Perfecting the Teaching System of University Ideological and Political Courses in the Process of “Explaining Principles Deeply, Thoroughly, and Vividly”

The conference on advancing the construction of ideological and political courses in schools in the New Era, held on May 11, 2024, conveyed Xi Jinping’s important instructions on the new situation and new tasks facing the construction of ideological and political courses on the new journey of the New Era, which call for new achievements and new vitality. Xi Jinping emphasized that we must “take the world-renowned achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics as the content support, take fine traditional Chinese culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture as the foundation of strength, explain principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly, uphold fundamental principles and break new ground to promote the connotative development of ideological and political course construction, and continuously enhance the pertinence and appeal of ideological and political courses.”[1]1 "Party eight-legged essays" (党八股) refers to a rigid, formulaic, and dogmatic style of writing and speaking criticized by Mao Zedong during the Yan'an Rectification Movement for its lack of substance and connection to reality. This important directive deepens, through “content support” and “foundation of strength,” the spirit of Xi Jinping’s important speech at the symposium for teachers of ideological and political theory courses in schools on March 18, 2019 (hereinafter referred to as the “March 18 Speech”) and the spirit of his important speech on ideological and political courses during his inspection of Renmin University of China in 2022.

2024年5月11日召开的新时代学校思政课建设推进会，传达了习近平总书记关于新时代新征程上思政课建设面临新形势新任务要有新气象新作为的重要指示。习近平强调，要“以中国特色社会主义取得的举世瞩目成就为内容支撑，以中华优秀传统文化、革命文化和社会主义先进文化为力量根基，把道理讲深讲透讲活，守正创新推动思政课建设内涵式发展，不断提高思政课的针对性和吸引力”。[1]这一重要指示精神以“内容支撑”和“力量根基”深化了习近平2019年3月18日在学校思想政治理论课教师座谈会上的重要讲话（以下简称“3·18讲话”）以及2022年考察中国人民大学时关于思政课的重要讲话精神。

One of the core spirits of the “March 18 Speech” is “adhering to the unity of upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, and promoting the connotative development of ideological and political course construction.”[2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC. During his inspection of Renmin University of China, Xi Jinping further emphasized: “The essence of ideological and political courses is to explain principles, and attention must be paid to methods and means to explain principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly.”[3]3 "Chicken soup for the soul" (心灵鸡汤) is a Chinese colloquialism for inspirational or comforting but often superficial advice or stories, lacking theoretical depth. This provides a further interpretation of why and how to promote the connotative development of ideological and political courses in the New Era. A very important point in promoting the connotative development of ideological and political course construction is to devote efforts to explaining principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly, so as to realize the effective transformation from the textbook system to the teaching system.

“3·18讲话”的核心精神之一，是“坚持守正和创新相统一，推动思政课建设内涵式发展”。[2]在考察中国人民大学时，习近平进一步强调：“思政课的本质是讲道理，要注重方式方法，把道理讲深、讲透、讲活。”[3]这对新时代思政课何以要推动以及如何推动内涵式发展作了进一步诠释。推动思政课建设的内涵式发展，很重要的一点是要致力于把道理讲深讲透讲活，以实现教材体系向教学体系的有效转化。

I. Explaining Principles Deeply, Thoroughly, and Vividly: The Essential Meaning of Implementing “Connotative Development of Ideological and Political Course Construction” and Reflecting “the Essence of Ideological and Political Courses”

一、讲深讲透讲活：贯彻“思政课建设内涵式发展”和体现“思政课的本质”的要义

In fostering virtue and nurturing talent, classroom teaching is the main channel, and ideological and political courses are the key courses. In the exploration of the construction and reform of ideological and political courses, some have proposed turning ideological and political courses into implicit courses with less intense ideological attributes, or, citing the requirement of “adhering to the unity of explicit education and implicit education” among the “eight unities” for teaching ideological and political courses well in the “March 18 Speech,” have argued that ideological and political courses should become courses that unify explicit education and implicit education. In fact, the implicit education referred to in the discussion of “adhering to the unity of explicit education and implicit education” in the “March 18 Speech” means, in the context of “all-staff, whole-process, all-round education,” that “we must tap into the ideological and political education resources contained in other courses and teaching methods,”[2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC. while it explicitly stipulates that ideological and political courses are “explicit courses in ideological and political education,”[2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC. criticizing the mistake of making them implicit.

在立德树人方面，课堂教学是主渠道，而思政课则是关键课程。在思政课建设和改革的探索中，有人提出要把思政课变成意识形态属性不那么强烈的隐性课程，或者引用“3·18讲话”中关于上好思政课“八个相统一”中“坚持显性教育和隐性教育相统一”的要求，认为应该使思政课成为显性教育和隐性教育相统一的课程。其实，“3·18讲话”中关于“坚持显性教育和隐性教育相统一”的论述中讲的隐性教育，指的是在“全员全程全方位育人”中，“要挖掘其他课程和教学方式中蕴含的思想政治教育资源”，[2]而明确规定了思政课是“思想政治教育的显性课程”，[2]批评了把它隐性化的错误。

For such an explicit course in ideological and political education, to promote its “connotative development” is to “continuously enhance the ideological nature, theoretical nature, affinity, and pertinence of ideological and political courses,”[2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC. to embody the essence of ideological and political courses as explaining principles, and to devote efforts to explaining principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly.

对于这样一门思想政治教育的显性课程，要推动其“内涵式发展”，就是要“不断增强思政课的思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性”，[2]体现思政课讲道理这一本质，致力于把道理讲深、讲透、讲活。

The commitment of ideological and political courses to explaining principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly is determined by their ideological attributes. As courses that disseminate the ideology of the Party and the state, university ideological and political courses are not general knowledge courses, but the only courses that provide university students with a relatively systematic education in the guiding ideology of the Party and the state, that is, Marxist theory education. According to the theory of ideology established by Marx and Engels, “each new class which puts itself in the place of the one ruling before it is compelled, merely in order to carry through its aim, to represent its interest as the common interest of all the members of society, that is, expressed in ideal form: it has to give its ideas the form of universality.”[4]4 The "three outlooks" (三观) is a standard Chinese abbreviation for worldview (世界观), outlook on life (人生观), and values (价值观).(P552) That is to say, ideology is a theoretical system of values; it must provide a “rationality” argument for the legitimacy of the interests it represents, and an “irrationality” argument for the illegitimacy of the interests represented by hostile classes. Marxist ideology is the unity of the class nature of the proletariat with the interests of the people and the liberation of humanity. Marxism provides a scientific argument for this unity and manifests it in practice, which enables Marxist ideology to achieve the unity of morality and truth. Explaining principles in ideological and political courses means explaining clearly the unity of the “Way” and “Reason” of Marxism, and proving the unity of the people-centered nature and scientific nature of Marxism. As Xi Jinping often quotes Mao Zedong’s famous saying: “So-called politics means making our supporters as many as possible and our opponents as few as possible.”[5]5 Mao Zedong, “Talk on the Question of the United Front,” in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 296. The phrase “为国家立心、为民族立魂” (wei guojia li xin, wei minzu li hun) is a contemporary Party slogan meaning “establish the heart for the country and establish the soul for the nation,” emphasizing the role of ideology in consolidating national identity and political loyalty.(P296) As propaganda and education in ideology, ideological and political courses are meant to “establish the heart for the country and establish the soul for the nation” in this regard.

