Collaborative Innovation between Specialized Course Education and Ideological-Political Course Education from the Perspective of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education

Courses are important vehicles for conducting ideological-political education. In December 2016, at the National Conference on Ideological-Political Work in Colleges and Universities, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "We must make good use of the main channel of classroom teaching. Ideological-political theory courses must persist in improving while strengthening, enhancing the affinity and pertinence of ideological-political education to meet the needs and expectations of students' growth and development. All other courses must guard their own stretch of canal and tend their own responsibility fields, so that all types of courses move in the same direction as ideological-political theory courses and form a synergistic effect." [1]1 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the National Conference on Ideological-Political Work in Colleges and Universities," December 7, 2016. The proposal of course-based ideological-political education is thus an important measure for implementing the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education and for promoting all types of courses to move in the same direction as ideological-political theory courses (hereinafter referred to as "ideological-political courses"). At present, the academic community has conducted numerous theoretical explorations around how to achieve specialized course education and ideological-political course education moving in the same direction from the perspective of course-based ideological-political education, which is of great significance; however, some cognitive deviations have also emerged. For example, some simply equate course-based ideological-political education with "specialized courses plus ideological-political courses"; or they "ideologize specialized courses with ideological-political courses," explicitly implanting ideological-political elements into specialized courses; or they "specialize ideological-political courses with specialized courses," promoting the implicit education of ideological-political courses. Clearly, this kind of assimilation that ignores differences and pursues uniformity is not genuine same-direction movement. In fact, commonality is precisely embodied in individuality; the same-direction movement of specialized course education and ideological-political course education should also be built on the basis of their differences, seeking a synergistic effect of "harmony in diversity," and ultimately converging into the joint educational force of all types of courses. This article starts from the heterogeneous nature of specialized courses and ideological-political courses from the perspective of course-based ideological-political education, attempting to reveal the fundamental question of "what constitutes same direction," in order to provide some reference for "how to move together."

课程是进行思想政治教育的重要载体。2016年12月，习近平总书记在全国高校思想政治工作会议上强调：“要用好课堂教学这个主渠道，思想政治理论课要坚持在改进中加强，提升思想政治教育亲和力和针对性，满足学生成长发展需求和期待，其他各门课都要守好一段渠、种好责任田，使各类课程与思想政治理论课同向同行，形成协同效应。”课程思政的提出，便是落实立德树人根本任务、促成各类课程与思想政治理论课（以下简称“思政课”）同向同行的重要举措。目前，学界围绕如何实现课程思政视域下专业课教育与思政课教育同向同行进行了诸多理论探索，意义重大；但也出现了一些认识偏差，例如，简单地将课程思政等同于“专业课+思政课”；或是“以思政课化专业课”，在专业课中显性植入思政元素；抑或是“以专业课化思政课”，促成思政课的隐性教育。显然，这种忽视差异、追求一致的同化行为并非真正的同向同行。事实上，共性恰恰寓于个性之中，专业课教育与思政课教育的同向同行亦应建立在二者的差异性基础上，谋求“和而不同”的协同效应，最终汇成各类课程的育人合力。本文从课程思政视域下专业课与思政课的异构性出发，尝试揭示“何为同向”这一基础问题，以期为“如何同行”提供些许参鉴。

I. Heterogeneity of Courses: "Same Direction" and "Moving Together" of Specialized Courses and Ideological-Political Courses from the Perspective of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education

一、课程的异构：课程思政视域下专业课与思政课的“同向”与“同行”

