为巩固红色政权，毛泽东进一步分析革命动力的阶级构成，指出：“革命的动力，基本上依然是工人、农民和城市小资产阶级，现在则可能增加一个民族资产阶级。”这一判断表明，在新的阶级关系格局下，革命力量的构成具有阶段性和策略性调整的特点。抗日战争时期，中华民族面临生死存亡的严峻考验。基于民族矛盾上升为主要矛盾的历史条件，毛泽东主张建立最广泛的民族革命统一战线，动员全国一切可以动员的力量共同抗击外来侵略。在这一背景下，“人民”的范畴被扩展为一切参加抗日的阶级、阶层和社会集团，体现了统一战线政策的广泛性与包容性。解放战争时期，“人民”则被明确界定为“工人阶级，农民阶级，城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级”。上述阶级力量在中国共产党领导下，完成了推翻“美帝国主义和它的走狗即官僚资产阶级、地主阶级以及代表这些阶级的国民党反动派”的历史任务。由此可见，“人民”概念的内涵随着革命阶段的变化而不断调整，其阶级构成始终围绕革命的中心任务而展开。

During the period of socialist revolution and construction, the main task facing the Chinese Communist Party was to realize the transition from New Democracy to socialism, complete the socialist revolution, advance socialist construction, and lay the institutional and material foundations for the establishment of the socialist system and national industrialization. During this period, the practical form of revolution underwent profound changes compared with the period of the New Democratic Revolution. “The large-scale, stormy mass class struggle has basically ended”; “the purpose of the socialist revolution is to liberate the productive forces.” The focus of the socialist revolution gradually shifted to the transformation of the relations of production and the development of the productive forces. This meant that economic construction replaced revolutionary war as the central task, and the revolutionary context gradually transformed into a construction context. The people changed from the main body of revolutionary mobilization to the main body of socialist construction. Mao Zedong pointed out: “In the period of building socialism, all classes, strata, and social groups that approve of, support, and participate in the cause of socialist construction fall within the scope of the people.” Compared with the previous method of definition based mainly on the division of revolutionary targets, the category of “people” was further expanded at this time. In theoretical and practical expressions, the concepts of “people” and “masses” became more closely integrated, emphasizing their principal position in socialist construction. To serve the cause of socialist construction, our Party had to correctly handle contradictions among the people and fully mobilize all favorable factors to carry out economic construction. Mao Zedong emphasized the initiative of the masses of the people in economic construction, pointing out: “The masses of the people have boundless creative power. They can organize themselves and march into all places and departments where they can exert their strength, march into the depth and breadth of production, and create for themselves an increasing number of welfare undertakings.” At the same time, he stressed that economic construction was highly dependent on mobilizing the strength of the masses of the people: “If the masses do not help, there will be no strength.” This indicates that socialist construction was not only the result of institutional arrangements but also a process of active participation and practical creation by the broad masses of the people. Therefore, it was necessary to safeguard the actual interests of the masses of the people and formulate policies that conformed to the people’s interests and practical needs, so as to enhance their enthusiasm and creativity in participating in construction. By systematically expounding the historical position and decisive role of the masses of the people in socialist construction, Mao Zedong established the theoretical judgment that the masses of the people are the main force driving economic development, providing a solid mass foundation and a source of strength for the cause of socialist construction.

社会主义革命和建设时期，中国共产党面临的主要任务，是实现从新民主主义向社会主义的转变，完成社会主义革命，推进社会主义建设，为社会主义制度的确立和国家工业化奠定制度与物质基础。这一时期，革命的实践样态较之新民主主义革命时期发生了深刻变化。“大规模的急风暴雨式的群众阶级斗争基本结束”“社会主义革命的目的是为了解放生产力”。社会主义革命的重心逐步转向生产关系改造和生产力发展，这意味着，经济建设取代革命战争成为中心任务，革命语境逐步向建设语境转换，人民由革命动员的主体转变为社会主义建设的主体力量。毛泽东指出：“在建设社会主义的时期，一切赞成、拥护和参加社会主义建设事业的阶级、阶层和社会集团，都属于人民的范围。”与此前以革命对象划分为主的界定方式相比，此时“人民”范畴进一步扩大。在理论与实践表述中，“人民”与“群众”概念更加紧密结合，强调其在社会主义建设中的主体地位。为服务社会主义建设事业，我们党必须正确处理人民内部矛盾，充分调动一切有利因素开展经济建设。毛泽东强调人民群众在经济建设中的能动性，指出：“人民群众有无限的创造力。他们可以组织起来，向一切可以发挥自己力量的地方和部门进军，向生产的深度和广度进军，替自己创造日益增多的福利事业。”同时强调经济建设高度依赖发挥人民群众力量，“群众不帮助就没有力量”。这表明，社会主义建设不仅是制度安排的结果，更是广大人民群众主动参与和实践创造的过程。因此，必须保障人民群众的实际利益，制定符合人民利益和现实需要的政策，以增强其参与建设的积极性和创造性。通过系统阐述人民群众在社会主义建设中的历史地位和决定性作用，毛泽东确立了人民群众是推动经济发展主体力量的理论判断，为社会主义建设事业提供了深厚的群众基础和力量源泉。

