Mao Zedong’s Wisdom of Struggle and Its Contemporary Value

The “Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century” adopted by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China points out: “All the achievements of the Party and the people did not fall from the sky, nor were they bestowed by others, but were obtained through unremitting struggle.” [1]1 “Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century,” adopted at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC in November 2021. Persisting in daring to struggle is an important historical experience of the Communist Party of China in its century-long struggle. The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, accumulated valuable experience in struggle and demonstrated superb wisdom of struggle in the process of leading the people in their great endeavors. Today, facing the complex and severe international situation and the arduous and heavy tasks of domestic reform, development, and stability maintenance, the struggles we will undergo will not be few. In-depth analysis of Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle, continuous summarization of struggle experience, and enhancement of struggle capability thus have important practical significance. It should be said that Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle is not a calculation revolving around personal self-interest, nor is it merely a strategy concerning struggle; rather, it is a multi-dimensional and integrated composite operational whole, rich in connotation, including ideological foundation, value orientation, strategic methods, spiritual will, and so on.

《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》指出：“党和人民取得的一切成就，不是天上掉下来的，不是别人恩赐的，而是通过不断斗争取得的。”①坚持敢于斗争，是中国共产党百年奋斗的一条重要历史经验。以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，在带领人民进行伟大奋斗的过程中，积累了宝贵的斗争经验，展现出高超的斗争智慧。今天，面对复杂严峻的国际形势和艰巨繁重的国内改革发展稳定任务，我们所要经历的斗争不会少。深入分析毛泽东的斗争智慧，不断总结斗争经验，增强斗争本领，也就具有重要的现实意义。应当说，毛泽东的斗争智慧不是围绕个人私利而展开的算计，也不仅仅是一种关于斗争的谋略，而是一个内涵丰富，包含思想根基、价值取向、策略方法、精神意志等在内的多维一体的复合运思整体。

I

一

Marx and Engels pointed out: “All epoch-making systems have their true content formed by the needs of the period that gave rise to them.” [2]2 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, “The German Ideology” (1845-1846). There is no doubt that the emergence of Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle had profound subjective and objective conditions.

马克思恩格斯指出：“一切划时代的体系的真正的内容都是由于产生这些体系的那个时期的需要而形成起来的。”毫无疑问，毛泽东斗争智慧的产生，有着深刻的主客观条件。

Practice is the basis of cognition, and the formation of wisdom of struggle cannot be separated from the tempering of practice and the tests of various risks and challenges. After the Opium War, China gradually degenerated into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, with the state ruined to the extreme, society dark to the extreme, and the people suffering to the extreme; thus, the national-democratic revolutionary movement against imperialism and feudalism rose vigorously. It was against this background that Mao Zedong believed, “There are many things that require in-depth research and investigation. China is in a great transformation, and one cannot leave this combat environment.” [3]3 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art” (May 1942), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 3. Only through comparing the two victories and two defeats in the Northern Expedition and the Agrarian Revolution did Mao Zedong gradually come to know the objective world of China and understand how to carry out revolutionary struggle in China. This was impossible before, “because without having gone through great storms and waves, without the comparison of two victories and two defeats, and without sufficient experience, one could not fully understand the laws of the Chinese revolution.” [4]4 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Enlarged Central Work Conference” (January 30, 1962), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 8. After the founding of New China, how to build socialism under such backward conditions in China had no precedent to follow; it also required exploring forward while continuously overcoming various contradictions and difficulties. On the one hand, the hardships and dangers encountered in China’s revolution and construction urgently required the emergence of wisdom of struggle; on the other hand, the complex struggle practices in the process of revolution and construction provided the foundation and created conditions for the formation of Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle. For example, precisely because he deeply recognized the important role of forbearance and unity in the process of struggle, Mao Zedong stated, “Forbearance is the most difficult, but as a politician, one must practice forbearance”; [5]5 Mao Zedong, “Talk at the Lushan Conference” (July 23, 1959), in Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China, Vol. 8. “One must be able to unite the majority of people. The so-called uniting the majority of people includes those who previously opposed oneself, even if they were wrong, regardless of which faction they belong to; do not hold grudges, and cannot practice ‘one court, one minister’.” [6]6 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC” (March 5, 1949), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 4. It was precisely because he gradually possessed such wisdom of struggle that he ultimately grew into a leader capable of handling complex situations and trusted by the entire Party.

实践是认识的基础，斗争智慧的形成离不开实践的磨砺和各种风险挑战的考验。鸦片战争以后，中国逐步沦为半殖民地半封建社会，国家坏到了极点，社会黑暗到了极点，人民也苦到了极点，于是反帝反封建的民族民主革命运动蓬勃兴起。正是在这样的背景下，毛泽东认为，“有许多事物需要深入的研究、调查，中国处在伟大的变动中，自己不能离开这个战斗的环境”。经过对北伐战争和土地革命战争中两次胜利和两次失败的比较，毛泽东才逐步认识了中国这个客观世界，认识到应该怎样在中国进行革命斗争。而这在之前是不可能的，“因为没有经过大风大浪，没有两次胜利和两次失败的比较，还没有充分的经验，还不能充分认识中国革命的规律”。新中国成立后，如何在中国这样落后的条件下建设社会主义，我们没有先例可循，同样需要在不断克服各种矛盾困难中探索前进。一方面，中国革命和建设所遭遇的艰难险阻迫切需要斗争智慧的出场；另一方面，革命和建设进程中复杂的斗争实践又为毛泽东斗争智慧的形成提供了基础，创造了条件。比如，正是因为深刻认识到忍耐与团结在斗争过程中的重要作用，毛泽东才讲道，“忍耐最难，但作一个政治家，必须练习忍耐”；“要能够团结大多数人。所谓团结大多数人，包括从前反对自己反对错了的人，不管他是哪个山头的，不要记仇，不能‘一朝天子一朝臣’”。也正是因为逐渐具备了这样的斗争智慧，他才最终成长为一位能够驾驭复杂局面、为全党所信赖的领袖人物。

The formation of Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle is also inseparable from his personal willpower and spiritual pursuit. Marx and Engels pointed out: “People are the producers of their own conceptions, ideas, etc.” [7]7 Marx and Engels, “The German Ideology.” From Mao Zedong’s growth experience, from his childhood, he paid great attention to books about rebellion stories such as “Water Margin.” He once said, “These books probably had a great influence on me, because they were read at an age when one is easily influenced.” [8]8 Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China (1937), recording Mao’s 1936 interview. The humanistic spirit of Hunan culture, which emphasizes practical affairs and daring to be the first, also nurtured and cultivated Mao Zedong’s character of daring to struggle, as well as his courage not to fear ghosts or trouble. He often said to others in his childhood, “Do not fear evil, do not bully the good.” [9]9 Quoted in Li Rui, The Early Years of Mao Zedong (1980). He himself recalled that when he was in elementary school, the Changsha famine riot incident influenced his life: “I could never forget this incident. I felt that the rebels were also ordinary people like my own family, and I was deeply indignant at the injustice they suffered.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “Autobiographical Account” (1936), in Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China. In his youth, Mao Zedong called on peasants, workers, students, women, and others to unite and form a great union of the people, “to resist the powerful and harmful people standing opposite us,” so that “the liberation of thought, the liberation of politics, the liberation of the economy, the liberation of men and women, and the liberation of education would all emerge from the ninefold abyss of injustice to see the blue sky.” [11]11 Mao Zedong, “The Great Union of the Popular Masses” (July 21, 1919), in Collected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1. He also often braved wind and rain to engage in wind baths and rain baths to exercise his body and will. All these are vivid manifestations of Mao Zedong’s character of daring to struggle.