思政课致力于把道理讲深、讲透、讲活，这是由思政课的意识形态属性决定的。作为传播党和国家意识形态的课程，高校思政课不是一般的知识课，而是对大学生进行比较系统的党和国家指导思想教育即马克思主义理论教育的唯一课程。根据马克思、恩格斯确立的意识形态理论，“每一个企图取代旧统治阶级的新阶级，为了达到自己的目的不得不把自己的利益说成是社会全体成员的共同利益，就是说，这在观念上的表达就是：赋予自己的思想以普遍性的形式”。[4](P552)这即是说，意识形态是价值观的理论体系，它要对自己所代表利益的合法性作“合理性”论证，对敌对阶级所代表利益的不合法性作“不合理性”论证。马克思主义意识形态是无产阶级的阶级性同人民性和人类解放利益的统一，对这种统一，马克思主义作了科学性的论证，并在实践中体现出来，这使马克思主义意识形态实现了道义性和真理性的统一。思政课的讲道理，就是要讲清马克思主义的“道”和“理”的统一，证明马克思主义人民性和科学性的统一。也正如习近平经常引用的毛泽东的名言：“所谓政治，就是把拥护我们的人搞得多多的，把反对我们的人搞得少少的。”[5](P296)思政课作为意识形态的宣传教育，就是要在这方面“为国家立心、为民族立魂”。

The commitment of ideological and political courses to explaining principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly is also determined by the training goals of socialist universities. From now until the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the central task of the Party and the state is to comprehensively build a great modern socialist country and comprehensively advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization. Contemporary university students are precisely the vital force and main force in advancing this process and realizing this goal. This journey not only provides contemporary university students with a broad stage to display their talents, but also, because it will encounter various international and domestic risks including “black swans” and “gray rhinos,” imposes fundamental requirements on university students to strengthen their political stance. Political firmness depends on ideological sobriety, and ideological sobriety depends on theoretical thoroughness. As the key course for fostering virtue and nurturing talent in schools, the internal logic of ideological and political theory courses can be expressed as theoretical ideological and political courses, that is, starting from theory, revealing the ideological nature contained within theory, thereby exerting the function of improving university students’ ideological level and guiding their political identification. This internal logic conforms to the cognitive laws of people, that is, from knowing the “what” of theory to raising it to understanding the “why” of thought, and then to implementing the “what must be” of politics.

思政课致力于把道理讲深、讲透、讲活，也是由社会主义大学的培养目标决定的。从现在起到新中国成立100周年，党和国家的中心任务就是全面建成社会主义现代化强国，以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴。当代大学生恰恰是推进这一进程和实现这一目标的生力军和主力军。这一征程既为当代大学生提供了施展才干的宽阔舞台，同时也因其将会遇到包括“黑天鹅”和“灰犀牛”等各种国际国内风险的考验，而对大学生坚定政治立场提出了根本要求。政治坚定取决于思想清醒，思想清醒取决于理论彻底。作为学校立德树人的关键课程，思想政治理论课的内在逻辑，可以表述为理论思想政治课，即从理论切入，揭示理论内含的思想性，从而发挥提高大学生思想水平、引导大学生政治认同的功能。这一内在逻辑符合人的认知规律，即从理论的知其然提升到思想的知其所以然，从而落实到政治的知其所必然。

This internal logic of ideological and political courses also means that the theoretical system of Marxism and its adaptation to the Chinese context and the needs of the times is not equivalent to the textbook system, let alone the teaching system. From the theoretical system to the textbook system and then to the teaching system, there is a process of organic transformation and reproduction. The ideological attributes of ideological and political courses and the political guidance functions they need to realize determine that their textbooks have a specific discourse system and mode of expression. Particularly as nationally unified textbooks with “one outline, one textbook,” every formulation of major judgments, every expression of important viewpoints, and even the determination of every basic concept has a basis in the writings of the classic Marxist writers themselves and relevant central Party documents, and is therefore called “document language” by many. Due to the constraints of the nature of the textbook, it indeed cannot undertake more formal functions such as vivid illustrations and typical case teaching. However, precisely because of this, it objectively creates the necessity and provides the possibility for teachers to transform the textbook system into a teaching system, that is, to optimize the “recipe” of the “ingredients” selected by the textbook to enhance the ideological and theoretical supply of the teaching content.

思政课的这一内在逻辑也意味着，马克思主义及其中国化时代化的理论体系不等于教材体系，更不等于教学体系。从理论体系到教材体系再到教学体系，存在有机转化与再生产的过程。思政课所具有的意识形态属性及其所需要实现的政治引导功能，决定了其教材具有特定的话语体系和表达方式。特别是作为全国“一纲一本”的统编教材，每一个重大判断的提法，每一个重要观点的表述，乃至每一个基本概念的确定，都有马克思主义经典作家本人的著述以及中央相关文件的依据，因而被许多人称为“文件语言”。由于教材性质的制约，它确实无法承担生动的图文并茂、典型的案例教学等更多形式上的功能。但是，也正因为如此，它客观上为教师将教材体系转化为教学体系提出了必要性以及提供了可能性，即把教材所优选的“食材”，通过优化“配方”来增强教学内容的思想理论供给。

The most fundamental aspect of effectively transforming the textbook system of ideological and political courses into a teaching system is to internally unify ideological nature, theoretical nature, affinity, and pertinence, rather than understanding them as parallel or even separate aspects, that is, either emphasizing ideological nature and theoretical nature, or highlighting affinity and pertinence. Some teachers with relatively deep academic foundations in a certain field of philosophy and social sciences often emphasize conceptual analysis and logical deduction, turning ideological and political courses into “specialized courses,” neglecting the receptivity of students in “public courses” and the function of political guidance. Other teachers emphasize affinity, believing that if one “insists on teaching theory, it may not necessarily enter the ears, mind, and heart,” and devote themselves to “artifying ideological and political courses” to make students feel “interested.” In fact, in promoting the connotative development of ideological and political course construction and embodying the essence of ideological and political courses, the difficulty in transforming the textbook system into a teaching system lies in explaining ideological nature and theoretical nature with affinity and pertinence, that is, organically combining explaining principles deeply and thoroughly with explaining them vividly.

把思政课的教材体系有效转化为教学体系，最根本的是把思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性内在统一起来，而不能把它理解为是并列的甚至割裂的两个方面，即要么强调思想性、理论性，要么突出亲和力、针对性。有教师在哲学社会科学某个学科领域学术底蕴较深厚，往往强调概念分析和逻辑演绎，而把思政课上成“专业课”，忽视了“公共课”学生的接受度和政治引导功能；也有教师强调亲和力，认为如果“一味地去讲授理论，未必能入耳入脑入心”，致力于“把思政课艺术化”，使学生感到“有趣”。其实，推动思政课建设内涵式发展、体现思政课的本质，在把教材体系转化为教学体系中，难就难在把思想性、理论性讲出亲和力、针对性，也即把道理讲深、讲透同讲活有机结合起来。

In fact, Marxism and its theories adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times are themselves a unity of ideological content, theoretical depth, affinity, and pertinence, a unity of the depth, thoroughness, and vividness of principles. As Deng Xiaoping said: "We have talked about Marxism all our lives, but Marxism is not abstruse. Marxism is a very simple thing, a very simple truth." [6]6 "All eighteen kinds of martial arts" (十八般武艺) is a Chinese idiom originally referring to the eighteen traditional weapons of Chinese martial arts, now used metaphorically to mean a wide variety of skills or methods.(P382) The Marxist idea of achieving human liberation through the liberation of the proletariat is both respectable and amiable to the proletariat and working people. Similarly, Mao Zedong's writings employ a discourse style beloved by the Chinese people to express extremely powerful logical force, leaving the "Party eight-legged essays" [1]1 "Party eight-legged essays" (党八股) refers to a rigid, formulaic, and dogmatic style of writing and speaking criticized by Mao Zedong during the Yan'an Rectification Movement for its lack of substance and connection to reality. habitually used by dogmatists far behind. It was precisely for this reason that, through the Yan'an Rectification Movement [2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC., Mao Zedong Thought was gradually accepted by the entire Party as its guiding ideology. The approachable discourse style of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era contains the power of truth and morality, making it a model for theoretical study, research, and propaganda. In ideological and political courses, "speaking of Marxism with full confidence and vigor," on the one hand, confidence and vigor require solid reasoning, and on the other hand, it is necessary to make college students perceive Marxism as amiable and respectable, not as fearsome or repulsive. If ideological and political courses depart from their essential nature of "explaining principles," or turn "simple truths" into abstruse philosophy, they will lose their affinity and pertinence.