III. The People’s Stand and the Vanguard Nature: The Discursive Construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s Political Advantage

三、人民立场与先锋队性质：中国共产党政治优势的话语建构

A discourse system is a theoretical system for meaning construction and value expression; its basic function is to clarify political stands, define value orientations, and form social identity. Through the systematic construction of a political discourse centered on the “people,” Mao Zedong elucidated the Chinese Communist Party’s party nature, political stand, and value orientation. By defining and applying the concept of “people,” Mao Zedong clarified the political attribute of the Chinese Communist Party as taking the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people as its stand, emphasizing that all the Party’s theoretical and practical activities must take the people as the starting point and ultimate goal. Compared with bourgeois political parties, the Chinese Communist Party represents the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people, forming a distinct people’s stand and the tradition of the mass line. On this basis, the “people” discourse not only became an important vehicle for consolidating political consensus but also constituted an important theoretical marker distinguishing the Chinese Communist Party from other political parties. It both established the source of the Party’s political legitimacy and shaped the political image of the Party’s flesh-and-blood ties with the masses of the people, thereby manifesting the unique political advantage of the Chinese Communist Party in terms of value stand, organizational principles, and practical orientation.

话语体系是意义建构与价值表达的理论系统，基本功能在于阐明政治立场、界定价值取向并形成社会认同。毛泽东通过系统建构以“人民”为核心的政治话语，阐释了中国共产党的政党性质、政治立场和价值旨归。通过对“人民”概念的界定和运用，毛泽东明确了中国共产党以最广大人民根本利益为立场的政治属性，强调党的一切理论与实践活动必须以人民为出发点和落脚点。与资产阶级政党相比，中国共产党代表最广大人民的根本利益，形成了鲜明的人民立场和群众路线传统。在此基础上，“人民”话语不仅成为凝聚政治共识的重要载体，而且构成中国共产党区别于其他政党的重要理论标识。它既确立了党的政治合法性来源，又塑造了党同人民群众血肉联系的政治形象，从而彰显了中国共产党在价值立场、组织原则和实践取向上的独特政治优势。

Through a discourse system centered on the “people,” Mao Zedong systematically elucidated the Chinese Communist Party’s party nature. Party nature determines a political party’s fundamental attributes and direction of development, and also prescribes the logic of action and value orientation of its political practice. Bourgeois political parties are essentially political organizations representing the interests of the bourgeoisie; their main goal is usually to win and maintain political power, and their members are mostly drawn from the upper strata of society or political elites. Driven by a mechanism of interest bargaining, such parties often engage in fierce competition over the distribution of power, making it difficult for them to transcend the limitations of group interests, thereby constraining their ability to realize the overall well-being of society. The Marxist theory of class analysis reveals the class nature of capitalist parties and their historical limitations, and elucidates the advanced nature and historical mission of the proletarian party. The *Communist Manifesto* points out that communists are the most advanced and resolute part of the working class, have no interests separate from those of the proletariat as a whole, and “always represent the interests of the entire movement.” On this basis, Lenin founded the theory of the vanguard party, emphasizing that “the party is the advanced detachment of the class, its leader and organizer, the representative of the entire movement and its fundamental and main goals,” further elucidating the advanced nature of the proletarian party. On this basis, Mao Zedong integrated Marxist theory of the proletarian party with China’s concrete reality and put forward the important proposition of the “Two Vanguards.” [27]27 The “Two Vanguards” refers to the Chinese Communist Party as both the vanguard of the Chinese working class and the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. This formulation was formally adopted at the 16th National Congress of the CPC in 2002. In 1937, in a speech at the memorial meeting for the anniversary of Lu Xun’s death at the Northern Shaanxi Public School in Yan’an, Mao Zedong used the concept of “vanguard” to elucidate the nature of the Chinese Communist Party: “Our Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat, and at the same time the vanguard of the most thorough national liberation.” [28]28 Lu Xun (1881–1936) was a leading modern Chinese writer and cultural critic. The Northern Shaanxi Public School (陕北公学) was a short-term cadre training institution established by the CPC in Yan’an in 1937. This assertion not only expanded the connotation of the theory of the proletarian vanguard but also, under the historical conditions of national liberation, endowed the Chinese Communist Party with a broader historical mission, constituting the early expression of the later theory of the “Two Vanguards.” The Seventh National Congress of the Party [29]29 The Seventh National Congress of the CPC was held in Yan’an from April to June 1945. It formally established Mao Zedong Thought as the Party’s guiding ideology. further defined the Party’s nature completely from the dimensions of organizational attributes and representation: “The Chinese Communist Party is the advanced, organized contingent of the Chinese working class, the highest form of its class organization. The Chinese Communist Party represents the interests of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people.” Through the systematic expression of the people’s discourse, Mao Zedong organically integrated the Party’s vanguard nature with the people’s stand, emphasizing both its class advanced nature and its political character of representing the interests of the broadest masses of the people. As later summarized, “The Chinese Communist Party has always represented the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people, sharing weal and woe and life and death with the people, having no special interests of its own, and never representing any interest group, any power group, or any privileged stratum.” [30]30 This passage is a standard formulation from official CPC documents, notably Xi Jinping