毛泽东斗争智慧的形成也离不开个人的意志品质和精神追求。马克思恩格斯指出：“人们是自己的观念、思想等等的生产者。”从毛泽东的成长经历来看，从幼年时期起，他就十分关注《水浒传》等关于造反故事的书。他曾讲道：“这些书大概对我影响很大，因为是在容易接受的年龄里读的。”而湖湘文化中经世务实、敢为人先的人文精神，也熏陶和培养了毛泽东敢于斗争的性格，以及不怕鬼、不怕事的胆识。他幼时常常对人说：“逢恶就莫怕，逢善就莫欺。”他自己也回忆，读小学堂时，长沙的饥民暴动事件影响了他一生：“我却始终忘不掉这件事。我觉得造反的人也是些像我自己家里人那样的老百姓，对于他们受到冤屈，我深感不平。”青年时期的毛泽东就号召农民、工人、学生、女子等都联合起来，建立起民众的大联合，“以与立在我们对面的强权者害人者相抗”，而使“思想的解放，政治的解放，经济的解放，男女的解放，教育的解放，都要从九重冤狱，求见青天”。他还经常顶风冒雨，进行风浴雨浴，以锻炼身体与意志。这一切都是毛泽东敢于斗争的性格特点的鲜明体现。

II

二

Lenin pointed out: “Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.” [12]12 V. I. Lenin, “What Is to Be Done?” (1902). Mao Zedong also emphasized: “Without revolutionary theory, without historical knowledge, and without a profound understanding of the actual movement, it is impossible to achieve victory.” [13]13 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2. Furthermore, from the perspective of ideological foundation, Mao Zedong’s wisdom of struggle actually points to two layers of inherent meaning—both to guide struggle with scientific theory and to create new theory from struggle.

列宁指出：“没有革命的理论，就不会有革命的运动。”毛泽东也强调：“如果没有革命理论，没有历史知识，没有对于实际运动的深刻的了解，要取得胜利是不可能的。”进而言之，从思想根基来看，毛泽东的斗争智慧实际上指向两层应有之义——既要以科学理论来指导斗争，又要从斗争中创造新的理论。

Struggle requires the guidance of scientific theory. Mao Zedong pointed out: “What is work? Work is struggle. Those places have difficulties and problems that need us to solve. We work and struggle to solve difficulties.” [14]14 Mao Zedong, “Be a True Revolutionary” (December 1, 1939), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2. One important reason we are not confident about a task is that we lack a regular understanding of its content and conditions. Marxism is called truth, first of all, because it scientifically reveals the laws of nature, human society, and human thinking activities. If such a scientific theory is merely talked about emptily without being used to guide practical work, then no matter how good this theory is, it is meaningless. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Marxism values theory precisely, and only, because it can guide action.” [15]15 Mao Zedong, “On Practice” (July 1937), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 1. This is a conclusion drawn from the tempering of blood and fire in revolutionary struggle. As early as in his youth when leading the patriotic movement, Mao Zedong realized: “It is necessary to arm the minds of the masses with correct revolutionary thought in order to push the patriotic movement forward.” [16]16 Quoted in Li Rui, The Early Years of Mao Zedong. To this end, he wrote a large number of articles, calling on the people to unite and struggle, which not only “pointed out the direction and path of struggle for the people” but also “enlightened the revolutionary thinking of the people and inspired the revolutionary fighting spirit of the youth.” [17]17 Ibid. Mao Zedong repeatedly emphasized: “Learning theory is the condition for victory. … We must learn Marxism.” [18]18 Mao Zedong, “Rectify the Party’s Style of Work” (February 1, 1942), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 3. But we cannot be superstitious about learning Marxism; “Marxism itself was created, and we cannot copy books mechanically.” [19]19 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda Work of the CPC” (March 12, 1957), Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 5. We must learn its standpoint, viewpoint, and method for observing and solving problems. “Only this guide to action, only this standpoint and method, is the revolutionary science, the only correct policy for guiding us to understand the object of revolution and to direct the revolutionary movement.” [20]20 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War.”

斗争需要科学理论的指导。毛泽东指出：“什么叫工作，工作就是斗争。那些地方有困难、有问题，需要我们去解决。我们是为着解决困难去工作、去斗争的。”我们对一项工作没有把握，一个重要原因就是对它的内容和条件没有规律性的认识。马克思主义被称为真理，首先在于它科学揭示了自然界、人类社会和人的思维活动的规律。有了这种科学的理论，倘若只是把它空谈一阵，而并不用它去指导实际工作，那这种理论再好也是没有意义的。毛泽东指出：“马克思主义看重理论，正是，也仅仅是，因为它能够指导行动。”这是从革命斗争的血与火的淬炼中得出的结论。早在青年时期领导爱国运动时，毛泽东就认识到：“必须以正确的革命思想武装群众的头脑，才能推动爱国运动的继续前进。”为此，他撰写了大量文章，号召民众联合起来进行斗争，不但“为人民指出了斗争的方向和途径”，而且“启发了人民的革命思想，鼓舞了青年的革命斗志”。毛泽东一再强调：“学习理论是胜利的条件。……我们一定要学习马克思主义。”但是我们学习马克思主义不能迷信，“马克思主义本身就是创造出来的，不能抄书照搬”。我们要学习它观察问题、解决问题的立场观点方法，“只有这个行动指南，只有这个立场与方法，才是革命的科学，才是引导我们认识革命对象与指导革命运动的唯一正确的方针”。

At the same time, attention must be paid to creating new theory in the course of struggle. The works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin—these founding fathers—must be read; this is beyond doubt. But in struggle we must also “adapt to new needs, write new works, and form new theory.” [21]21 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Conference of Party Cadres of the Shanxi-Suiyuan Liberated Area” (April 1, 1948), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. On the one hand, we welcome Marxism not only because it can clear away the complex fog in our struggle—“the theoretical foundation for us to dare to think, dare to speak, dare to act, and dare to do is Marxism-Leninism”—but even more because it can be integrated with the reality of our struggle. It is in this sense that Mao Zedong pointed out: “Marxist ‘books’ must be studied, but they must be integrated with China’s actual conditions.” Marxism integrated with actual conditions “is Marxism in a national form, that is, applying Marxism to the concrete struggle in China’s specific environment, not applying it abstractly.” On the other hand, our actual conditions and our struggle environment are constantly changing, which determines that the theory guiding struggle must be continuously enriched and developed. For example, works from the period of the New Democratic Revolution such as *On Practice* and *On Contradiction* were written to meet the needs of the revolutionary struggle at that time. Upon entering the period of socialist revolution and construction, it became necessary to continue producing new theoretical works such as *On the Ten Major Relationships* and *On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People* in accordance with the new struggle reality. Mao Zedong believed that “the arrow of Marxism-Leninism must be used to shoot at the target of the Chinese revolution” and that “only when Chinese Communists are good at applying the stand, viewpoint, and method of Marxism-Leninism, and good at applying Lenin and Stalin’s theory on the Chinese revolution, and further, through serious research into China’s historical and revolutionary reality, make theoretical creations in all aspects that meet China’s needs, can this be called linking theory with practice.” He stressed: “If this issue is not made clear, our Party’s theoretical level will never be raised, and the Chinese revolution will never be victorious”; “If one only talks about linking in words but does not practice it in action, then even talking for a hundred years will be useless.” This was the case during the revolutionary period, and it is also the case during the construction period. “Any country’s Communist Party, any country’s ideological circles, must create new theory, write new works, and produce their own theorists to serve the current politics; relying solely on the founding fathers will not do.”