其实，马克思主义及其中国化时代化的理论，本身就是思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性的统一，是道理的深、透、活的统一，正如邓小平所说：“我们讲了一辈子马克思主义，其实马克思主义并不玄奥。马克思主义是很朴实的东西，很朴实的道理。”[6](P382)马克思主义关于通过无产阶级解放而实现人类解放的思想，对于无产阶级和劳动人民来说，既可敬又可亲。同样，毛泽东论著运用中国人民喜闻乐见的话语风格表达了极为强大的逻辑力量，而使教条主义者所惯用的“党八股”无法望其项背，正因为如此，通过延安整风，毛泽东思想逐渐被全党接受为指导思想。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想中平易近人的话语风格，蕴涵了真理和道义的力量，而成为理论学习、研究和宣传的范本。思政课“理直气壮讲马列”，一方面理直才能气壮，另一方面要让大学生感知马克思主义的可亲、可敬，而不是可畏、可厌。如果思政课离开其“讲道理”的本质，或者把“朴实的道理”搞成繁琐哲学，就会失去其亲和力和针对性。

II. Explaining Principles Deeply: Strengthening the Training of Theoretical Thinking Ability and Achieving Vertical Cohesion across Different Educational Stages

二、讲深道理：强化理论思维能力训练，做好不同学段的纵向衔接

In transforming the textbook system of ideological and political courses into a teaching system, efforts can be made to "explain principles deeply" by strengthening the training of theoretical thinking ability and achieving vertical cohesion across different educational stages.

在把思政课的教材体系转化为教学体系中，可努力在强化理论思维能力训练以及在不同学段纵向衔接上下功夫以“讲深”道理。

First, for ideological and political courses in higher education to explain principles deeply, the teaching system should be constructed with a focus on strengthening theoretical thinking ability. Xi Jinping has repeatedly quoted Engels's assertion that "a nation that wants to stand at the pinnacle of science cannot for a moment do without theoretical thought" [7]7 The “Great Party-Building Spirit” (伟大建党精神) refers to the spiritual essence of the CPC’s founding, officially articulated by Xi Jinping in 2021, comprising the principles of upholding truth,坚守理想,践行初心,担当使命,不怕牺牲,英勇斗争,对党忠诚,不负人民.(P437), emphasizing that "our Party, governing a large country with a population of nearly 1.4 billion in China, facing a very complex domestic and international environment and shouldering a heavy governing mission, will find it difficult to overcome various risks and difficulties and to keep advancing if it lacks theoretical thinking." [8] At present, the backbone of building a great modern socialist country remains college students. Amid the challenges of very complex international and domestic contradictions and risks, college students should possess a global vision, be able to "look up at the sky," not belittle themselves, pay attention to social contradictions, and also have a Chinese sentiment, be able to "keep their feet on the ground," not be arrogant, and rationally evaluate social issues. This requires college students to have a relatively high level of theoretical thinking ability and value judgment ability. Precisely for this reason, Xi Jinping emphasizes: Ideological and political courses "should respond to students with thorough academic analysis, convince students with thorough ideological theory, and guide students with the powerful force of truth." [2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC.

其一，高校思政课要把道理讲深，在内涵上首先需要以强化理论思维能力为重点来构建教学体系。习近平多次引用恩格斯所说的“一个民族要想站在科学的最高峰，就一刻也不能没有理论思维”[7](P437)的论断，强调“我们党在中国这样一个有着近14亿人口的大国执政，面对十分复杂的国内外环境，肩负繁重的执政使命，如果缺乏理论思维，是难以战胜各种风险和困难的，也是难以不断前进的”。[8]目前社会主义现代化强国建设的中坚力量依然是大学生。在十分复杂的国际国内各种矛盾风险的挑战中，大学生应该既有世界视野、能“仰望天空”、不妄自菲薄、关注社会矛盾，又有中国情怀、能“脚踏实地”、不妄自尊大、能理性评价社会问题。这就要求大学生有较高水平的理论思维能力和价值判断能力。正因为如此，习近平强调：思政课“要以透彻的学理分析回应学生，以彻底的思想理论说服学生，用真理的强大力量引导学生”。[2]

The ideological content in the teaching of ideological and political courses is embedded within theoretical content. Sometimes "chicken soup for the soul" [3]3 "Chicken soup for the soul" (心灵鸡汤) is a Chinese colloquialism for inspirational or comforting but often superficial advice or stories, lacking theoretical depth. is needed in classroom teaching, but it must be regarded as "adding MSG," and "MSG" should not be treated as the "ingredient" itself. Exaggerating the claim that college students are not interested in "abstract theory" and intentionally or unintentionally "de-theorizing" is itself a manifestation of a lack of confidence in the theory. Conducting basic theoretical education on Marxism and its achievements adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times in ideological and political courses is a necessary condition for these courses to serve as the key courses for fostering virtue and nurturing people.

思政课教学中的思想性是寓于理论性之中的。课堂教学中有时需要一些“心灵鸡汤”，但一定要把它看成“加味精”，而不能把“味精”当作“食材”本身。渲染所谓大学生对“抽象的理论”不感兴趣而有意无意地“去理论化”，本身是缺乏理论自信的表现。思政课进行马克思主义及其中国化时代化成果的基本理论教育，是思政课作为立德树人关键课程的必要条件。

To explain principles deeply in ideological and political courses, it is necessary to organically combine in-depth elucidation of "doctrines" with scientific analysis of "problems," so as to strengthen the training of theoretical thinking ability. Discussing "doctrines" apart from "problems" is empty, and discussing "problems" apart from "doctrines" is blind. The so-called "pertinence" of ideological and political courses does not mean catering to students' perceptual thinking, but rather enhancing college students' theoretical thinking ability, enabling them to analyze social contradictions and reflect on ideological confusions more scientifically. Only by presenting theoretical viewpoints on the basis of profound academic analysis, so that political conclusions possess ideological penetrating power, can a theoretical framework for interpretation be provided for students to understand and analyze problems. The integration of theory with practice in ideological and political courses should not merely connect with phenomena, but reveal the essence contained within phenomena, which requires the support of "doctrines." Therefore, in interpreting the great social transformation of contemporary China, whether evaluating world-renowned achievements or analyzing problems encountered on the path forward, we must "discuss principles based on facts" and expound them using Marxism and its achievements adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, so that students can learn the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods for observing the contemporary world and China, including historical thinking, dialectical thinking, innovative thinking, and systematic thinking.

思政课要讲深道理，需要把对“主义”的深入阐释与对“问题”的科学分析有机结合起来，以强化理论思维能力训练。离开“问题”讲“主义”是空洞的，离开“主义”讲“问题”是盲目的。所谓思政课的“针对性”，并非迁就学生的感性思维，而是要提升大学生的理论思维能力，使之能更科学地分析社会矛盾和反思思想困惑。而只有把理论观点的展现置于深刻的学理分析基础上，使政治性的结论具有思想穿透力，才能为学生认识和分析问题提供理论的阐释框架。思政课的理论联系实际，不能只联系现象，而是要揭示蕴含在现象之中的本质，这就需要有“主义”的支撑。因此，我们对当代中国的伟大社会变革的诠释，无论是评价举世瞩目的成就还是分析前进道路上存在的问题，都必须“就事论理”，用马克思主义及其中国化时代化成果进行阐述，让学生能在其中学会包括历史思维、辩证思维、创新思维、系统思维等观察当代世界和中国的立场观点方法。

To explain principles deeply in ideological and political courses, it is necessary to combine education on worldview, outlook on life, and values with the training of theoretical thinking ability. The "three outlooks" [4]4 The "three outlooks" (三观) is a standard Chinese abbreviation for worldview (世界观), outlook on life (人生观), and values (价值观). encompass the internalization of the cognitive relationship between humans and the world (true vs. false), the evaluative relationship (good vs. evil), and the aesthetic relationship (beautiful vs. ugly). This internalization is based on scientific theoretical thinking. The pursuit of the nature of truth influences value judgments and aesthetic judgments. People explore the essence of the real world, but are not satisfied with merely conforming to the world; they also look forward to pursuing an idealized world. Therefore, people's reflection on the real world has both the characteristic of tracing back to origins and the attribute of transcendence; it relies on the perceptual knowledge of individuals but also transcends the empirical knowledge of existing groups. This determines that the establishment of college students' correct "three outlooks" is based on scientific reflection and requires theoretical thinking for demonstration. By providing methods of theoretical thinking, ideological and political courses guide college students to correctly understand contemporary China and the world, enabling them to better grasp the general trend of future development, thereby laying a rational foundation for them to establish the ideals and convictions to devote themselves to building a great modern socialist country. The question of what kind of theoretical thinking is used to observe the issues of the future and destiny of contemporary China and the world is related to how one views the relationship between the individual and society; thus, it is essentially a question of worldview, outlook on life, and values.