毛泽东通过以“人民”为核心的话语体系，系统阐明了中国共产党的政党性质。政党性质决定着政党的根本属性与发展方向，也规定着其政治实践的行动逻辑与价值取向。资产阶级政党本质上是代表资产阶级利益的政治组织，通常以争取并维持执政地位为主要目标，其成员多由社会上层或政治精英构成。在利益博弈机制的驱动下，这类政党往往围绕权力分配展开激烈竞争，难以超越集团利益局限，从而制约了其实现社会整体福祉的能力。马克思主义阶级分析理论揭示了资本主义政党的阶级属性及其历史局限性，并阐明了无产阶级政党的先进性与历史使命。《共产党宣言》指出，共产党人是工人阶级中最先进、最坚决的部分，没有自己特殊的利益，而是“始终代表整个运动的利益”。列宁在此基础上创立了先锋队政党理论，强调“党是阶级的先进部队，是阶级的领导者和组织者，是整个运动及其根本和主要目的的代表”，进一步阐明了无产阶级政党的先进性。在此基础上，毛泽东将马克思主义无产阶级政党理论与中国具体实际相结合，提出了“两个先锋队”的重要命题。1937年，在延安陕北公学纪念鲁迅逝世周年大会上的讲话中，毛泽东以“先锋队”概念阐释中国共产党的性质：“我们共产党是无产阶级的先锋队，同时又是最彻底的民族解放的先锋队。”这一论断不仅拓展了无产阶级先锋队理论的内涵，而且在民族解放的历史条件下，赋予中国共产党更为广泛的历史使命，构成后来“两个先锋队”理论的早期表达。党的七大进一步从组织属性和代表性维度完整界定党的性质：“中国共产党，是中国工人阶级的先进的有组织的部队，是它的阶级组织的最高形式。中国共产党代表中国民族与中国人民的利益。”通过人民话语的系统表达，毛泽东将党的先锋队性质与人民立场有机结合，既强调其阶级先进性，又突出其代表最广大人民利益的政治品格。正如后来概括的那样，“中国共产党始终代表最广大人民根本利益，与人民休戚与共、生死相依，没有任何自己特殊的利益，从来不代表任何利益集团、任何权势团体、任何特权阶层的利益”。