同时，要注意在斗争中创造新的理论。马克思、恩格斯、列宁这些老祖宗的书必须读，这是确定无疑的；但也要在斗争中“适应新的需要，写出新的著作，形成新的理论”。一方面，我们欢迎马克思主义，不仅因为它能为我们廓清斗争中复杂的迷雾，“我们敢想、敢说、敢做、敢为的理论基础是马列主义”，更因为它能与我们的斗争实际相结合。正是在这个意义上，毛泽东指出：“马克思主义的‘本本’是要学习的，但是必须同我国的实际情况相结合。”与实际相结合的马克思主义，“就是通过民族形式的马克思主义，就是把马克思主义应用到中国具体环境的具体斗争中去，而不是抽象地应用它”。 另一方面，我们的实际情况、我们的斗争环境时刻都在变化，这也就决定了指导斗争的理论需要不断丰富和发展。比如，新民主主义革命时期的《实践论》《矛盾论》等，就是适应当时的革命斗争需要而写作的；而进入社会主义革命和建设时期，就需要继续根据新的斗争实际产生《论十大关系》《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》这样新的理论著作。毛泽东认为，“马克思列宁主义之箭，必须用了去射中国革命之的”，“中国共产党人只有在他们善于应用马克思列宁主义的立场、观点和方法，善于应用列宁斯大林关于中国革命的学说，进一步地从中国的历史实际和革命实际的认真研究中，在各方面作出合乎中国需要的理论性的创造，才叫做理论和实际相联系”。他强调：“这个问题不讲明白，我们党的理论水平永远不会提高，中国革命也永远不会胜利”；“如果只是口头上讲联系，行动上又不实行联系，那末，讲一百年也还是无益的”。革命时期是如此，建设时期也是如此。“任何国家的共产党，任何国家的思想界，都要创造新的理论，写出新的著作，产生自己的理论家，来为当前的政治服务，单靠老祖宗是不行的。”

III

三

Xi Jinping emphasizes: “The struggle we speak of is not struggle for the sake of struggle, nor is it struggle for personal gain, but rather, bearing heavy burdens and marching forward through hard work and tackling difficulties, to realize the people’s aspiration for a better life and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” This clearly proclaims the value pursuit of generations of Chinese Communists in carrying out great struggle. An important marker distinguishing Mao Zedong’s wisdom on struggle from vulgarized strategic scheming is that it embodies lofty social ideals and has direction, a standpoint, and principles.

习近平强调：“我们讲的斗争，不是为了斗争而斗争，也不是为了一己私利而斗争，而是为了实现人民对美好生活的向往、实现中华民族伟大复兴知重负重、苦干实干、攻坚克难。”这旗帜鲜明地宣示了一代又一代中国共产党人进行伟大斗争的价值追求。毛泽东的斗争智慧区别于庸俗化的谋略算计的一个重要标志，就是内蕴崇高的社会理想，是有方向、有立场、有原则的。

Struggling for a bright China, struggling for socialism and communism, was the clear value orientation of Mao Zedong’s leadership of the revolutionary struggle. As early as the period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War, Mao Zedong explicitly stated: “Our struggle objective is to transition from democracy to socialism.” During the War of Resistance Against Japan, he repeatedly stressed the need to unite all forces that could be united “to struggle for an independent, free, and happy New China.” He particularly pointed out that to achieve this goal, it was necessary to strengthen unity within our Party through struggle, “so that we can form a strong core among the people of the whole country.” The Communist Party of China is the vanguard of the Chinese working class and, at the same time, the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. The Party possesses far-reaching political vision and extremely strong organizational discipline, and it has no private interests of its own. Tempered and baptized by revolutionary war, it has accumulated rich experience in struggle and is trusted by the broad masses of the people. It is precisely a core capable of leading the Chinese revolution to victory. Mao Zedong stressed: “We will lead the Chinese revolution to completion, and will also exert a profound influence on the revolutions of the East and the world”; “Without the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, no revolution can succeed.”

为着一个光明的中国而斗争，为着社会主义和共产主义而斗争，是毛泽东领导革命斗争的鲜明价值指向。早在土地革命战争时期，毛泽东就明确指出：“我们的斗争目的是要从民权主义转变到社会主义。”抗日战争时期，他反复强调，要团结一切可以团结的力量，“为独立自由幸福的新中国而斗争”。他还特别指出，为了实现这一目标，就需要在斗争中增强我们党内部的团结，“这样，我们就能在全国人民中形成一个坚强的核心”。中国共产党是中国工人阶级的先锋队，同时是中国人民和中华民族的先锋队。党有着远大的政治眼光和极强的组织纪律性，同时没有任何自己的私利，经过革命战争的磨砺和洗礼，积累了丰富的斗争经验，为广大人民所信任，正是一个能够领导中国革命取得胜利的核心。毛泽东强调，“我们将引导中国革命走向完成，也将给东方和世界的革命以深刻的影响”，“离开了中国共产党的领导，任何革命都不能成功”。

Serving the people wholeheartedly is the fundamental purpose of the Communist Party of China and the basic value standpoint of Mao Zedong’s leadership of the revolutionary struggle. Faced with the social reality of the Chinese people living in dire straits after the Opium War, the young Mao Zedong once profoundly reflected: “The system is bad, the politics are bad, causing the phenomenon of one person oppressing another and one person exploiting another in the world, thus plunging the majority of people in the world into an abyss of suffering. This is unreasonable. This unreasonable phenomenon should not exist forever; it should be thoroughly overthrown and thoroughly reformed.” And changes in the system will not occur spontaneously; they must be realized through people’s efforts in struggle. “From this, I thought: Our youth’s responsibility is truly great; the things we should do are truly many. From that moment on, I resolved to serve the suffering people of China and the suffering people of the world.” Through the tempering of various struggles, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their main representative, “showed themselves before the people of the whole country as friends of the people, standing every day at the forefront of the revolutionary war to protect the interests of the people and for the people’s freedom and liberation.” Fundamentally, this value standpoint is consistent with the value orientation mentioned earlier. Establishing a bright New China and marching toward free and liberated socialism and communism is the inevitable conclusion drawn from firmly standing on the people’s side.

全心全意为人民服务是中国共产党的根本宗旨，也是毛泽东领导革命斗争的基本价值立场。面对鸦片战争后中国人民身处水深火热的社会现实，青年时期的毛泽东就曾深刻反思：“制度不好，政治不好，使世界上有人压迫人、人剥削人的现象，所以使世界上大多数的人都坠入痛苦的深渊。这是不合理的，这种不合理的现象是不应该永远存在的，是应该彻底推翻、彻底改造的”；而制度的改变，不会主动发生，必须通过人们的努力斗争才会实现，“我因此想到：我们青年的责任真重大，我们应该做的事情真多。从这时候起，我决心要为中国痛苦的人、世界痛苦的人服务”。在各种斗争的锻炼中，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，“在全国人民面前，表示了自己是人民的朋友，每一天都是为了保护人民的利益，为了人民的自由解放，站在革命战争的最前线”。从根本上说，这一价值立场与前面提到的价值指向是一致的。建立光明的新中国，迈向自由解放的社会主义和共产主义，是站稳人民立场所得出的必然结论。

The above value orientation and standpoint require us, proceeding from the reality of struggle, to independently formulate correct policies and strategies and actively strive for victory in struggle. This is the basic principle Mao Zedong followed in leading the revolutionary struggle. Understanding the actual conditions of struggle is a prerequisite for achieving victory in struggle. Mao Zedong pointed out very early: “If we want to do our bit in the world today, we certainly cannot escape the ‘China’ arena. Regarding the situation within this arena, it seems we cannot but conduct on-the-spot investigation and research.” Correct struggle strategies must be formulated based on actual investigation and research. “To assess the political situation and guide struggle work divorced from actual investigation… will certainly lead to mistakes.” Mao Zedong also stressed that in struggle, one must keep one’s head on one’s own shoulders, that is, think and act independently. “One must think carefully with one’s own mind, consider whether it conforms to reality, whether it truly makes sense, and absolutely should not follow blindly, absolutely should not advocate slavishness.” We must adopt the attitude of studying Marxism-Leninism, “seriously study the situation, proceed from objective and real conditions, not from subjective wishes,” and “proceed from the actual conditions both domestic and foreign, provincial, county, and district, and derive from them the inherent, not fabricated, laws—that is, find the internal connections of surrounding events—as the guide for our actions.” This is the principle of independence, and also the principle of seeking truth from facts. Fundamentally, it is the principle of the unity of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, and also the principle of everything for the people. Just as Mao Zedong once pointed out: “The Communist Party—is it private or public? Undoubtedly, it belongs to the people. The Party’s actions should take the people’s interests and society’s benefits as the principle. If doing something brings no benefit to these, then we need to correct it.”