思政课要讲深道理，需要把世界观、人生观、价值观教育同理论思维能力训练结合起来。“三观”问题包含了对人与世界的认知关系（真与假）、评价关系（善与恶）和审美关系（美与丑）的内化。这一内化是以科学的理论思维为基础的。对真理本性的追寻，影响到价值判断和审美判断。人们探求现实世界的本质，但又不会满足于顺应世界，还期待追求理想化世界。因而人们对现实世界的思考，既有追本溯源的特点，又有超越性的属性；既寄托于个体已有的感性认识，又超越了群体现有的经验知识。这就决定大学生正确“三观”的树立，是建立在科学反思的基础上，需要理论思维加以论证的。思政课通过提供理论思维的方式，引导大学生正确认识当代中国和世界，使之更好地把握未来发展大势，从而为他们确立投身社会主义现代化强国建设的理想信念奠定理性基础。而用什么样的理论思维来观察当代中国和世界的前途命运问题，关系到如何看待个人和社会的关系问题，因而它实质上就是世界观、人生观和价值观问题。

In constructing the teaching system, explaining principles deeply by strengthening the training of theoretical thinking ability requires adhering to the unity of constructiveness and criticalness. Xi Jinping pointed out that constructiveness is the foundation of ideological and political courses, but the weapon of criticism should also be used well to clearly analyze and criticize various erroneous views and trends of thought; at the same time, education and guidance should be provided to students so that they correctly view, dialectically understand, and rationally analyze practical problems, promoting the true, the good, and the beautiful through criticism of social phenomena of the false, the evil, and the ugly. The criticalness of ideological and political courses is necessary, on the one hand, because criticalness itself is an important feature of Marxism, namely that its "advantage lies precisely in the fact that we do not want to dogmatically anticipate the future, but only want to discover the new world through criticizing the old world," and that it is necessary to "ruthlessly criticize everything existing, ruthlessly in the sense that the criticism is not afraid of its own conclusions, nor of conflict with existing forces." [6]6 "All eighteen kinds of martial arts" (十八般武艺) is a Chinese idiom originally referring to the eighteen traditional weapons of Chinese martial arts, now used metaphorically to mean a wide variety of skills or methods.(P7) Marxism was created and developed through the criticism of capitalist reality and various bourgeois ideological theories. On the other hand, against the backdrop of global integration, the exchange and integration of various social trends of thought are becoming increasingly frequent, and their confrontation is also becoming sharper, with the influence and penetration of erroneous trends of thought on university students expanding and deepening. Therefore, to explain principles deeply and realize the constructiveness that is the foundation of ideological and political courses, it is necessary to highlight the critical character of Marxism. Of course, since the spread of various erroneous trends of thought has a certain basis in social problems, to truly refute erroneous views and clarify erroneous trends of thought, one cannot detach from the profound criticism of social contradictions. The Party's theory advances with the times by responding to constantly emerging new challenges. Only when ideological and political courses both exert the critical function of Marxism to "uncover" social contradictions and exert their constructive and educational function can their theoretical education grasp the root of things, possess thoroughness, and thus persuade people, and at the same time provide university students with scientific theoretical thinking and correct value orientation for analyzing current social contradictions and reflecting on ideological perplexities, enabling them to rationally consider what changes have occurred in our country and why they could occur, what problems still exist today and how to correctly view these problems, and what future the Chinese nation and socialism have and what this means for the growth and responsibility of university students. Based on these considerations, the erosion of erroneous trends of thought can be effectively resisted.

建构教学体系中，通过强化理论思维能力训练来讲深道理，需要坚持建设性和批判性相统一。习近平指出，建设性是思政课的根本，也要用好批判的武器，旗帜鲜明地剖析和批判各种错误观点和思潮；同时要教育引导学生正确看待、辩证认识、理性分析现实问题，在对社会假恶丑现象的批判中弘扬真善美。思政课的批判性之所以是必要的，一方面是因为批判性本身是马克思主义的重要特征，即其“优点又恰恰在于我们不想教条地预期未来，而只是想通过批判旧世界发现新世界”，“要对现存的一切进行无情的批判，所谓无情，就是说，这种批判既不怕自己所作的结论，也不怕同现有各种势力发生冲突”。[9](P7)马克思主义就是在对资本主义现实和形形色色的资产阶级思想理论的批判中创立和发展起来的。另一方面是因为在世界一体化的背景下，各种社会思潮的交流、交融日益频繁，交锋也更加尖锐，错误思潮对大学生的影响和渗透在扩大和深入。因此，要把道理讲深，实现思政课的建设性这一根本，就需要彰显马克思主义的批判性特征。当然，由于各种错误思潮的传播有一定社会问题的基础，因此，要真正驳斥错误观点、澄清错误思潮，就不能游离于对社会矛盾的深刻批判。党的理论是在应对不断产生的新挑战中实现与时俱进的。只有当思政课既发挥马克思主义的批判功能，“解蔽”社会矛盾，又发挥其建设和教化功能时，其理论教育才能抓住事物的根本，具有彻底性，从而说服人，同时才能为大学生分析当今社会矛盾和反思思想困惑，提供科学理论思维和正确价值导向，理性思考我国已经发生了什么样的变化以及为什么能够发生这样的变化，今天还存在什么样的问题以及如何正确看待这些问题，中华民族和社会主义将有怎样的前途以及它们对大学生的成长和责任意味着什么。基于这些思考，才能有效抵制错误思潮的侵蚀。

Secondly, for ideological and political courses in universities to explain principles deeply, it is necessary to take

其二，高校思政课要把道理讲深，需要以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容，以循序渐进、螺旋上升为基本思路完善课程体系。习近平在关于学校思政课建设的重要指示中强调：“坚持思政课建设与党的创新理论武装同步推进，构建以新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容的课程教材体系，深入推进大中小学思想政治教育一体化建设。”[1]3·18讲话”的基础上，对讲深道理提出了新的要求。“3·18讲话”发表时，高校思政课对习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的系统教学还只是部分学校在试点。党的十九届六中全会确立了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是马克思主义中国化新的飞跃的历史定位，并且当前“习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想概论”课在全国高校已普遍独立开设，课程统编教材也已出版使用。在这一背景下，构建以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容的课程教材体系显得十分必要和迫切。

To perfect the curriculum system with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the core content, all teachers engaged in ideological and political course teaching need to study in depth the textbook *An Introduction to Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era*, master its system framework and basic content, and grasp the worldview, methodology, and the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods that run through this thought as expounded in the textbook. When other courses involve related content, they should, as far as possible, provide a frame of reference from the history of thought for the relevant content of this thought, so that university students can more profoundly understand the theoretical value and practical significance of this thought as Marxism of the twenty-first century.

以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容完善课程体系，需要所有从事思政课教学的教师深入研读《习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想概论》教材，掌握其体系框架和基本内容，把握该教材所论述的这一思想的世界观、方法论和贯穿其中的立场观点方法，使其他课程教学中涉及相关内容时，尽可能为这一思想相关内容提供思想史的参照系，以使大学生更深刻地理解这一思想作为二十一世纪马克思主义的理论价值和实践意义。

To perfect the curriculum system with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as the core content, it is also necessary to explore the implementation of the two integration requirements of linking primary, secondary, and tertiary education and linking undergraduate, master's, and doctoral programs. The basic approach is "proceeding step by step and spiraling upward." In the textbook system at the senior high school level and above, the repetition of basic "ingredients" of Marxism and the theoretical achievements of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times is unavoidable. However, the existing textbook system still has deficiencies in vertical articulation: first, the overlap in content between undergraduate and senior high school textbooks is extensive, with some content repeated at the same level; second, there is still considerable room for graduate textbooks to deepen theoretically and enhance ideologically compared with undergraduate textbooks. Based on this, when constructing the teaching system for undergraduate ideological and political courses, teachers in higher education should familiarize themselves as much as possible with the content of senior high school political course textbooks, identify key content, and achieve a spiral ascent in "understanding the reasons why," so as to reflect the theoretical and ideological elevation of ideological and political theory courses in higher education over those in senior high school. When necessary, with the help of exploration in "experimental zones for promoting the integration of primary, secondary, and tertiary education," collective lesson planning with senior high school political course teachers can be organized regularly. For graduate ideological and political course teaching, while focusing on improving graduate students' knowledge structure and thinking ability, it is even more important to strengthen education on the worldview and methodology of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, reflecting the standpoints, viewpoints, and methods of putting the people first, self-confidence and self-reliance, upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground, adopting a problem-oriented approach, applying systems thinking, and embracing the world. At the same time,