Through a discourse system centered on “the people,” Mao Zedong systematically elucidated the people’s standpoint that runs through the Communist Party of China. “Standpoint is the foothold from which people observe, understand, and handle problems.” The political standpoint of a political party determines its value orientation and practical direction. Different parties carry out political activities based on different standpoints, thereby forming their own unique political forms and operational logics. Bourgeois parties take individualism and priority of interests as their value foundation, emphasize the expression of individual rights and group interests, and take competitive interest gaming as their basic mode of operation. Under this political logic, parties and the interest groups they rely on check and balance each other, and the political process exhibits strong antagonism, easily falling into structural competition or even excessive gaming. In contrast, the Communist Party of China established from its very inception a political standpoint oriented toward the interests of the vast majority of the people. Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized that the Communist Party of China “stands on the standpoint of the proletariat and the masses of the people,” which constitutes a distinctive marker distinguishing our Party from other parties. By constructing a discourse system of the people, Mao Zedong deeply embedded the people’s standpoint in the institutional form and work style of the Communist Party of China, shaping the Party’s fundamental political mode of thinking. In terms of institutional form, Mao Zedong used the people’s standpoint to indicate the direction of the Communist Party of China’s political practice and established the basic system of socialism. Mao Zedong combined the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the concrete reality of the Chinese revolution, creatively proposed the concept of “people’s democratic dictatorship,” and defined it as “the people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class (through the Communist Party of China) and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.” Mao Zedong explicitly required that “all levels of government must add the word ‘people,’ and all organs of political power must add the word ‘people,’” [31]31 Mao Zedong’s instruction that government and state organs should include the word “people” in their names, reflecting the principle of the people being the masters of the country. strengthening the principal position of the people through institutional naming and political expression, and gradually establishing and perfecting the system of the People’s Congresses, the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and other institutional systems, embodying the fundamental orientation of the people’s standpoint institutionally. At the level of work style, Mao Zedong proposed and systematically elaborated the fine tradition of “maintaining close ties with the masses,” establishing it as the Party’s fundamental working method. He emphasized that “all correct tasks, policies, and work styles are suited to the demands of the masses at the time and place, and are linked to the masses,” and summarized this understanding as the fundamental political line and fundamental working line of “from the masses, to the masses.” Thus, the people’s standpoint was embodied not only in institutional arrangements but also in concrete practical methods and working methods. On this theoretical basis, the New Era further clearly put forward: “The people’s standpoint is the fundamental political standpoint of the Communist Party of China.” In the process of advancing and realizing Chinese-path modernization, it is necessary to “always adhere to the people’s standpoint, uphold the principal position of the people, learn humbly from the people, listen to the people’s voices, and draw on the people’s wisdom.” This is both an inheritance of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people and its deepening and development under new historical conditions.

毛泽东通过以“人民”为核心的话语体系，系统阐明了中国共产党贯穿始终的人民立场。“立场，是人们观察、认识和处理问题的立足点。”政党的政治立场决定其价值取向和实践方向，不同政党基于不同立场开展政治活动，从而形成各自独特的政治形态与运行逻辑。资产阶级政党以个人主义和利益优先为价值基础，强调个体权利与集团利益表达，并以竞争性利益博弈为基本运行方式。在这种政治逻辑下，政党之间及其所依托的利益集团相互制衡，政治过程呈现出较强的对抗性，容易陷入结构性竞争甚至过度博弈。与此不同，中国共产党自成立之初即确立了以最广大人民利益为根本取向的政治立场。毛泽东反复强调，中国共产党是“站在无产阶级的和人民大众的立场”，这构成了我们党区别于其他政党的显著标志。通过构建人民话语体系，毛泽东将人民立场深嵌于中国共产党的制度形态、工作作风，塑造了党的根本政治思维方式。在制度形态上，毛泽东以人民立场指明中国共产党的政治实践方向，确立了社会主义基本制度。毛泽东将马克思主义无产阶级专政学说同中国革命具体实际相结合，创造性提出“人民民主专政”概念，并将其界定为“工人阶级（经过共产党）领导的以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政”。毛泽东明确要求，“各级政府都要加上‘人民’二字，各种政权机关都要加上‘人民’二字”，通过制度命名和政治表达强化人民主体地位，逐步确立并完善人民代表大会制度、中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度、民族区域自治制度等制度体系，从制度上体现了人民立场的根本取向。在工作作风层面，毛泽东提出并系统阐发“密切联系群众”优良传统，将其确立为党的根本工作方法。他强调“凡属正确的任务、政策和工作作风，都是和当时当地的群众要求相适合，都是联系群众的”，并将这一认识概括为“从群众中来，到群众中去”的根本政治路线和根本工作路线。由此，人民立场不仅体现在制度安排上，而且体现于具体实践方式和工作方法。在此理论基础上，新时代进一步鲜明提出：“人民立场是中国共产党的根本政治立场。”在推进实现中国式现代化的进程中，必须“始终坚持人民立场，坚持人民主体地位，虚心向人民学习，倾听人民呼声，汲取人民智慧”。这既是对毛泽东人民话语体系的继承，也是对其在新的历史条件下的深化与发展。