上述价值指向和立场，要求我们从斗争实际出发，独立自主地制定正确的政策和策略，积极谋取斗争的胜利，这是毛泽东领导革命斗争所遵循的基本原则。了解斗争的实际情况，是取得斗争胜利的前提条件。毛泽东很早就指出：“吾人如果要在现今的世界稍为尽一点力，当然脱不开‘中国’这个地盘。关于这地盘内的情形，似不可不加以实地的调查，及研究。”要基于实际的调查研究去制定正确的斗争策略，“离开实际调查去估量政治形势，去指导斗争工作……一定要弄出错误”。毛泽东还强调，在斗争中，脑袋要长在自己身上，即独立自主地思考和行动，“要经过自己头脑的周密思考，想一想它是否合乎实际，是否真有道理，绝对不应盲从，绝对不应提倡奴隶主义”。我们要学习马列主义的态度，“认真地研究情况，从客观的真实的情况出发，而不是从主观的愿望出发”，要“从国内外、省内外、县内外、区内外的实际情况出发，从其中引出其固有的而不是臆造的规律性，即找出周围事变的内部联系，作为我们行动的向导”。这是独立自主的原则，也是实事求是的原则，而从根本上来说，就是辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义相统一的原则，也是一切为了人民的原则。恰如毛泽东曾指出的：“共产党，是私的？还是公的？无疑是人民的，党的作法，应以人民的利益、社会的好处为原则。如果做来对这些都没有好处，我们就需要改正。”

IV

四

Xi Jinping points out: “Struggle is an art;

习近平指出：“斗争是一门艺术，要善于斗争。”这种斗争艺术突出地体现为娴熟地运用正确的斗争策略和方法。在不懈奋斗的光辉一生中，毛泽东展现出“炉火纯青的斗争艺术”。对此，我们大致可以从两个层面来加以分析和把握。

At the macro level, this means upholding the unity of strategic judgment and tactical decision, the unity of the process of struggle and the effectiveness of struggle, and the unity of strategic thinking and dialectical thinking. First, strategic judgment primarily refers to the struggle subject’s overall, directional judgment of the development situation of struggle within a certain future period, based on mastering all conditions of the struggle; it emphasizes foresight and overall perspective. Tactical decision primarily refers to the struggle subject’s decision-making judgment on what means to adopt for partial, concrete struggles, based on strategic judgment and the specific conditions of the struggle; it emphasizes flexibility and mobility. Generally speaking, strategic judgment governs and dominates the general direction and main content of tactical decisions, while tactical decisions are the embodiment and application of strategic judgment in concrete struggles. Strategic judgment cannot replace tactical decisions, and tactical decisions often influence the development of the overall strategic situation. Proposing “despise the enemy strategically while taking him seriously tactically” is a typical application of the method of upholding the unity of strategic judgment and tactical decision. Mao Zedong repeatedly pointed out that the reactionaries are both real tigers and paper tigers; strategically and over the long term, they should be regarded as paper tigers, but one must also recognize that they are living, real, man-eating tigers, and on this basis establish our tactics and strategies. Therefore, “on the one hand, despise them, treat them as easy, not counting, not caring, as something that can be accomplished and battles that can be won. On the other hand, take them seriously, as not easy, as counting, and never be careless, for without arduous struggle, without bitter fighting, victory cannot be won.” [21]21 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Conference of Party Cadres of the Shanxi-Suiyuan Liberated Area” (April 1, 1948), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. Second, the process of struggle embodies the strategic methods of struggle and determines the effectiveness of struggle, while the effectiveness of struggle tests the success or failure of struggle and also reflects whether the strategic methods of struggle are applied appropriately. Upholding the unity of the process of struggle and the effectiveness of struggle means flexibly applying the strategic methods of struggle: fight when you can win, and withdraw when you cannot. “The purpose of preserving oneself is to annihilate the enemy; and annihilating the enemy is the most effective means of preserving oneself.” [22]22 Mao Zedong, “Problems of Strategy in China’s Revolutionary War” (December 1936), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1. In terms of the effectiveness of struggle, the emphasis is on annihilating the enemy’s effective strength as the main objective, contending for people rather than territory; in terms of tactical and campaign effectiveness, the emphasis is on concentrating superior forces, “if you do not fight, do not; if you fight, you must win.” [23]23 Mao Zedong, “The Present Situation and Our Tasks” (December 25, 1947), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. Third, upholding the unity of strategic thinking and dialectical thinking means both thinking and deciding from an overall, long-term, and general trend perspective, and also viewing problems in a one-divides-into-two manner, analyzing specific problems concretely, and preventing one-sidedness and absolutism. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Only when a large number of obvious things have not yet appeared, when the tip of the mast has just emerged, can one see that this is going to develop into a large number of common things and be able to grasp it—only then is this called leadership.” [24]24 Mao Zedong, “Speech at the Conference of Party Cadres of the Shanxi-Suiyuan Liberated Area” (April 1, 1948), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. This is a vivid description of foresight and a concrete manifestation of strategic thinking. Dialectical thinking, on the other hand, emphasizes: “When looking at a problem, one must see all aspects of the contradiction. … Do not absolutize anything.” [25]25 Mao Zedong, “Talk on Questions of Philosophy” (August 18, 1964), in *Mao Zedong’s Selected Works*, Vol. 8. For example, how to view the Long March embodies Mao Zedong’s unity of strategic thinking and dialectical thinking. In Mao’s view, the Long March was ostensibly a strategic retreat in the face of a powerful enemy’s encirclement and suppression, but it was simultaneously a victorious advance toward the anti-Japanese front; the Long March was fraught with difficulties, but it tempered our morale and will; northern Shaanxi appeared desolate, but it had good political and mass foundations and held important strategic significance. “History later proved … this clever propaganda technique must be regarded as an outstanding political strategy. To a great extent, this was the reason for the victorious conclusion of the heroic Long March.” [26]26 Edgar Snow, *Red Star Over China* (1937), describing Mao’s strategic narrative of the Long March (1934–1935), the CPC’s military retreat from its southern bases to northern Shaanxi.

从宏观层面来说，就是坚持战略判断和战术决断的统一、坚持斗争过程和斗争实效的统一、坚持战略思维和辩证思维的统一。首先，战略判断主要是指斗争主体在掌握斗争各方面条件的基础上，对未来一定时期内斗争的发展形势作出的全局性、方向性的判断，突出的是前瞻性和全局性；战术决断主要是指斗争主体根据战略判断和斗争的具体条件，对局部的、具体的斗争应当采取何种手段的决策判断，突出的是灵活性和机动性。一般而言，战略判断对战术决断的大体方向和主要内容起统摄和支配作用，战术决断则是战略判断在具体斗争中的体现和运用；战略判断并不能取代战术决断，战术决断也往往影响战略全局的发展。提出“战略上藐视敌人，战术上重视敌人”，就是对坚持战略判断和战术决断相统一的策略方法的典型运用。毛泽东多次指出，反动派是真老虎也是纸老虎，从战略上、从长期上看，要把它当作纸老虎，但是又要认识到它是活的、真的、会吃人的老虎，从这点上去建立我们的战术和策略。因此，“一方面，藐视它，轻而易举，不算数，不在乎，可以完成，能打胜仗。一方面，重视它，并非轻而易举，算数的，千万不可以掉以轻心，不经艰苦奋斗，不苦战，就不能胜利”。其次，斗争过程体现的是斗争的策略方法，决定着斗争的实效，而斗争实效检验的是斗争成败，反映的也是斗争策略方法运用得是否得当。坚持斗争过程和斗争实效的统一，就是要灵活运用斗争的策略方法，打得赢就打，打不赢就走。“保存自己的目的，在于消灭敌人；而消灭敌人，又是保存自己的最有效的手段。”在斗争实效上，讲究以消灭敌人的有生力量为主要目标，争人不争地；在战术和战役效果上，讲究集中优势兵力，“不斗则已，斗则必胜”。再次，坚持战略思维和辩证思维的统一，就是既要从全局、长远、大势上思考和决策，又要一分为二地看问题，具体问题具体分析，防止片面性和绝对化。毛泽东指出：“只有当着还没有出现大量的明显的东西的时候，当桅杆顶刚刚露出的时候，就能看出这是要发展成为大量的普遍的东西，并能掌握住它，这才叫领导。”这是对预见性的形象描述，也是战略思维的具体体现。而辩证思维则强调：“看问题一定要看到矛盾的各个方面。……不要把任何一件事情绝对化。”比如，怎样看待长征就体现了毛泽东战略思维和辩证思维的统一。在毛泽东看来，长征表面上是一场面对强敌围攻之下的战略撤退，但它同时是向抗日前线的胜利进军；长征路上困难重重，但它锻炼了我们的士气和意志；陕北看似荒凉，但它有良好的政治和群众基础，具有重要的战略意义。“后来的历史证明……这种宣传上的巧妙手法必须看成是杰出的政治战略。在很大程度上，这是造成英勇长征得以胜利结束的原因。”