以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容完善课程体系，还需要探索贯彻大中小和本硕博两个一体化的要求，其基本思路是“循序渐进、螺旋上升”。马克思主义及其中国化时代化的理论成果之基本思想，在高中及以上层次教材体系中，其基本“食材”的重复是难免的。但是，现有教材体系在纵向衔接上还存在不足：一是本科与高中教材重复内容涉及面广，一些内容同层次重复；二是研究生教材较本科生教材在理论性的深化和思想性的提升上还有很大空间。基于此，高校思政课教师在构建本科生思政课教学体系时，要尽可能熟悉高中政治课教材内容，理出重点内容，在“知其所以然”上做到螺旋上升，以体现高校思想政治理论课对高中思想政治课在理论性、思想性上的提升。必要时，可借助“推进大中小一体化”试验区的探索，定期组织与高中政治课教师的集体备课。研究生思政课教学，既应着眼于研究生知识结构和思维能力的提高，更应强化对习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的世界观和方法论的教育，体现贯穿其中的人民至上、自信自立、守正创新、问题导向、系统观念和胸怀天下的立场观点方法。同时，为深刻领会习近平强调的“当代中国的伟大社会变革，不是简单延续我国历史文化的母版，不是简单套用马克思主义经典作家设想的模板，不是其他国家社会主义实践的再版，也不是国外现代化发展的翻版”[10](P26-27)的论断，在教学中应增加科学社会主义理论和实践的内容，使学生真正把握“中国特色社会主义，是科学社会主义理论逻辑和中国社会发展历史逻辑的辩证统一”[11](P85)的结论。

3. Thoroughly Explaining the Truth: Guiding the Reading of Original Works, Studying Original Texts, and Comprehending Principles, Integrating the "Seven Histories" to Achieve Horizontal Coherence Across Courses

三、讲透道理：引导读原著、学原文、悟原理，融入“七史”做好各门课程的横向贯通

In the process of transforming the textbook system of ideological and political courses into a teaching system, efforts can be made to guide college students in reading original works and studying original texts to comprehend principles, as well as to work on horizontal coherence across various courses, in order to "thoroughly explain" the truth.

在把思政课的教材体系转化为教学体系中，可努力在引导大学生读原著学原文来悟原理以及在各门课程横向贯通上下功夫以“讲透”道理。

First, it is necessary to guide college students to read original works, study original texts, and thereby comprehend principles. Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized to the entire Party, especially young cadres, that "the most effective way to study theory is to read original works, study original texts, and comprehend principles, to read and memorize intensively, and to constantly learn and renew." [5]5 Mao Zedong, “Talk on the Question of the United Front,” in *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1991), p. 296. The phrase “为国家立心、为民族立魂” (wei guojia li xin, wei minzu li hun) is a contemporary Party slogan meaning “establish the heart for the country and establish the soul for the nation,” emphasizing the role of ideology in consolidating national identity and political loyalty.(P519) This is also applicable to the study of ideological and political courses in higher education. The living soul of Marxism lies in the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, while the basic principles summarized in textbooks are largely conclusive viewpoints, characterized by strong clarity, making it easy for students to "know" what something is. If classroom instruction can appropriately guide students in reading classical texts, it can help them further understand the conditions under which Marxist classical writers posed, analyzed, and solved problems. This not only enables students to directly appreciate the theoretical charm of Marxist classical writers but also helps them better grasp the spiritual essence of the basic principles, thereby understanding why Marxism still occupies the commanding heights of truth and morality today, and which of its specific conclusions need to evolve with changes in the times and practice. This is the reason why Xi Jinping emphasizes that the most effective way to study theory is to comprehend principles through reading original works and studying original texts, rather than directly studying the principles themselves. Only by thoroughly explaining the spiritual essence of the original works to which the principles pertain can college students deepen their understanding from "knowing what it is" to "knowing why it is so."

其一，要引导大学生读原著、学原文从而悟原理。习近平对全党特别是青年干部多次强调，“学习理论最有效的办法是读原著、学原文、悟原理，强读强记，常学常新”。[5](P519)这对高校思政课的学习也是适用的。马克思主义活的灵魂，在于具体问题具体分析，而教材所概括的基本原理，基本是结论性的观点，其特点是条理性强，易于学生“知道”是什么。如果能在课堂上适当指导学生阅读经典文献，可以帮助学生进一步认识马克思主义经典作家是根据什么条件提出问题、分析问题和解决问题的，从而不仅能使学生直接领略马克思主义经典作家的理论魅力，也有助于学生更好地理解基本原理的精神实质，以把握马克思主义何以在今天依然占据真理性和道义性的制高点，它有哪些具体结论又是需要随着时代和实践的变化而发展的。这就是习近平强调学习理论最有效的办法是通过读原著、学原文来悟原理而不是直接学原理的缘由。只有把原理所涉及的原著的精神实质讲透，才能使大学生从“知其然”深化到“知其所以然”。

Of course, for public courses, classroom teaching cannot systematically cover large classic works in the way specialized courses do, but teachers can select relevant chapters or passages from the recommended reading list attached to the textbook that embody key assertions, to deepen the corresponding principles in the textbook and highlight their truth and moral force; at the same time, they can guide students in extracurricular reading or organize extracurricular study groups for discussion. For liberal arts university students, higher requirements and goals for reading more books should be set, and methods for self-study should be imparted, so that by reading original works and studying original texts, they can effectively improve their Marxist theoretical literacy, enabling them not only to recognize the truth and moral force of Marxist theory but also to further recognize the guiding significance of Marxism for research in various fields of philosophy and social sciences.

当然，对于公共课而言，课堂教学不可能像专业课那样系统地讲大部头的经典著作，但教师可以从教材所附的学习篇目中精选体现主要论断的相关篇章或者是段落，对教材中的相应原理加以深化，彰显其真理性和道义性；同时还可以指导学生课外阅读或组织课外学习小组进行研讨。而对于文科大学生，应该提出阅读更多书目的要求和目标，并传授其自学的方法，以通过读原著、学原文，切实帮助他们提高马克思主义的理论素养，使之不仅认识到马克思主义理论的真理性和道义性，还进一步认识到马克思主义对哲学社会科学各领域研究的指导意义。

To help university students thoroughly understand the spiritual essence of Marxism, Marxist theory must be explained thoroughly. To explain Marxist theory thoroughly, the most important thing is to grasp the

为了帮助大学生透彻地理解马克思主义的精神实质，必须把马克思主义理论讲透。而要讲透马克思主义理论，最重要的是把握习近平在纪念马克思诞辰200周年大会上的重要讲话精神。这一讲话对马克思主义的四大鲜明特征作了新的概括，即“科学的理论，创造性地揭示了人类社会发展规律”；“人民的理论，第一次创立了人民实现自身解放的思想体系”；“实践的理论，指引着人民改造世界的行动”；“不断发展的开放的理论，始终站在时代前沿”。[10](P7-9)这对以往教材在原理阐述中强调的“阶级性、革命性”或“科学性和革命性的统一”作了新的深化，即强调科学性是揭示人类社会的发展规律而不是宇宙的规律，把无产阶级的阶级性和人民性、实践性和革命性、实践性和开放性统一了起来，更科学地阐述了马克思主义的基本特征，从而更充分地体现马克思主义不仅是时代精神的精华，而且是人类精神的精华。

Second, it is necessary to integrate the content of the "seven histories" so as to work on the horizontal connection of theoretical resources across various courses. Xi Jinping places great emphasis on the study and education of the "four histories" (the history of the Party, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development) with the history of the Party as the focus. In addition, he has also emphasized the history of over 5,000 years of Chinese civilization, the history of over 170 years of national rejuvenation, and the history of over ten years of development in the New Era. In his important instructions on the construction of ideological and political courses in schools, he further stressed the need to "take the world-renowned achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics as the content support, and take fine traditional Chinese culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture as the foundation of strength." [1]1 "Party eight-legged essays" (党八股) refers to a rigid, formulaic, and dogmatic style of writing and speaking criticized by Mao Zedong during the Yan'an Rectification Movement for its lack of substance and connection to reality.