Through a discourse system centered on “the people,” Mao Zedong elucidated the fundamental purpose of the Communist Party of China of serving the people wholeheartedly, pointing out: “The question of ‘for whom’ is a fundamental question, a question of principle.” Under the operational logic of interest politics, bourgeois parties often shape “special interests” as “general interests,” and their political practice objectively serves more the interest demands of a minority of society, presenting a value orientation of “seeking benefits for a minority.” In sharp contrast, Mao Zedong’s constructed discourse system of the people always takes the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people as its core, establishing “serving the people” as the fundamental value orientation of the Communist Party of China. Although the Communist Party of China had long practiced the purpose of serving the people in its revolutionary practice, from the perspective of discourse formation and theoretical expression, the explicit formulation of “serving the people” first appeared in a 1939 letter from Mao Zedong to Zhang Wentian. [32]32 Zhang Wentian (1900–1976) was a senior leader of the Communist Party of China who served as General Secretary from 1935 to 1943. In 1944, Mao Zedong first systematically expounded on this proposition in the article “Serve the People”: “Our Communist Party of China and the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies led by it are revolutionary contingents. Our contingent is entirely for the liberation of the people and works thoroughly for the interests of the people.” This discussion elevated serving the people to the fundamental nature and fundamental purpose of the Party and the army. Thereafter, Mao Zedong emphasized “serving the people” on multiple occasions. In a speech at the auditorium of the Qingliangshan Central Printing Plant, he first proposed “serving the people wholeheartedly.” [33]33 The Qingliangshan Central Printing Plant was a key propaganda facility of the CPC in Yan’an during the 1940s. In 1945, in the opening address and political report of the Seventh National Congress of the CPC, Mao Zedong formally proposed and systematically discussed “serving the people wholeheartedly”: “Serving the people wholeheartedly, never for a moment separating from the masses; proceeding from the interests of the people in everything, not from the interests of individuals or small groups; the unity of being responsible to the people and being responsible to the leading organs of the Party—these are our starting points.” The Seventh National Congress of the CPC wrote “serving the people” into the Party Constitution, explicitly establishing “serving the people wholeheartedly” as the Party’s fundamental purpose, thereby realizing the transformation from a practical principle to an institutional norm. The deepening of the discourse from “serving the people” to “serving the people wholeheartedly” is not only reflected in the strengthening of semantic degree but also marks the elevation of this purpose from a general value advocacy to a political principle with organizational binding force. In 1957, Mao Zedong criticized the phenomenon of some cadres having “less of the spirit of serving the people wholeheartedly,” emphasizing that the Communist Party “must serve the people wholeheartedly, not half-heartedly or with two-thirds of a heart and two-thirds of a mind,” [34]34 Mao Zedong’s criticism of cadres for insufficient dedication to serving the people, from his 1957 speech “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People.” reiterating the practical requirements of this purpose. On the basis of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people, the New Era further emphasizes the Party’s fundamental purpose. Xi Jinping pointed out: “We must adhere to the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, seek benefits for the people, fulfill responsibilities for the people, take on burdens for the people, take the people’s aspiration for a better life as our unswerving goal, and always maintain the flesh-and-blood ties between the Party and the people.” This is both an inheritance of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people and a deepening and development of its value connotation under new historical conditions.

通过以“人民”为核心的话语体系，毛泽东阐明了中国共产党全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，指出：“为什么人的问题，是一个根本的问题，原则的问题。”在利益政治运行逻辑下，资产阶级政党往往将“特殊利益”塑造为“普遍利益”，其政治实践在客观上更多服务于社会少数群体的利益诉求，呈现出“为少数人谋利益”的价值指向。与此形成鲜明对比，毛泽东所建构的人民话语体系始终以最广大人民群众的根本利益为核心，将“为人民服务”确立为中国共产党的根本价值取向。虽然中国共产党在革命实践中早已践行为人民服务的宗旨，但从话语形成和理论表达的角度来看，“为人民服务”这一明确表述最早出现于1939年毛泽东与张闻天的通信。1944年，毛泽东在《为人民服务》一文中首次对这一命题作出系统阐述：“我们的共产党和共产党所领导的八路军、新四军，是革命的队伍。我们这个队伍完全是为着解放人民的，是彻底地为人民的利益工作的。”这一论述将为人民服务提升为党和军队的根本性质与根本目的。此后，毛泽东在多个场合强调“为人民服务”。在清凉山中央印刷厂礼堂的讲话中，他首次提出“全心全意地为人民服务”。1945年，在党的七大开幕词和政治报告中，毛泽东正式提出并系统论述“全心全意地为人民服务”：“全心全意地为人民服务，一刻也不脱离群众；一切从人民的利益出发，而不是从个人或小集团的利益出发；向人民负责和向党的领导机关负责的一致性；这些就是我们的出发点。”党的七大将“为人民服务”写入党章，明确将“全心全意为人民服务”确立为党的根本宗旨，从而实现了由实践原则向制度规范的转化。从“为人民服务”到“全心全意为人民服务”的话语深化，不仅体现为语义程度的加强，更标志着这一宗旨由一般价值倡导上升为具有组织约束力的政治原则。1957年，毛泽东批评部分干部“全心全意为人民服务的精神少了”的现象，强调共产党“就是要全心全意为人民服务，不要半心半意或者三分之二的心三分之二的意为人民服务”,重申了这一宗旨的实践要求。在毛泽东人民话语体系基础上，新时代进一步强调党的根本宗旨。习近平指出：“我们要坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，为民谋利，为民尽责，为民担当，把人民对美好生活的向往作为始终不渝的奋斗目标，始终保持党同人民群众的血肉联系。”这既是对毛泽东人民话语体系的继承，也是在新的历史条件下对其价值内涵的深化发展。