In May 2020, the Ministry of Education issued the "Guiding Outline for Course-Based Ideological-Political Education Construction in Higher Education Institutions," further clarifying that "specialized courses are the basic carriers of course-based ideological-political education construction." [2]2 Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China, "Guiding Outline for Course-Based Ideological-Political Education Construction in Higher Education Institutions," May 2020. Subsequently, various higher education institutions have launched course-based ideological-political education construction, deeply excavating "ideological-political elements" in specialized courses, hoping to "guide professionalism with political nature and integrate it into professional education to achieve the educational goals of socialist higher education institutions." However, in concrete practice, there are also many misunderstandings. Some scholars have summarized them into three points: first, diluting the specialty, treating "course-based ideological-political education" as a hodgepodge; second, neglecting the main task, equating "course-based ideological-political education" with ideological-political courses; third, downplaying the student's subject position, with teachers accustomed to "one-way indoctrination." [3]3 See, for example, Zhang Zhidan and He Yuling, "Practical Misunderstandings and Path Exploration of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education in Higher Education Institutions," *Ideological and Theoretical Education*, 2021, no. 1. Clearly, the emergence of these practical misunderstandings is closely related to the vague understanding of the core concept of course-based ideological-political education, that is, "there still exists the phenomenon of simply understanding the 'ideological-political' in course-based ideological-political education as Marxist theory, and simply equating 'course' with course teaching," [4]4 Qiu Weiguang, "The Value Implication and Generation Path of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education," *Ideological and Theoretical Education*, 2017, no. 7. thus oversimplifying the deep meaning and practical difficulty of specialized courses and ideological-political courses moving in the same direction.

2020年5月，教育部印发《高等学校课程思政建设指导纲要》，进一步明晰“专业课程是课程思政建设的基本载体”。随后，各高校纷纷开展课程思政建设，深入挖掘专业课中的“思政元素”，期望“以政治性引领专业性并融汇于专业教育中以实现社会主义高校的育人目标”。但在具体实践中也存在诸多误区，有学者将其总结为三点：一是冲淡专业，把“课程思政”视为大杂烩；二是淡忘主业，把“课程思政”等同于思政课；三是淡化学生主体地位，教师习惯“单向度灌输”。显然，上述实践误区的出现与对课程思政核心概念的模糊认识息息相关，即“还存在把课程思政中的‘思政’简单理解为马克思主义理论，把‘课程’简单等同于课程教学等现象”，从而简单化了专业课与思政课同向同行的深层意蕴与实践难度。

Regarding the connotation of course-based ideological-political education, there has been much discussion in the academic community. According to the object of "course," it can be summarized into the following two points: First, it emphasizes the specific course orientation of course-based ideological-political education. For instance, some scholars believe that course-based ideological-political education is a new concept proposed relative to ideological-political courses, based on deeply excavating the ideological-political education resources contained in various types of courses and teaching activities outside ideological-political courses. It is a new form at the practical level of "implicit ideological-political education." [5]5 See, for example, Gao Deyi and Zong Aidong, "On the Connotation, Characteristics, and Path of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education," *Higher Education Research*, 2017, no. 1. For a long time, ideological-political education existed only in ideological-political course classrooms, while specialized course teaching focused on knowledge transmission and ability cultivation, rarely involving values education. This disconnection between courses made ideological-political courses an "isolated island" in university ideological-political education, lacking the assistance and coordination of other courses, thus making it difficult to play the role of ideological-political courses as the main channel for university students' ideological-political education. The proposal of course-based ideological-political education is precisely to establish a joint educational mechanism between ideological-political courses and other courses, achieving education by all personnel, throughout the entire process, and in all aspects.

关于课程思政的内涵，学界已有诸多讨论，按照“课程”对象划分可总结为以下两点：一是强调课程思政的具体课程指向。如有学者认为，课程思政是相对于思政课程提出的新概念，立足于深入挖掘思政课之外的各级各类课程和教学活动中蕴含的思想政治教育资源，是一种“隐性思想政治教育”实践层面的新形态。长期以来，思想政治教育只存在于思政课课堂上，专业课教学则以知识传授、能力培养为主，鲜有涉及价值观教育。这种课程间的脱节，使得思政课成为大学思想政治教育的“一座孤岛”，缺乏其他课程的辅助与配合，也就难以发挥出思政课作为大学生思想政治教育的主渠道作用。课程思政的提出，便是要建立起思政课程与其他课程的合力育人机制，实现全员育人、全过程育人和全方位育人。