其二，要融入“七史”内容以在各门课程理论资源的横向贯通上下功夫。习近平十分强调以党史为重点的“四史”（党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史）学习教育，此外，他还强调了中华文明5000多年历史、民族复兴170多年历史和新时代10多年发展史。他在学校思政课建设的重要指示中进一步强调，要“以中国特色社会主义取得的举世瞩目成就为内容支撑，以中华优秀传统文化、革命文化和社会主义先进文化为力量根基”。[1]

Integrating the content of the "seven histories," especially the achievements of socialism with Chinese characteristics as well as fine traditional Chinese culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture, into the teaching system of ideological and political courses, in order to embody the unity of history and logic, and to deepen the systematized principles of the textbook into substantive content, helps to thoroughly explain the context and development of the principles.

把“七史”的内容特别是中国特色社会主义取得的成就以及中华优秀传统文化、革命文化和社会主义先进文化融入思政课的教学体系中，以体现历史和逻辑的统一，使教材条理化的原理深化为有血有肉的内容，有助于讲透原理的来龙去脉。

Mao Zedong emphasized: "There is no abstract Marxism, only concrete Marxism." [12] (P651) Marx and Engels founded scientific socialism by criticizing European capitalism and transcending utopian socialism. This concreteness contains the universality of truth, namely historical materialism and dialectical materialism, which determines that "Marxism works." And precisely because of the concreteness of Marxism, it determines the necessity of combining its theoretical logic with the historical logic of China's social development, and determines that "because the historical traditions, cultural accumulations, and basic national conditions of each country and nation differ, their development paths must necessarily have their own characteristics," [13] (P155) thereby determining that "Marxism adapted to the Chinese context works," while dogmatic Marxism does not. The so-called horizontal connection of various courses means that whether in expounding the ideological and theoretical content of "why the Communist Party of China can" and "why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good," or in expounding the ideological and theoretical content of "why Marxism works," especially "why Marxism adapted to the Chinese context works," they should echo each other as much as possible. In this way, the reasoning behind why we chose Marxism, why we chose the Communist Party of China, and why we chose socialism can be thoroughly explained.

毛泽东强调：“没有抽象的马克思主义，只有具体的马克思主义。”[12](P651)马克思、恩格斯创立科学社会主义，是在批判欧洲资本主义中超越了空想社会主义的，这一具体性中蕴涵了真理的普遍性，即唯物史观和唯物辩证法，从而决定了“马克思主义行”。而也正因为马克思主义的具体性，决定了其理论逻辑同中国社会发展的历史逻辑相结合的必要性，决定了“每个国家和民族的历史传统、文化积淀、基本国情不同，其发展道路必然有着自己的特色”，[13](P155)从而决定了“中国化时代化的马克思主义行”，而教条主义的马克思主义是不行的。而所谓各门课程的横向贯通，即无论在阐述“中国共产党为什么能”“中国特色社会主义为什么好”的思想理论内容，还是在阐述“马克思主义为什么行”特别是“中国化时代化的马克思主义为什么行”的思想理论内容时，都要尽可能相互呼应，这样便可讲透我们为什么要选择马克思主义、选择中国共产党、选择社会主义的道理。

Integrating the content of the "seven histories" to achieve horizontal connection across various courses can help university students more thoroughly grasp the world-historical coordinates of socialism with Chinese characteristics and Chinese-path modernization, as well as their horizontal coordinates in contemporary international relations. Furthermore, it can help them grasp how the Communist Party of China has used Marxism to activate the excellent factors in fine traditional Chinese culture and endow them with new contemporary connotations, and how it has infused the great spirit and rich wisdom of the Chinese nation into Marxism. This enables a more thorough understanding of the contribution of Marxism adapted to the Chinese context to human civilization, thereby laying the ideological foundation for strengthening the "Four Confidences."

融入“七史”的内容而做到各门课程的横向贯通，可以帮助大学生更透彻地把握中国特色社会主义和中国式现代化的世界历史坐标及其在当代国际关系中的横向坐标，并进而把握中国共产党是如何用马克思主义激活中华优秀传统文化中的优秀因子并赋予其新的时代内涵的，是如何将中华民族的伟大精神和丰富智慧注入马克思主义的，以此更透彻地认识中国化时代化的马克思主义对人类文明的贡献，从而奠定坚定“四个自信”的思想基础。

Taking history as a mirror, one can know the rise and fall. In applying this "mirror," ideological and political courses must work hard on "explaining thoroughly." Party history education must prevent three "deviations": first, "reading the script verbatim," that is, being satisfied with dryly reading documents or reciting relevant conclusions; second, "talking irresponsibly to grab attention," which goes to the opposite extreme of "reading the script verbatim" and disrupts the correct orientation of Party history education; third, "superficiality and fragmentation," that is, staying at the level of telling and listening to stories, or exaggerating fragmentary achievements or mistakes while divorcing them from the Party's century-long history of hardship and struggle. Studying history requires "increasing confidence" through "understanding principles." Understanding principles means "comprehending how Marxism has profoundly changed China and the world, perceiving the truth power and practical power of Marxism, and deepening the understanding of the theoretical quality of Chinese Marxism, which both carries forward the legacy and advances with the times," [14] (P419) Only in this way can the ideological and theoretical nature of ideological and political courses be enhanced.

以史为鉴，可以知兴替。思政课运用这一“鉴”，要在“讲透”上下功夫。党史教育要防止三个“偏差”：一是“照本宣科”，即满足于干巴巴地读文件或念相关结论；二是“为了博眼球信口开河”，这走向了“照本宣科”的反面，而干扰了党史教育的正确导向；三是“肤浅化和碎片化”，即停留在讲故事、听故事层面，或脱离党的百余年苦难奋斗史而夸大片段的成就或错误。学史需要通过“明理”来“增信”，明理即“领会马克思主义是如何深刻改变中国、改变世界的，感悟马克思主义的真理力量和实践力量，深化对中国化马克思主义既一脉相承又与时俱进的理论品质的认识”，[14](P419)这样才能增强思政课的思想性、理论性。

IV. Explaining Vividly: "Entering Deeply from the Shallow," Appropriate Detail, "Following the Textbook Without Reading It Verbatim"

四、讲活道理：“浅入深出”，详略得当，“照本不宣科”

In the process of transforming the textbook system of ideological and political courses into a teaching system, one can work on "entering deeply from the shallow," appropriate detail, and "following the textbook without reading it verbatim" to "explain" the principles "vividly."

在把思政课的教材体系转化为教学体系中，可在“浅入深出”、详略得当以及“照本而不宣科”上下功夫以“讲活”道理。

Xi Jinping pointed out: "Teachers of ideological and political courses should use the unified textbook as the basis in their teaching, ensuring the standardization, scientificity, and authority of teaching. At the same time, they cannot simply read the textbook verbatim. The textbook provides the basic conclusions and brief discussions of the teaching content. To make students of different types all enjoy listening and learning, understand and master it, a lot of creative work needs to be done. Diverse explorations should be carried out in the teaching process, and teaching objectives should be achieved through various methods." [2]2 The Yan'an Rectification Movement (延安整风, 1942–1945) was a Party-wide campaign to correct dogmatism, subjectivism, and sectarianism, and to establish Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the CPC. This teaching objective is to progress from increasing the "class attendance rate," to increasing the "rate of being heard," and then to increasing the "rate of being absorbed into the mind and heart."

习近平指出：“思政课教师在教学中要把统编教材作为依据，确保教学的规范性、科学性、权威性，同时也不能简单照本宣科。教材给出的是教学的基本结论和简要论述，要让不同类型的学生都爱听爱学、听懂学会，需要做很多创造性工作。要在教学过程中进行多样化探索，通过多种方式实现教学目标。”[2]这种教学目标便是从提高“到课率”，到提高“入耳率”，再到提高“入脑入心率”。

In the nearly 20 years since the implementation of the "05 Plan" for ideological and political courses, the exploration of teaching methods has formed effective systematic experience. From the use of team teaching, discussion-based, case-based, and experiential methods, it has developed to various models such as online-offline integration, thematic teaching, flipped classrooms, and practical teaching, greatly enhancing the vitality of ideological and political course teaching and its appeal to students. However, "there is no fixed method for teaching," and "all eighteen kinds of martial arts" [6]6 "All eighteen kinds of martial arts" (十八般武艺) is a Chinese idiom originally referring to the eighteen traditional weapons of Chinese martial arts, now used metaphorically to mean a wide variety of skills or methods. can be used. Especially under conditions where the space for innovation in new methods is already limited, to teach ideological and political courses vividly, it is necessary to integrate the achievements of teaching methods over the past 20 years, summarize successful experiences, and pay more attention to the "craftsmanship" thinking of teaching vividly. "Craftsmanship" must suit the nature of the "ingredients," so it must be "moderate." Never treat "seasonings" as "ingredients." If too much MSG is added, even the best soup cannot "exhaust its flavor." The so-called "craftsmanship" thinking for teaching ideological and political courses vividly includes, but is not limited to: the design of the teaching plan should "enter deeply from the shallow," the selection of textbook content should be "appropriate in detail," and the use of teaching discourse should "follow the textbook without reading it verbatim."