IV. Discourse Extension: The Origins of the Discourse System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

四、话语延展：中国特色社会主义话语体系的源流

The discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a form of discourse expression and a vehicle for dissemination formed by the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics under specific historical conditions. It is a systematic linguistic construction of the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Constructing the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is an inherent requirement for telling China’s story well, spreading China’s voice well, and enhancing international discourse power.

中国特色社会主义话语体系，是中国特色社会主义理论体系在特定历史条件下形成的话语表达形态和传播载体，是对中国特色社会主义道路、理论、制度和文化的系统性语言建构。构建中国特色社会主义话语体系，是讲好中国故事、传播好中国声音、增强国际话语权的内在要求。

From the perspective of historical origins, the discourse system of the people constructed by Mao Zedong can be regarded as an important ideological source and value foundation of the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. As a mode of discourse construction with a clear standpoint and practical orientation, Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people provides foundational resources for the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics in terms of ideological standpoint, value orientation, and construction path.

从历史源流来看，毛泽东建构的人民话语体系，可以被视为中国特色社会主义话语体系的重要思想源头和价值基础。作为一种具有鲜明立场和实践指向的话语建构方式，毛泽东人民话语体系在意识形态立场、价值取向和建构路径等方面，为中国特色社会主义话语体系提供了奠基性资源。

Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people laid a distinct people-centered foundation for the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Marx and Engels pointed out: “Language is as old as consciousness; language is practical, real consciousness that exists for other people as well, and therefore alone it really exists for me.” Bakhtin pointed out: “Discourse is always filled with ideological or life content and meaning.” These judgments reveal the intrinsic connection between discourse and ideology. As a socialist ideology guided by Marxism, it profoundly embodies the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people and is expressed and disseminated through a specific discourse system. Within this theoretical logic, the discourse system of the people constructed by Mao Zedong runs through the entire process of the formation and development of the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, shapes the basic categories for expressing the Party’s policies and guidelines, and lays a solid ideological foundation for the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The people-centered value orientation has become its most distinctive feature. Under the profound influence of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people, the Party’s theoretical innovations since reform and opening up have continuously enriched and developed the people’s standpoint. Under new historical conditions, Deng Xiaoping insisted on taking the people’s interests as the starting point and ultimate goal of all work, took “whether the people support it, whether they are happy with it, whether they agree with it, whether they approve of it” as the standard for measuring all work, and put forward the important proposition of “three favorable criteria” [35]35 “Three favorable criteria” (三个有利于): A standard proposed by Deng Xiaoping during his 1992 southern tour, stating that the success of reform and opening up should be judged by whether it is favorable to developing the productive forces of socialist society, to increasing the overall strength of the socialist state, and to raising the people’s standard of living., further clarifying the fundamental position of the people’s interests in practical evaluation. Jiang Zemin emphasized that the Party always represents the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the Chinese people, pointing out the fundamental principle of governing for the people. Hu Jintao proposed and emphasized “power is exercised for the people, feelings are tied to the people, and benefits are sought for the people,” taking the realization of people’s all-round development as an important goal. Xi Jinping further deepened the understanding of the people’s principal position, proposed and systematically elaborated the concept of “putting the people first,” integrated it throughout the entire process of governing the country, and pointed out that the people’s aspiration for a better life is our goal of struggle. Guided by this concept, all the Party’s work takes enhancing the people’s well-being, promoting people’s all-round development, and achieving common prosperity as its starting point and ultimate goal, reflecting the consistent continuation and epochal elevation of the people’s standpoint within the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