At the concrete level, it can generally be grasped in the following aspects. First, uphold the unity of principle and flexibility. Mao Zedong long ago pointed out that the struggle tasks we must accomplish are not simple or easy; “they rely entirely on the correctness and resoluteness of the proletarian party’s struggle strategy.” [27]27 Mao Zedong, “A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire” (January 5, 1930), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1. This correctness and resoluteness does not mean that strategy is immutable; on the contrary, “when the revolutionary situation has changed, the revolutionary strategy and the revolutionary method of leadership must also change accordingly.” [28]28 Mao Zedong, “On Policy” (December 25, 1940), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2. That is to say, principle needs to be combined with flexibility. Mao Zedong later further explained: “The purpose of struggle is to uphold Marxist principles; this is called principle, and this is one hand. The other hand is to emphasize unity; the purpose of unity is to give him a way out, to compromise with him; this is called flexibility. The unity of principle and flexibility is a principle of Marxism-Leninism; it is a unity of opposites.” [29]29 Mao Zedong, “Talk on the Question of Democratic Parties” (February 1957), in *Mao Zedong’s Selected Works*, Vol. 5. Second, uphold being reasonable, advantageous, and measured, and flexibly grasp the methods and timing of struggle. So-called being reasonable means that the struggle must be just and have a proper cause; so-called being advantageous means that the struggle must have a chance of victory, and not engage in unprepared, unplanned, or uncertain struggles; so-called being measured means that the struggle must proceed at a certain pace and not be blind or reckless. In general, it means “struggle must have reason, must have the certainty of victory, and must have restraint when achieving appropriate victory.” [30]30 Mao Zedong, “The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan” (August 13, 1945), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. Adhering to this principle can make the struggle situation have “the possibility of turning for the better.” [31]31 Mao Zedong, “On the Policy Concerning Industry and Commerce” (April 1948), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 4. Third, both unite and struggle, turning disadvantage into advantage through struggle, and seeking unity, cooperation, and development through struggle. “Things always, under certain conditions, exchange positions with their opposites through struggle and transform into their opposites.” [32]32 Mao Zedong, “On Contradiction” (August 1937), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1. For example, under the united front, [33]33 The united front (统一战线) is a CPC strategy of forming alliances with non-Communist forces to achieve common political goals, historically used in the anti-Japanese war and the civil war. unity is the goal to be achieved, while struggle is an indispensable means; without struggle, the united front cannot be developed and consolidated. Another example is in Party building, [34]34 Party building (党的建设) refers to the CPC’s systematic efforts to strengthen its organization, ideology, discipline, and leadership capacity. where ideological struggle is used to maintain the purity of the Party membership, “because it is a weapon to achieve unity within the Party and revolutionary organizations, making them conducive to struggle.” [35]35 Mao Zedong, “On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party” (December 1929), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 1. Fourth, strive for the initiative in struggle. Both sides in any struggle do their utmost to strive for the initiative in struggle; however, the initiative in struggle is not easily obtained. We must adhere to taking ourselves as the mainstay and relying on our own efforts, and on the basis of investigation and research, in the process of understanding the reality of struggle, grasp the development trends and inherent laws of struggle. In a word, we must learn to struggle in the midst of struggle. The two sides in struggle “must go through struggle, through a contest of subjective capabilities, before the actual initiative or passivity appears.” [36]36 Mao Zedong, “On Protracted War” (May 1938), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2. Of course, we should also respect the experience accumulated in past struggles, as it “will give our entire Party a driving force, enabling our work to be done better than before.” [37]37 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2.

从具体层面来说，大致可以把握这样几个方面。其一，坚持原则性和灵活性的统一。毛泽东早就指出，我们要完成的斗争任务不是简单容易的，“它全靠无产阶级政党的斗争策略的正确和坚决”。这种正确和坚决并不是说策略不可改变，相反，“当着革命的形势已经改变的时候，革命的策略，革命的领导方式，也必须跟着改变”。也就是说，原则性需要和灵活性结合在一起。毛泽东后来进一步解释说：“斗争的目的是坚持马克思主义原则，这叫原则性，这是一只手。另一只手讲团结，团结的目的是给他一条出路，跟他讲妥协，这叫做灵活性。原则性和灵活性的统一，是马克思列宁主义的原则，这是一种对立面的统一。”其二，坚持有理、有利、有节，灵活把握斗争的方式和火候。所谓有理，指的是斗争要是正义的，要师出有名；所谓有利，指的是斗争要有胜算，不进行无准备、无计划、无把握的斗争；所谓有节，指的是斗争要按一定节奏进行，不能盲目莽撞。总的来说，就是“斗争要有道理，要有胜利的把握，取得适当胜利的时候要有节制”。坚持了这个方针，就能使斗争局面有“走向好转的可能”。其三，又联合又斗争，通过斗争化不利为有利，以斗争求团结、求合作、促发展。“事物总是在一定的条件之下通过斗争同它的对方交换位置，向着它的对方的地位转化的。”比如，统一战线之下，统一是要实现的目标，而斗争是不可缺少的手段，没有斗争，就不能发展和巩固统一战线。再比如，在党的建设中，就是要通过思想斗争来保持党员队伍的纯洁性，“因为它是达到党内和革命团体内的团结使之利于战斗的武器”。其四，力争斗争的主动权。一切斗争的双方都在力所能及的范围内竭力争取斗争的主动权，然而斗争的主动权不是轻易获得的。我们要坚持以我为主、自力更生，在调查研究的基础上、在了解斗争实际的过程中把握斗争的发展趋势和内在规律。一句话，就是要在斗争中学习斗争。斗争的双方，“必待经过斗争，经过主观能力的竞赛，方才出现事实上的主动或被动”。当然，我们也应该尊重在以往斗争中积累的经验，这“会给我们全党一个推动力，使我们的工作比过去做得更好些”。

V

五

Daring to struggle and daring to win are the powerful spiritual will embedded in Mao Zedong’s wisdom on struggle. This spirit of struggle runs through the entire process of the operation of struggle wisdom and can be grasped from three aspects.