Second, it emphasizes the deep value implication of course-based ideological-political education. Some scholars believe that course-based ideological-political education is a holistic curriculum view. It "is not adding a new course, nor adding an activity, but integrating university ideological-political education into all links and aspects of course teaching and reform, achieving the silent nurturing of virtue through education." [6]6 Gao Deyi and Zong Aidong, "On the Connotation, Characteristics, and Path of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education." From a theoretical implication perspective, the proposal of course-based ideological-political education is not only a one-way revolution aimed at specialized courses but also contains a collaborative revolution between specialized courses and ideological-political courses; it is not only a formal revolution of specific courses but also an ideological revolution "full of scientific educational concepts and ideological-political education methods." [7]7 Wang Xuedian, "Course-Based Ideological-Political Education: An Ideological Revolution in University Education," *China Higher Education*, 2021, no. 22. Its purpose lies in the return to the essence of the curriculum, realizing the integration and coherence of the "trinity" educational concept of value shaping, knowledge transmission, and ability cultivation. Therefore, from the perspective of course-based ideological-political education, the same-direction movement of specialized courses and ideological-political courses is not only "same" in the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education but also "same" in the value orientation and realization path of the curriculum revolution, that is, "to return knowledge to virtue, thereby realizing the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education in the New Era." [8]8 See, for example, Liu Bing, "The Value Implication and Practical Path of Course-Based Ideological-Political Education," *Ideological and Theoretical Education*, 2020, no. 8. Only by following this principle can the reform of specialized courses and the reform of ideological-political courses proceed in parallel without conflict, and even reach the same goal by different paths.

二是强调课程思政的深层价值意蕴。有学者认为，课程思政是一种整体性的课程观，它“不是增开一门课，也不是增设一项活动，而是将高校思想政治教育融入课程教学和改革的各环节、各方面，实现立德树人润物无声” 。从学理意蕴上来讲，课程思政的提出，不仅是一场面向专业课的单向革命，还蕴含着专业课与思政课的协同革命；不仅是一场具体课程的形式革命，还是一场“饱含着科学的教育理念的思想政治教育方法”的思想革命，其目的在于课程本质的复归，实现价值塑造、知识传授、能力培养“三位一体”育人理念的融会与贯通。因此，课程思政视域下专业课与思政课的同向同行，不仅“同”在立德树人这一根本任务上，还“同”在课程革命的价值指向与实现路径上，即“重新让知识回归美德，进而实现新时代立德树人根本任务”。唯有以此为遵循，方能实现专业课改革与思政课改革的并行不悖，乃至殊途同归。