毛泽东人民话语体系为中国特色社会主义话语体系奠定了鲜明的人民底色。马克思、恩格斯指出：“语言和意识具有同样长久的历史；语言是一种实践的、既为别人存在因而也为我自身而存在的、现实的意识。”巴赫金指出：“话语永远都充满着意识形态或生活的内容和意义。”这些论断揭示了话语与意识形态的内在关联。作为以马克思主义为指导的社会主义意识形态，深刻体现着最广大人民的根本利益，并通过特定的话语体系加以表达和传播。在这一理论逻辑下，毛泽东建构的人民话语体系贯穿中国特色社会主义话语体系形成和发展全过程，塑造了党的方针政策表达的基本范畴，为中国特色社会主义话语体系奠定了坚实的意识形态基础。以人民为中心的价值取向成为其最为鲜明的特征。在毛泽东人民话语体系的深刻影响下，改革开放以来党的理论创新不断丰富和发展人民立场。在新的历史条件下，邓小平坚持以人民利益为一切工作的出发点和归宿，将“人民拥护不拥护、赞成不赞成、高兴不高兴、答应不答应”作为衡量各项工作的标准，并提出“三个有利于”的重要命题，进一步明确了人民利益在实践评价中的根本地位。江泽民强调党始终代表中国最广大人民的根本利益，指明了执政为民的根本遵循。胡锦涛提出并强调“权为民所用、情为民所系、利为民所谋”，将实现人的全面发展作为重要目标。习近平进一步深化对人民主体地位的认识，提出并系统阐释“人民至上”理念，将其贯穿于治国理政全过程，指出人民对美好生活的向往就是我们的奋斗目标。在这一理念指引下，党的全部工作都以增进人民福祉、促进人的全面发展和实现共同富裕为出发点和落脚点，体现了人民立场在中国特色社会主义话语体系中的一贯延续与时代升华。

The ideological content contained in Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people is an important foundation for setting the agenda of the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The content of discourse answers the fundamental question of “what to say” and is an important constituent element of the discourse system. Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people centrally embodies his theoretical reflections on the people’s principal position and value orientation. Among these, core propositions such as the people’s central position and serving the people wholeheartedly remain important topics and intellectual resources for Chinese political theory to this day. On the basis of inheriting the important concepts and value orientations of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people, generations of Chinese Communists have continuously adapted their expressions to the needs of the times in light of new historical conditions, persistently promoted theoretical innovation, and gradually formed the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

毛泽东人民话语体系蕴含的思想内容，是中国特色社会主义话语体系议题设置的重要基础。话语内容回答“说什么”这一根本问题，是话语体系的重要构成要素。毛泽东人民话语体系集中体现了其关于人民主体地位和价值取向的理论思考，其中关于人民中心地位、全心全意为人民服务等核心命题，至今仍是中国政治理论的重要议题和思想资源。在继承毛泽东人民话语体系重要概念和价值取向基础上，一代代中国共产党人不断结合新历史条件进行时代化表达，持续推进理论的创新，逐步形成中国特色社会主义话语体系。

The construction principles and modes of expression of Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people provide fundamental guidance for the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The principles of discourse construction and modes of expression answer the question of “how to express,” directly relating to the path of discourse practice. Among these, the principles of discourse construction fundamentally define the standpoint and nature of the discourse. In the process of constructing the discourse system of the people, Mao Zedong always adhered to Marxism as the fundamental guide, used theoretical methods such as class analysis and contradiction analysis to observe society and analyze problems, and insisted on advancing the practice of revolution and construction based on the principle of seeking truth from facts. Adherence to these basic principles endows the discourse system of the people with a distinct value standpoint and an inherent driving force for continuous innovation and development. The mode of discourse expression determines whether the discourse can be expressed thoroughly and vividly, generating appeal. As some scholars have pointed out, this “is not a purely linguistic issue, but actually concerns the interpretation and understanding of the content of the discourse.” Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people, with its popularized mode of expression that is profound yet easy to understand, has profoundly influenced the orientation of discourse construction of the Chinese Communist Party. Mao Zedong emphasized that “language must be close to the masses” and that it is necessary to learn language from the masses, because “the people’s vocabulary is very rich, lively, and reflects actual life.” The principles and methods Mao Zedong used to construct the discourse system of the people provide an important basis for constructing the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the New Era. On this basis, Xi Jinping proposed “adhering to making the past serve the present and foreign things serve China, integrating various resources, and continuously promoting knowledge innovation, theoretical innovation, and methodological innovation,” emphasizing the use of Marxist standpoints, viewpoints, and methods to analyze and solve practical problems, and to answer the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times. At the level of linguistic expression, it is adept at quoting classics and drawing extensively from various sources, while also paying attention to using everyday modes of expression, making theoretical explanations more vivid and lively, reflecting the inheritance and innovation of the tradition of the people’s discourse.