敢于斗争、敢于胜利是毛泽东斗争智慧中蕴含的强大精神意志。这种斗争精神贯穿斗争智慧运思的全过程，可以从三个方面来把握。

There is the integrity and moral character of struggling for the public good, not for private gain. As mentioned earlier, the reason the Communist Party of China engages in great struggle is because it has lofty ideals and pursuits. Our Party has established serving the people wholeheartedly as its fundamental purpose, emphasizing that in the face of major revolutionary and construction tasks, Communists must play an exemplary and vanguard role of being selfless, dedicated, hardworking and frugal, and devoted to their work, “at no time and in no place should personal interests be placed in the first position, but should be subordinated to the interests of the nation and the people,” [38]38 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War” (October 1938), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2. even if it means sacrificing in struggle, “but when we think of the interests of the people and the suffering of the vast majority of the people, dying for the people is a worthy death.” [39]39 Mao Zedong, “Serve the People” (September 8, 1944), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3. This spiritual backbone of Communists struggling for the interests of the broad masses of the people and the interests of the entire nation directly determines that the army they lead also struggles for the interests of the broad masses of the people and the interests of the entire nation; “this army has an indomitable spirit, it must overwhelm all enemies and never be subdued by any enemy.” [40]40 Mao Zedong, “On Coalition Government” (April 24, 1945), in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 3. This integrity and moral character of struggling for the public good, not for private gain, is a concrete manifestation of the original aspiration and founding mission [41]41 Original aspiration and founding mission (初心使命) is a CPC slogan referring to the Party’s founding commitment to serve the people and realize communism. of the Communist Party of China and has played an important role in cultivating the spiritual will of daring to struggle and daring to win.

有斗争为公不为私的操守和风骨。如前所述，中国共产党之所以进行伟大斗争，是因为有崇高的理想追求。我们党将全心全意为人民服务确立为根本宗旨，强调在革命和建设的重大任务面前，共产党人要发挥大公无私、克己奉公、艰苦朴素、埋头苦干的先锋模范作用，“无论何时何地都不应以个人利益放在第一位，而应以个人利益服从于民族的和人民群众的利益”，哪怕是因为斗争而牺牲，“但是我们想到人民的利益，想到大多数人民的痛苦，我们为人民而死，就是死得其所”。共产党人这种为广大人民群众的利益、为全民族的利益而斗争的精神风骨，直接决定了其所领导的军队也是为广大人民群众的利益、为全民族的利益而斗争的，“这个军队具有一往无前的精神，它要压倒一切敌人，而决不被敌人所屈服”。这种为公不为私的操守和风骨，是中国共产党初心使命的具体展现，对培育敢于斗争、敢于胜利的精神意志起到了重要作用。

To possess the will and daring to struggle. In the face of major issues of principle, one dares to draw one’s sword; in the face of contradictions, one dares to meet them head-on; in the face of crises, one dares to step forward; in the face of mistakes, one dares to assume responsibility; in the face of unhealthy tendencies, one dares to resolutely correct them. The core of all this lies in having the tenacious will and extraordinary daring that does not believe in evil spirits, does not fear ghosts, and does not fear oppression. [42]42 Xi Jinping, “Carrying Forward the Great Struggle to the End in the New Era of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” (September 3, 2019), in *Selected Readings from Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023, p. 248. Faced with a harsh war environment in which the enemy was strong and we were weak, and faced with construction conditions of utter poverty and blankness, Mao Zedong always believed that timidity and fear of trouble would not work; only by not fearing a strong enemy, fearing no risks, and actively giving play to subjective initiative could final victory be achieved. Mao Zedong himself was a man of astonishing daring. As early as the character evaluation of student conduct at the Hunan First Normal School, the item “daring” was unique to him. [43]43 Mao Zedong, “On Practice” (July 1937), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965, p. 303. In the *Xiangjiang Review*, he cried out: “What is there not to fear? Do not fear heaven, do not fear ghosts, do not fear the dead, do not fear bureaucrats, do not fear warlords, do not fear capitalists.” [44]44 Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” (October 18, 2017), in *Selected Readings from Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023, p. 49. He later explained why the Chinese people were not afraid of war, pointing out: “What use is fear? Whether you fear it or not, war will come anyway. The more you fear it, the sooner war may come. … Once you have thought the problem through like this, you are no longer afraid.” “Thinking it through” actually embodies a kind of bottom-line thinking. On the one hand, in the face of contradictions and difficulties, fear is useless; “experience proves that ghosts must not be feared. The more you fear ghosts, the more ghosts there are; if you do not fear ghosts, there are none.” On the other hand, not fearing is also built on the basis of fearing; fear and not fearing are a unity of opposites. Because one fears, one must have full understanding and preparation for all kinds of contradictions and difficulties. “We must base our estimates on the most difficult circumstances. There are two kinds of possibilities; we must establish our policy on the worst possibility. … If we do not prepare for and envisage such difficulties, then when difficulties come we will not be able to cope; but with such preparation, things become easier to handle.” This is also the source of the confidence to dare to struggle, not to believe in evil spirits, not to fear ghosts, and not to fear oppression.

有敢于斗争的意志和胆识。面对大是大非敢于亮剑，面对矛盾敢于迎难而上，面对危机敢于挺身而出，面对失误敢于承担责任，面对歪风邪气敢于坚决纠正，其核心都在于有不信邪、不怕鬼、不怕压的顽强意志和非凡胆识。面对敌强我弱的严酷战争环境，面对一穷二白的建设条件，毛泽东始终认为，胆小怕事是行不通的，只有不畏强敌，无惧风险，积极发挥主观能动性，才能取得最终的胜利。毛泽东本身就是一个胆识惊人的人，早在湖南第一师范考察学生操守的人物互选中，“胆识”一项就为其所独有。他在《湘江评论》高呼：“什么不要怕？天不要怕，鬼不要怕，死人不要怕，官僚不要怕，军阀不要怕，资本家不要怕。”他后来在解释中国人不害怕战争时指出：“你害怕有什么用呢？你怕也好，不怕也好，战争反正到来，你越是害怕，战争也许还会来得早一些。……把问题这样想透了，就不害怕了。”“想透了”实际上体现的是一种底线思维。一方面，面对矛盾和困难，怕是没有用的，“经验证明鬼是怕不得的。越怕鬼就越有鬼，不怕鬼就没有鬼了”。另一方面，不怕也是建立在怕的基础上的，怕与不怕是对立统一的。因为怕，所以对各种矛盾和困难要有充分的认识和准备。“我们要把估计放在最困难的基础上，可能性有两种，我们要在最坏的可能性上建立我们的政策。……如果我们不准备不设想到这样的困难，那困难一来就不能对付，而有了这种准备就好办事。”这也是敢于斗争，不信邪、不怕鬼、不怕压的底气所在。

To possess the confidence and courage to dare to win. Not fearing danger in the face of contradictions and difficulties, and especially holding fast to the conviction of certain victory when circumstances are unfavorable to oneself, is a kind of revolutionary optimism. Mao Zedong emphasized: “Temporary losses, final victory. This principle cannot be wrong … Marxists must firmly believe in this.” [45]45 “One country with three lords” (一国三公) is a classical Chinese idiom from the Zuo Commentary (《左传》), referring to a situation where multiple authorities issue conflicting orders, leading to chaos and inefficiency. When analyzing the prospects of the Chinese revolution, he asserted: “The development of the Chinese revolution is uneven; losses here, victories there; when the east is dark, the west is bright; when the south is blacked out, there is still the north; we will always have a path.” [46]46 The Two Establishments (两个确立) refer to establishing Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and establishing the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. He compared the reactionaries to paper tigers and declared boldly: “These reactionaries will one day fail; we will one day triumph.” [47]47 The Four Consciousnesses (四个意识) refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership. This confidence and courage to dare to win did not arise from nothing. On the one hand, Mao Zedong grasped the laws of historical development and the essence of things, recognizing that “in nature and in society, all new forces, by their very nature, have always been invincible.” [48]48 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refer to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. On the other hand, he mastered the method of scientifically analyzing things, seeing both that contradictions have primary and secondary aspects and that the primary and secondary aspects of a contradiction can transform into each other. Mao Zedong firmly believed: “Hardship and difficulty give the Communist Party opportunities to temper itself … they contain good elements within them. If you had not encountered that bad thing, you would not have learned the skill to deal with that bad thing. Therefore, hardship and difficulty can make our cause succeed.” [49]49 The Two Upholds (两个维护) refer to upholding Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. This confidence and courage to dare to win is typically manifested in taking the enemy seriously tactically but despising the enemy strategically. Mao Zedong pointed out forcefully: “We can despise, and must despise, any huge difficulty encountered in the world, placing it in the position of ‘not worth mentioning.’ This is our optimism. This optimism has a scientific basis. As long as we understand Marxism-Leninism more, understand natural science more, in a word, understand the laws of the objective world more, and make fewer subjectivist mistakes, our revolutionary work and construction work will certainly achieve their goals.” [50]