The collaborative innovation between specialized course education and ideological-political course education from the perspective of course-based ideological-political education is by no means a simple grafting of "knowledge plus value." In fact, value is inherently embedded in the knowledge system. In course teaching, value shaping, knowledge transmission, and ability cultivation are an interpenetrating and inseparable whole. The process of knowledge transmission is also the process of ability cultivation and value shaping; the three proceed simultaneously and support each other. In traditional cognition, specialized course education is often seen as a process of knowledge transmission, unrelated to value. Therefore, when course-based ideological-political education was proposed, some scholars believed that the reform of specialized courses only needed to add a few sentences of "value implication" at the end of the course. They were unaware that if the appended "value" is detached from the "knowledge" itself, it will only cause confusion and resentment among students, and the educational effect of the course will be greatly diminished or even counterproductive. The reason is that the knowledge system of specialized courses is not entirely value-free. In fact, the value viewpoints of the course are precisely contained within its knowledge system and are subtly transmitted to students during the process of knowledge transmission. Therefore, the process of reforming specialized courses is, on the one hand, a process of deeply excavating and transmitting the value viewpoints inherent in their knowledge system; on the other hand, it is a process of accelerating the construction of philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics and building an independent knowledge system of China. In a certain sense, the latter is the fundamental method for solving the unique difficulties of course-based ideological-political education. Similarly, the direction of reforming ideological-political courses is also to establish a complete and independent scientific knowledge system, using the thoroughness of Marxist theory to enhance the persuasiveness of ideological-political education. Taking the course "Outline of Modern Chinese History" as an example, the purpose of studying modern Chinese history is to understand the historical process and internal laws of modern Chinese social development and the Party's leadership in revolution, construction, and reform. On the basis of understanding national history and national conditions, it is to deeply grasp how history and the people chose Marxism, chose the Communist Party of China, chose the socialist road, and chose reform and opening up. [9]9 The "Four Choices" is a standard formulation in Chinese Communist Party discourse, referring to the historical choices made by the Chinese people for Marxism, the Communist Party of China, the socialist road, and reform and opening up. Conversely, the "Four Choices" are the core of course education and the logical chain connecting the complex historical facts. Only by grasping the mainstream essence of modern Chinese history can the unity of history and logic be achieved, and can it be clearly explained why the Communist Party of China can succeed, why socialism with Chinese characteristics is good, and why Marxism works. [10]10 This is a standard slogan in Chinese Communist Party propaganda, often used to summarize the legitimacy of the Party and its path. The same applies to ideological-political courses such as "Ideology, Morality, and Rule of Law," "Basic Principles of Marxism," and "Introduction to Mao Zedong Thought and the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics." Teachers of ideological-political courses should enhance their confidence and ability, connect with students' ideological reality, rely on the knowledge system of Marxist theory disciplines, and pertinently answer some comprehensive and deep-level theoretical and cognitive questions, improving the professionalism, pertinence, and affinity of ideological-political courses.

课程思政视域下专业课教育与思政课教育的协同创新，绝不是“知识+价值”的简单嫁接，事实上，价值天然地蕴含在知识体系之中。在课程教学中，价值塑造、知识传授与能力培养是一个相互渗透、不可分割的整体，知识传授的过程，也是能力培养与价值塑造的过程，三者同步进行、彼此助力。在传统认知中，专业课教育往往是知识传授的过程，而与价值无涉。因此，当课程思政提出后，有些学者便认为专业课改革只需要在课程结尾补上几句“价值意蕴”即可，殊不知如若续上的“价值”脱离于“知识”本身，则只会招致学生的困惑与反感，课程育人的效果必将大打折扣、适得其反。究其原因，专业课的知识体系本身并非完全是价值无涉的，事实上，课程的价值观点恰恰蕴含在其知识体系之中，并在知识传授的过程中，潜移默化地传递给学生。因此，专业课改革的过程，一方面是深入其知识体系挖掘并传递其本身的价值观点的过程；另一方面是加快构建中国特色哲学社会科学，构建中国自主的知识体系的过程。从某种意义上来讲，后者是破解课程思政独有难题的根本之法。同理，思政课改革的方向亦是建立起一套独立完整的科学的知识体系，以马克思主义理论的彻底性来提高思想政治教育的说服力。以“中国近现代史纲要”课程为例，学习中国近现代史的目的在于认识近代中国社会发展和党领导革命、建设、改革的历史进程及其内在规律，在了解国史、国情的基础上，深刻领会历史和人民是怎样选择了马克思主义，选择了中国共产党，选择了社会主义道路，选择了改革开放；反过来讲，“四个选择”便是课程育人的核心，是把纷繁复杂的历史事实连接在一起的逻辑链条。唯有抓住中国近现代史的主流本质，方能做到历史与逻辑的统一，方能讲清楚中国共产党为什么能、中国特色社会主义为什么好、马克思主义为什么行。“思想道德与法治”“马克思主义基本原理”“毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系概论”等思政课程亦是如此。思政课教师要增强信心与能力，联系学生思想实际，依托马克思主义理论学科知识体系，有针对性地回答一些综合性、深层次的理论和认识问题，提高思政课的专业性、针对性与亲和力。