毛泽东人民话语体系的构建原则与表达方式，为中国特色社会主义话语体系提供了根本指引。话语构建原则与表达方式回答“如何表达”这一问题，直接关系话语实践的展开路径。其中，话语构建原则从根本上规定着话语的立场和性质。在构建人民话语体系过程中，毛泽东始终坚持以马克思主义为根本指导，运用阶级分析法、矛盾分析法等理论方法观察社会、分析问题，坚持以实事求是原则推进革命和建设实践。对这些基本原则的坚持，使人民话语体系具有鲜明的价值立场和持续创新发展的内在动力。话语表达方式决定着话语能否表达得透彻、生动，产生感染力。正如有学者指出，这“并不是一个纯粹语言形式问题，而实际关涉到话语内容的阐释和理解”。毛泽东人民话语体系深入浅出、通俗易懂的大众化表达方式深刻影响了中国共产党的话语建构取向。毛泽东强调“言语必须接近民众”，必须向人民群众学习语言，因为“人民的语汇是很丰富的，生动活泼的，表现实际生活的”。毛泽东构建人民话语体系的原则与方法，为新时代中国特色社会主义话语体系的建构提供了重要根据。在此基础上，习近平提出“坚持古为今用、洋为中用，融通各种资源，不断推进知识创新、理论创新、方法创新”，强调以马克思主义立场观点方法分析和解决实际问题，回答中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问。在语言表达层面，既善于引经据典、旁征博引，又注重运用生活化表达方式，使理论阐释更加生动鲜活，体现了对人民话语传统的继承与创新。

Mao Zedong’s discourse system of the people was formed in the great practice of China’s revolution and construction, possessing a sustained influence that spans historical stages. Throughout the more than one hundred years of struggle of the Chinese Communist Party, this discourse system has continuously demonstrated new vitality, centrally embodying the Chinese Communists’ profound feelings for the people and their distinct value standpoint. Through the discourse system of the people, Mao Zedong expressed the Party’s political will, consolidated social consensus, guided the practice of revolution and construction, highlighted the unique political advantages of the Chinese Communist Party, and propelled the continuous advancement of the Party’s and the people’s cause. Entering the New Era, facing the problem of China’s relatively insufficient capacity for discourse expression in the international discourse landscape, Xi Jinping emphasized, “In interpreting Chinese practice and constructing Chinese theory, we should have the most say,” and called for accelerating the construction of a discourse system that embodies Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and Chinese manner. As an important source of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse system, the discourse system of the people constructed by Mao Zedong provides profound intellectual resources and methodological inspiration for the construction of the discourse system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

毛泽东人民话语体系形成于中国革命与建设的伟大实践，具有跨越历史阶段的持续影响力。在中国共产党百余年奋斗历程中，这一话语体系不断展现新的生命力，集中体现了中国共产党人深厚的为民情怀与鲜明的价值立场。毛泽东通过人民话语体系表达党的政治意志，凝聚社会共识，指导革命和建设实践，彰显了中国共产党独特的政治优势，推动党和人民事业不断向前发展。进入新时代，面对国际话语格局中中国话语表达能力相对不足的问题，习近平强调，“在解读中国实践、构建中国理论上，我们应该最有发言权”，要求加快构建体现中国特色、中国风格、中国气派的话语体系。作为中国共产党话语体系的重要源头，毛泽东所构建的人民话语体系，为中国特色社会主义话语体系建设提供了深厚思想资源和方法启示。

About the authors: Li Youxin, doctoral supervisor at Xiangtan University, director of the Key Research Base of Humanities and Social Sciences of the Ministry of Education, the Mao Zedong Thought Research Center at Xiangtan University; Lei Chengwen, doctoral candidate at the School of Marxism, Xiangtan University.

作者简介：李佑新，湘潭大学博士生导师，教育部人文社科重点研究基地湘潭大学毛泽东思想研究中心主任;类成文，湘潭大学马克思主义学院博士研究生。