思政课“05方案”实施近20年来，教学方法的探索已形成富有成效的系统经验，从运用团队讲授式、讨论式、案例式、体验式等，发展到线上线下结合、专题教学、翻转课堂、实践教学等各种模式，极大地增强了思政课教学的鲜活度和对学生的吸引力。然而，“教无定法”，“十八般武艺”样样可用，特别是在新的方法创新空间已经有限的条件下，要讲活思政课，需要整合近20年教学方法的成果，并总结成功的经验，同时更多地关注讲活的“工艺”思想。“工艺”要切合“食材”的本性，因此要“适度”，千万不可把“调料”当作“食材”，味精加多了，再好的汤都不能“尽其味”。所谓讲活思政课的“工艺”思想，包括但不限于：教学方案的设计要“浅入深出”，教材内容的选择要“详略得当”，教学话语的运用要“照本而不宣科”。

First, the design of teaching plans should “enter shallowly and emerge deeply.” “Explaining profound things in simple language” is a metaphor, generally a commendation for being able to teach or propagandize in language the audience can understand. What is meant by the “craft” of making ideological and political courses vivid through “entering shallowly and emerging deeply” refers to the design of the teaching plan, not the expression of discourse. It starts from cases that college students care about and that suit their thinking habits and abilities, then digs layer by layer, explaining the theory deeply and thoroughly, so as to enhance ideological content. This requires avoiding two tendencies: one is to start from definitions, concepts, or the theoretical system of the discipline, putting conclusions first, content with a logically “lofty and grand” approach; the other is to pile up examples, discussing matters on their own terms, substituting theoretical proof with illustration by examples, pursuing formal “vividness.”

其一，教学方案的设计要“浅入深出”。“深入浅出”是一种比喻，一般是对能用听众听得懂的语言进行授课或宣传的褒奖。所谓思政课讲活“工艺”的“浅入深出”，是指教学方案的设计而不是话语表达，从大学生关心而又适合其思维习惯和能力的案例出发，层层挖掘，讲深讲透理论，以提升思想性。这需要避免两种倾向：一是从定义、概念或学科的理论体系出发，结论先行，满足于逻辑上的“高大上”；二是铺陈例子，就事论事，以举例说明代替理论证明，追求形式上的“生动性”。

The design of “shallow entry” cases should, as much as possible, seize on ideological doubts that reflect both social hotspots and theoretical difficulties and can achieve the teaching objectives of the textbook through critical analysis, within the “intersection” of teaching priorities, social hotspots, theoretical difficulties, and ideological doubts. Because the teaching priorities stipulated by the textbook reflect the Party’s ideological requirements for college students; theoretical difficulties to some extent reflect social hotspot issues, but some social hotspots may arise from errors in specific work and may not necessarily contain theoretical problems; college students’ ideological doubts to some extent reflect social hotspots and theoretical difficulties, but some ideological confusions arise from living habits and psychological states. Ideological and political courses cannot provide specific solutions to all practical hotspot issues, nor do they have the ability to offer “chicken soup for the soul” to free students from all their confusions. The teaching experience of “I teach whatever students like to hear,” so-called “student-centered” teaching, does not conform to the ideological attribute of ideological and political courses.

“浅入”案例的设计，要尽可能在教学重点、社会热点、理论难点和思想疑点的“交集”中，抓住既能反映社会热点和理论难点又能通过批判分析达到教材的教学目标的思想疑点问题。因为教材规定的教学重点，反映了党对大学生的意识形态要求；理论难点一定程度上反映了社会热点问题，但某些社会热点可能产生于具体工作中的差错，未必包含理论问题；大学生思想疑点一定程度上反映了社会热点和理论难点，但有些思想困惑产生于生活习惯和心理状态。思政课不可能为解决所有现实热点问题提供具体方案，也没有能力为大学生摆脱所有困惑提供“心灵鸡汤”。“学生喜欢听什么我就讲什么”所谓“以学生为本”的教学经验，并不符合思政课的意识形态属性。

The key to “deep emergence” in the design of teaching plans lies in reasoning from facts, that is, the analysis and evaluation of cases must permeate scientific theoretical thinking and correct value orientation, while simultaneously expounding the historical and logical basis for the formation of theoretical viewpoints. This requires highlighting “problem awareness” and strengthening “problem orientation” when designing “shallow entry” plans, so as to stimulate students’ theoretical interest in the lecture.

教学方案设计中“深出”的关键，在于就事论理，即对案例的分析和评价须渗透科学的理论思维和正确的价值导向，同时阐述理论观点形成的历史和逻辑的根据。这就需要在“浅入”方案设计时凸显“问题意识”、强化“问题导向”，以激发学生听课的理论兴趣。

Second, the selection of textbook content should be “detailed and omitted as appropriate.” Anything that can be called a theory, not just knowledge or common sense, is systematic. It is a theoretical system constructed around a theoretical “hard core” by a series of hierarchical viewpoints arranged according to a certain logic. The textbook system of ideological and political courses embodies the systematicity and completeness of the theoretical system. However, as a public course rather than a specialized one, when transforming the textbook system into a teaching system, the selection of content should be “detailed and omitted as appropriate,” good at grasping the key points. Where it should be “detailed,” it is analyzed layer by layer; where it should be “omitted,” it is touched upon briefly.

其二，教材内容的选择要“详略得当”。任何能称之为理论而不只是知识或常识的，都具有系统性，它是围绕理论“硬核”而由一系列具有层次性的观点按一定的逻辑建构起来的理论体系。思政课教材体系体现了理论体系的系统性和完整性。但是作为公共课而非专业性课程，在把教材体系转化为教学体系时，内容的选择上要“详略得当”，善于抓住重点，该“详”则“详”，层层剖析；该“略”则“略”，点到为止。

To achieve “detailed and omitted as appropriate,” one must first clearly explain to students the completeness of the theoretical system expressed by the textbook system and the logic of its structure. On this basis, highlight the key points of each chapter and section, teaching according to the principle of “being essential and effective,” rather than applying effort evenly. Classroom teaching should carefully select the basic categories formed in the process of Marxism’s birth and development when responding to major practical problems, examining and expounding the basic viewpoints of Marxism, including its achievements in adapting to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, within a certain historical background. This guides students to think about how these basic categories were formed, what modes of thinking and value concepts the classical writers used to constitute them into basic principles, and how these basic principles have developed with the progress of practice. This enables students to feel the theoretical charm of Marxism, including the keen eye for discovering problems, the meticulous logic for analyzing problems, the linguistic charm for expounding problems, and even the personality strength for solving problems; it enables college students to deeply appreciate that the creation of Marxism and its theoretical achievements in adapting to the Chinese context and the needs of the times has historical inevitability, and its development has the inevitability of the times.