有敢于胜利的信心和勇气。在矛盾困难面前不惧危险，特别是在于我不利的情况下抱定必胜的信念，是一种革命的乐观主义。毛泽东强调：“暂时吃亏，最终胜利。这个原则是不会错的……马克思主义者要坚信这一条。”他在分析中国革命前途时断言：“中国革命的发展是不平衡的，此处吃亏，彼处胜利，东方不亮西方亮，黑了南方有北方，我们总有道路。”他把反动派比作纸老虎，豪迈地指出：“这些反动派总有一天要失败，我们总有一天要胜利。”这种敢于胜利的信心和勇气，不是凭空产生的。一方面，毛泽东把握了历史发展的规律和事物的本质，认识到“不论在自然界和在社会上，一切新生力量，就其性质来说，从来就是不可战胜的”。另一方面，他掌握了科学分析事物的方法，既看到矛盾有主次之分，又看到矛盾主次双方可以相互转化。毛泽东坚信：“艰难困苦给共产党以锻炼本领的机会……它里头含有好的因素，你要是没有碰到那个坏事，你就学不到对付那个坏事的本领，所以艰难困苦能使我们的事业成功。”这种敢于胜利的信心和勇气，典型地表现为在战术上重视敌人，但在战略上藐视敌人。毛泽东铿锵有力地指出：“我们可以藐视而且必须藐视人世遭逢的任何巨大的困难，把它们放在‘不在话下’的位置。这就是我们的乐观主义。这种乐观主义是有科学根据的。只要我们更多地懂得马克思列宁主义，更多地懂得自然科学，一句话，更多地懂得客观世界的规律，少犯主观主义错误，我们的革命工作和建设工作，是一定能够达到目的的。”

VI

六

In the historical process of comprehensively advancing the building of a strong country and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, we will inevitably encounter various predictable and unpredictable difficulties and obstacles, even stormy waves. Facing the complex and severe struggle situation in the New Era, “we must summarize and apply well the great struggle experience accumulated by the Party,” [51] deeply excavate the contemporary value of Mao Zedong’s wisdom on struggle, and draw from it the strength to forge ahead.

在以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴伟业的历史进程中，我们必然会遇到各种可以预料和难以预料的艰难险阻甚至是惊涛骇浪。面对新时代复杂严峻的斗争形势，“我们要总结运用好党积累的伟大斗争经验”，深入挖掘毛泽东斗争智慧的当代价值，从中汲取奋进力量。

First, we must grasp the historical characteristics of the new great struggle, seize and make good use of historical opportunities, make the first move, and fight the active battle. Xi Jinping points out: “The concept of ‘new historical characteristics’ is very profound in meaning; it is an important judgment reached by comprehensively examining and judging the development trends of both the domestic and international situations.” [52] This requires that, in the face of arduous and complex struggle situations, we must be psychologically prepared, see that dangers and opportunities complement and can transform into each other, and be adept at seizing historical opportunities from historical changes to strive for historical initiative. To strive for historical initiative, we must think as comprehensively as possible about the various situations we might encounter and make as full preparations as possible for what can be done. As Mao Zedong pointed out when facing the turbulent international and domestic struggle situation after the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan: “We would rather think of difficulties as more numerous. … We cannot adopt a ‘policy of non-recognition.’ We must recognize difficulties, analyze difficulties, and struggle against difficulties. There is no straight road in the world; we must be prepared to take a winding path and not seek easy gains.” [53] On this point, Xi Jinping also emphasizes: “Looking back,

第一，要把握新的伟大斗争的历史特点，抓住和用好历史机遇，下好先手棋，打好主动仗。习近平指出：“‘新的历史特点’这个概念，含义是很深刻的，是全面审视和判断国内国际两个大局发展大势得出的重要判断。”这就要求我们在艰巨复杂的斗争形势面前，一定要有心理准备，看到危与机是相辅相成、可以相互转化的，善于从历史变局中抓住历史机遇，争取历史主动。而要争取历史主动，就要把各种可能遇到的情况想得尽量全面一些，把一些可以做的准备做得尽量充分一些。正如毛泽东在抗日战争胜利后面对波诡云谲的国际国内斗争形势时所指出的：“我们宁肯把困难想得更多一些。……不能采取‘不承认主义’。我们要承认困难，分析困难，向困难作斗争。世界上没有直路，要准备走曲折的路，不要贪便宜。”对于这一点，习近平也强调：“回过头来看，正是有了这样的思想准备，这些年我们才能从容应对一系列风险考验。”

Second, we must continuously consolidate the ideological foundation that guides struggle. Xi Jinping pointed out: “We must thoroughly study, fully understand, and effectively implement the Party’s innovative theories, master the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method, and consolidate the ideological foundation for daring to struggle and being adept at struggle. Only with theoretical clarity can we be politically steadfast, and only then can we have the confidence and strength to struggle.” [42]42 Xi Jinping, “Carrying Forward the Great Struggle to the End in the New Era of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” (September 3, 2019), in *Selected Readings from Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023, p. 248. On the one hand, Marxism is a practical theory, the guide for our struggle, and the source of our confidence and courage. On the other hand, practice has no limits, nor does theoretical innovation have limits. As Mao Zedong pointed out: “Any process, whether in nature or society, advances and develops due to internal contradictions and struggles, and people’s cognitive activities should also advance and develop accordingly.” [43]43 Mao Zedong, “On Practice” (July 1937), in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965, p. 303. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has united and led the broad masses of the people in carrying out a great struggle with many new historical features, accumulating rich experience in struggle. There is an urgent need to theoretically summarize this valuable experience. “The world is changing every moment, and China is also changing every moment. We must keep pace with the times in theory and constantly understand the laws,” [44]44 Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” (October 18, 2017), in *Selected Readings from Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023, p. 49. so as to more scientifically guide new practices and new struggles.

第二，要不断夯实指导斗争的思想根基。习近平指出：“要学懂弄通做实党的创新理论，掌握马克思主义立场观点方法，夯实敢于斗争、善于斗争的思想根基，理论上清醒，政治上才能坚定，斗争起来才有底气、才有力量。”一方面，马克思主义是实践的理论，是我们进行斗争的指南，是我们的底气和勇气所在。另一方面，实践没有止境，理论创新也没有止境。正如毛泽东所指出的：“任何过程，不论是属于自然界的和属于社会的，由于内部的矛盾和斗争，都是向前推移向前发展的，人们的认识运动也应跟着推移和发展。”党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央团结带领广大人民进行了具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争，积累了丰富的斗争经验，迫切需要对这些宝贵经验进行理论总结。“世界每时每刻都在发生变化，中国也每时每刻都在发生变化，我们必须在理论上跟上时代，不断认识规律”，从而更科学地指导新的实践、新的斗争。

Third, we must adhere to the socialist orientation of struggle, firmly stand on the people’s side, and steadfastly uphold the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership. In the face of various major tests of struggle, “our minds must be especially clear and our stance especially firm, firmly grasping the correct direction of struggle.” This stance and direction, fundamentally, are the stance and direction of socialism, the stance and direction of serving the people wholeheartedly. To profoundly grasp the correct stance and direction of struggle, we must uphold the Party’s leadership and steadfastly uphold the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership. History and reality have repeatedly proven that the Communist Party of China is the strong leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The great journey of the New Era still requires overcoming various difficulties and obstacles; the most fundamental point lies in always upholding the Party’s leadership without wavering, and steadfastly upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership without wavering. Mao Zedong emphasized: “A leading core must be established; oppose ‘one country with three lords.’” [45]45 “One country with three lords” (一国三公) is a classical Chinese idiom from the Zuo Commentary (《左传》), referring to a situation where multiple authorities issue conflicting orders, leading to chaos and inefficiency. Since the New Era, in the great struggle with many new historical features, our Party has formed and established Comrade Xi Jinping’s position as the core of the Party Central Committee and the core of the entire Party, and established the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. This is the fundamental reason for the historic changes and historic achievements in the cause of the Party and the state. We must deeply comprehend the decisive significance of the Two Establishments, [46]46 The Two Establishments (两个确立) refer to establishing Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and establishing the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. strengthen the Four Consciousnesses, [47]47 The Four Consciousnesses (四个意识) refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership. fortify the Four Confidences, [48]48 The Four Confidences (四个自信) refer to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. and resolutely achieve the Two Upholds, [49]49 The Two Upholds (两个维护) refer to upholding Comrade Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. making the Party stronger and more powerful, and making the country more prosperous and strong.

第三，要坚持斗争的社会主义方向，坚决站稳人民立场，坚定维护党中央权威和集中统一领导。在各种重大斗争考验面前，“我们的头脑要特别清醒、立场要特别坚定，牢牢把握正确斗争方向”。这个立场和方向，从根本上来说就是社会主义的立场和方向，是全心全意为人民服务的立场和方向。而要深刻把握斗争的正确立场和方向，就要坚持党的领导，坚定维护党中央权威和集中统一领导。历史和现实一再证明，中国共产党是中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心。新时代的伟大征程还需要战胜各种艰难险阻，最根本的就在于始终坚持党的领导不动摇，坚定维护党中央权威和集中统一领导不动摇。毛泽东强调：“要建立领导核心，反对‘一国三公’。”新时代以来，在具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争中，我们党形成和确立了习近平同志党中央的核心、全党的核心地位，确立了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导地位。这是党和国家事业发生历史性变革、取得历史性成就的根本原因所在。我们要深刻领悟“两个确立”的决定性意义，增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、坚决做到“两个维护”，把党建设得更加坚强有力，把国家建设得更加繁荣富强。

Fourth, we must hone our skills in the practice of struggle. Xi Jinping points out that the vast number of Party members and cadres must “gain experience and wisdom through practical tempering, and strengthen their bones and grow their abilities through weathering storms and seeing the world.” What to do when lacking struggle experience? Mao Zedong once earnestly stated that we cannot solve this by sitting still, but should use the method of “learning in struggle” to gain struggle experience. This requires us, on the one hand, to draw struggle experience and wisdom from history, especially to pay attention to studying and learning from our Party’s history, to find the genes and codes of why the CPC is capable. On the other hand, we must undergo baptism and testing in the great struggle practice of the New Era. Today’s world and China are undergoing profound and complex changes, accompanied by a struggle situation more severe and complex than ever before. This requires us to pay attention to “vigorously enhancing the ability to prevent risks, meet challenges, and withstand pressure” from new struggles, especially “improving dialectical thinking and systematic thinking abilities, carrying out in-depth investigation and research with problems in mind, being good at seeing the essence through phenomena, improving the ability to grasp the essence of problems and the laws of contradictions, speaking the truth, doing practical work, seeking practical results, and steadily advancing work and solving problems.”

第四，要在斗争实践中磨炼本领。习近平指出，广大党员干部要“在实践历练中增长经验智慧，在经风雨、见世面中壮筋骨、长才干”。缺乏斗争经验怎么办？毛泽东曾语重心长地指出，我们不能用坐着不动的方法去解决，而应该用“在斗争中学习的方法”去取得斗争的经验。这就要求我们一方面要从历史中汲取斗争的经验和智慧，尤其要注意研究和学习我们党的历史，从中找到中国共产党为什么能的基因和密码。另一方面，要在新时代的伟大斗争实践中经受洗礼和考验。当今世界与中国正在发生深刻复杂的变化，随之而来的是比以往更为严峻复杂的斗争形势。这就要求我们注意从新的斗争中“着力增强防风险、迎挑战、抗打压能力”，特别是“提高辩证思维、系统思维能力，带着问题深入调查研究，善于透过现象看本质，提高把握问题实质、把握矛盾规律的能力，讲实话、办实事、求实效，踏踏实实推动工作、解决问题”。

Fifth, we must boost the mental state of struggle. The success or failure of struggle is undoubtedly first built on material foundations and objective conditions; however, this only determines the possibility of success or failure in struggle. “The decisive factor is people, not things. The comparison of strength is not only a comparison of military and economic power, but also a comparison of manpower and popular sentiment.” Therefore, Mao Zedong emphasized: “People need a bit of spirit.” On the whole, the vast number of Party members and cadres have the mental preparation for long-term and complex struggle, but to a certain extent and within a certain scope, there are also problems worthy of vigilance, such as not daring to take responsibility and lacking confidence. In response, Xi Jinping emphasizes that Party members and cadres must “maintain the spirit of struggle, dare to face risks and challenges, know the weight of burdens and tackle difficulties, and overcome all difficulties and obstacles on the road ahead with tenacious will and selfless and fearless courage.” To this end, our Party has adopted many powerful measures, focusing on eliminating various negative factors affecting Party members and cadres’ sense of responsibility and action, cultivating a social atmosphere of daring to take responsibility, and especially through the form of thematic education, enhancing everyone’s ambition, backbone, and confidence to “not believe in evil, not fear ghosts, not fear pressure, advance in the face of difficulties, and rise to challenges.” On the new journey, with material foundations and objective conditions permitting, the sons and daughters of China, by upholding and carrying forward the spirit of struggle, will surely play one stirring and heroic song of progress after another.

第五，要提振斗争的精神状态。斗争的成败无疑首先是建立在物质基础和客观条件之上的，然而这只是决定了斗争成败的可能性，“决定的因素是人不是物。力量对比不但是军力和经济力的对比，而且是人力和人心的对比”。因此，毛泽东强调：“人是要有一点精神的。”从总体上看，广大党员干部是有进行长期复杂斗争的精神准备的，但也在一定程度上和一定范围内存在不敢担当、底气不足等值得警惕的问题。对此，习近平强调，党员干部要“保持斗争精神，敢于直面风险挑战，知重负重、攻坚克难，以坚忍不拔的意志和无私无畏的勇气战胜前进道路上的一切艰难险阻”。为此，我们党采取了诸多有力措施，着力消除影响党员干部担当作为的各种消极因素，培育敢于担当作为的社会风气，尤其是通过主题教育的形式增强大家“不信邪、不怕鬼、不怕压，知难而进、迎难而上”的志气、骨气、底气。新征程上，在物质基础和客观条件允许的情况下，中华儿女坚持和发扬斗争精神，必将演奏出一曲又一曲威武雄壮的奋进凯歌。

Xi Jinping profoundly points out: “The rise of a major country can never be easy or smooth sailing; it must inevitably undergo a period of arduous tempering and struggle.” At the critical juncture where the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century in the world intertwine and influence each other, we must study and draw on Mao Zedong’s wisdom on struggle, confidently and justifiably carry out the great struggle with many new historical features, continuously consolidate the ideological foundation of struggle, grasp the correct direction of struggle, master the strategic methods of struggle, carry forward the spirit of struggle, enhance the ability to struggle, and continuously win new victories in the great struggle of the New Era.

习近平深刻指出：“一个大国的崛起，绝不可能是轻轻松松、一帆风顺的，必然要经历一番艰苦的磨炼和斗争。”在中华民族伟大复兴战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局相互交织、相互影响的关键时期，我们要学习和汲取毛泽东的斗争智慧，理直气壮地进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争，不断夯实斗争的思想根基，把握斗争的正确方向，掌握斗争的策略方法，发扬斗争精神，增强斗争本领，不断夺取新时代伟大斗争的新胜利。