要做到“详略得当”，首先要给学生明确交代教材体系所表达的理论体系的完整性及其结构的逻辑性，在此基础上，突出每章每节内容的重点，根据“要精、要管用”的原则进行授课，而不是平均使用力量。课堂教学要精选马克思主义诞生和发展进程中，在回应重大实践问题时形成的基本范畴，把马克思主义包括其中国化时代化成果的基本观点，放到一定的历史背景中加以考察和阐述，引导学生思考这些基本范畴是如何形成的，经典作家运用怎样的思维方式和价值观念将它们构成基本原理，这些基本原理又是如何随着实践的发展而发展的。这样可以使学生感受到马克思主义的理论魅力，包括发现问题的敏锐目光、分析问题的缜密逻辑、阐述问题的语言魅力，以至解决问题的人格力量；使大学生深切体会到马克思主义及其中国化时代化的理论成果的创立，具有历史的必然性，其发展具有时代的必然性。

While taking into account the completeness of the theoretical system and teaching key content, the perspective of textbook compilation should be shifted to make teaching more affinity and targeted. For example, regarding Party building, the textbook system follows the logic of the theoretical system and is generally placed in the final chapter. The content is basically arranged according to the logic of political building, thought building, organizational building, conduct building, institutional building, and the fight against corruption, with the focus on how to strengthen Party building. However, since most college students are not Party cadres, it is unnecessary in teaching to explain the requirements in relevant documents for Party cadres as “oughts” for college students. Instead, the focus of teaching should be shifted to explaining what fine traditions the Communist Party of China has, what challenges it faces in reality, and how the Party has actively responded to these challenges in theory and practice without evading them. This enables college students to sincerely recognize “why the Communist Party of China can,” thereby leading to the political identification that following this Party, which has a glorious tradition, strong political and organizational advantages, and a sense of urgency and theoretical thinking, is our inevitable choice.

在兼顾理论体系完整性的同时讲授重点内容，应转换教材编写的视角，使教学增强亲和力和针对性。例如，关于党的建设，教材体系遵循理论体系的逻辑，一般都置于最后一章，内容基本按政治建设、思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、制度建设以及反腐败斗争的逻辑来安排，重点也在如何加强党的建设。但由于大学生多数不是党员干部，因此在教学中，没有必要将相关文件中对党员干部的要求作为对大学生的“应当”来讲解，而应把讲述的重点转换到中国共产党有怎样的优良传统、现实面对怎样的挑战、党又是如何在理论和实践上没有回避而是积极应对这些挑战的，以使大学生能真心认识到“中国共产党为什么能”，从而落实到跟这样一个具有光荣传统、强大政治和组织优势且有忧患意识和理论思维的党走是我们的必然选择的政治认同上。

Third, the use of teaching discourse should “follow the textbook without mechanically reciting it.” What is meant by “following the textbook” is to adhere to the teaching objectives and basic viewpoints stipulated by the ideological and political course textbook, conveying the core content of the teaching. However, the conduct of ideological and political course teaching activities is not about preaching the textbook content, let alone “broadcasting” the textbook. Rather, it is to improve and explain the textbook content deeply and thoroughly based on teaching priorities, social hotspots, theoretical difficulties, and ideological doubts. This inevitably requires transforming discourse expression to make the textbook content vivid. What is meant by “not mechanically reciting” is to, on the basis of thoroughly understanding the document discourse used in the textbook, skillfully control and incisively explain, striving to combine political authority with the vividness of life, and to combine textual content with practical life, so as to enhance the affinity and targeting of ideological and political course teaching. In realizing the transformation from textbook discourse to teaching discourse, it is necessary to reflect as much as possible the theoretical support of academic language, endow certain traditional ideological discourse categories with new era connotations, critically absorb concepts from other philosophy and social sciences that reflect new changes in social development, critically inherit discourse from traditional Chinese culture that can embody the spirit of the times, and absorb and transform everyday language and even internet language.

其三，教学话语的运用要“照本而不宣科”。所谓“照本”，就是要遵循思政课教材所规定的教学目标和教学内容的基本观点，传达好教学的核心内容。然而，思政课教学活动的开展不是宣讲教材内容更不是“播音”教材，而是要根据教学重点、社会热点、理论难点和思想疑点完善并讲深讲透教材内容，而它势必需要转换话语表达以讲活教材内容。所谓“不宣科”，就是要在融会贯通教材使用的文件话语的基础上，熟练驾驭、精辟讲解，努力把政治权威性和生活生动性结合起来，把文本内容和生活实际结合起来，以提升思政课教学的亲和力、针对性。在实现教材话语向教学话语转换中，要尽可能体现学术语言的理论支撑，赋予某些传统意识形态话语范畴以新的时代内涵，批判吸收其他哲学社会科学反映社会发展新变化的概念，批判继承中国传统文化中能体现时代精神的话语，吸纳改造日常生活语言甚至网络语言。

Language is not only a tool for expressing thought but also, in a sense, a reflection of thought. When Mao Zedong proposed rectifying the “three styles” during the Yan’an Rectification Movement, he added opposing Party stereotypes to rectify the style of writing, alongside opposing subjectivism to rectify the style of study and opposing sectarianism to rectify the style of Party conduct. [7]7 The “Great Party-Building Spirit” (伟大建党精神) refers to the spiritual essence of the CPC’s founding, officially articulated by Xi Jinping in 2021, comprising the principles of upholding truth,坚守理想,践行初心,担当使命,不怕牺牲,英勇斗争,对党忠诚,不负人民. This is because impure style of study divorced from reality and incorrect style of Party conduct divorced from the masses manifest in the style of writing as the formalism of “Party stereotypes.” As early as 2010, Xi Jinping, then a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and President of the Central Party School, put forward three requirements for improving the style of writing: “First, brevity. That is, to strive for conciseness and directness, to be succinct and stop when the meaning is fully expressed, with clear viewpoints and prominent key points”; “Second, substance. That is, to speak words that conform to reality, not words divorced from reality; to speak useful words, not empty words; to speak words that come from genuine feeling, not words that groan without being ill; to speak words that reflect one’s own judgment, not words that mechanically recite the textbook”; “Third, novelty. That is, to strive for profound thought and rich new ideas… to have new concepts, new ideas, and new measures in solving new problems.” [15](P671-673) Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Xi Jinping has emphasized the issue of style of writing

语言不仅是表达思想的工具，某种意义上也是思想的反映。毛泽东在延安整风时提出整顿“三风”时，在反对主观主义以整顿学风、反对宗派主义以整顿党风中，加上了反对党八股以整顿文风。这是因为脱离实际的学风不纯和脱离群众的党风不正，表现在文风上，就是“党八股”的形式主义。而早在2010年，身为政治局常委兼中央党校校长的习近平，便对改进文风提出了三点要求：“一是短。就是要力求简短精炼、直截了当，要言不烦、意尽言止，观点鲜明、重点突出”；“二是实。就是要讲符合实际的话不讲脱离实际的话，讲管用的话不讲虚话，讲有感而发的话不讲无病呻吟的话，讲反映自己判断的话不讲照本宣科的话”；“三是新。就是力求思想深刻、富有新意……在解决新问题上有新理念、新思路、新举措”。[15](P671-673)党的十八大以来，习近平更是在多种场合强调文风问题，批评了文风不正的表现，如理论研究中存在的“空泛化、标签化”现象，宣传工作中存在的居高临下、空洞说教、照本宣科，挖掘解读不够、生动鲜活不足，模式化、套路化，语言生硬、形式刻板，亲和力、贴近性不够，形式上轰轰烈烈、豪华艳丽，实效性不强，空喊政治口号，“有的未经党中央批准提出不严谨的政治口号、政治术语，存在拔高、牵强的情况，甚至搞成‘低级红’、‘高级黑’”。[16](P64)作为马克思主义理论研究和教育教学重要载体的高校思政课，在把教材体系转化为教学体系的过程中，理应发扬自我革命精神，力戒文风的形式主义，以真正增强思政课的亲和力、针对性。

In sum, the construction of the teaching system for ideological and political courses should, as far as possible, elevate from moving people with emotion to convincing people with reason, deepen from discussing matters on their own terms to discussing matters in terms of principles, shift from citing examples to proving theories, and adjust from covering every aspect to advancing layer by layer. By explaining principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly, we can enhance the ideological content, theoretical nature, affinity, and targeted relevance of ideological and political courses.

总之，思政课教学体系的构建，要尽可能从以情动人提升为以理服人，从就事论事深化为就事论理，从举例说明转向理论证明，从面面俱到调整为层层深入，通过把道理讲深讲透讲活，来增强思政课的思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性。

(Author’s bio: Chen Xixi, Chair Professor at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Chief Expert of the Marxist Theory Research and Development Project, Member of the Expert Committee of the Research Center for the Great Party-Building Spirit of the Communist Party of China in Universities)

（作者简介：陈锡喜，上海交通大学讲席教授、马克思主义理论研究和建设工程首席专家、高校中国共产党伟大建党精神研究中心专家委员会委员）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心