The collaborative innovation between specialized course education and ideological-political education from the perspective of curriculum-based ideological-political education is by no means a matter of converging functional structures into a single form; rather, it should be a garden where a hundred flowers bloom. From the perspective of the knowledge system and functional structure of courses, specialized courses and ideological-political courses have different educational effects: the former emphasizes implicit ideological-political education, while the latter emphasizes explicit ideological-political education. Only by "adhering to the unity of explicit education and implicit education, and excavating the ideological-political educational resources contained in other courses and teaching methods" can we "achieve全员全程全方位育人" [achieve all-staff, whole-process, all-round education], and this is also the fundamental orientation for all types of courses to "move in the same direction" and "collaborate innovatively." [11]11 "全员全程全方位育人" (all-staff, whole-process, all-round education) is a slogan emphasizing that every member of the educational institution, every stage of the educational process, and every aspect of campus life should contribute to students' ideological-political development. In terms of course positioning, "the ideological-political theory courses in institutions of higher learning bear the task of providing systematic Marxist theoretical education for college students and are the main channel for conducting ideological-political education for college students"; other courses are the collaborative and expansive aspects that move in the same direction as ideological-political courses, and the two complement each other to jointly form the 'course community' of ideological-political education in higher education. Specifically, "ideological-political theory courses bear the task of providing systematic Marxist theoretical education for college students; they are important positions for consolidating Marxism's guiding position in the ideological domain of higher education and upholding the socialist direction of running schools; they are the main channel and core courses for comprehensively implementing the Party's educational policy and fulfilling the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education; and they are the soul courses for strengthening and improving ideological-political work in higher education and realizing the connotative development of higher education." The purpose of curriculum-based ideological-political education lies in "sorting out the ideological-political educational elements contained in each specialized course and the ideological-political educational functions they carry, integrating them into all aspects of classroom teaching, and achieving the organic unity of ideological-political education and knowledge-system education." From the perspective of relative advantages, ideological-political courses explicitly adhere to the guidance of Marxist theory, purifying the turbid and clarifying the clear, and leading the direction; other courses embed ideological-political education within specialized courses, exerting a subtle influence and moistening things silently. Ideological-political courses in higher education are compulsory courses covering all students, and thus can rely on a complete course system to provide all students with systematic Marxist theoretical education—an advantage that other courses do not possess. Specialized courses from the perspective of curriculum-based ideological-political education include both compulsory and elective courses, covering a small number of students in fixed majors, and thus can provide targeted, covert, and penetrating ideological-political education based on the characteristics of the major and individual needs, better highlighting the affinity and effectiveness of the courses. This kind of implicit education, which moistens things silently, can effectively cooperate with the explicit education of ideological-political courses, achieving comprehensive coverage, effective articulation, and tiered coordination of ideological-political education in higher education. This not only helps break the dilemma of "two separate skins" between specialized courses and ideological-political courses but also fully leverages the Marxist navigational role of ideological-political courses.

课程思政视域下专业课教育与思政课教育的协同创新，绝不是功能结构趋同单一，而应百花齐放春满园。从课程的知识体系、功能结构来看，专业课与思政课具有不同的育人效果，前者侧重隐性思想政治教育，后者则侧重显性思想政治教育。唯有“坚持显性教育和隐性教育相统一，挖掘其他课程和教学方式中蕴含的思想政治教育资源”，方能“实现全员全程全方位育人”，而这也是各类课程“同向同行”“协同创新”的根本指向。从课程定位上来说，“高等学校思想政治理论课承担着对大学生进行系统的马克思主义理论教育的任务，是对大学生进行思想政治教育的主渠道”；其他课程则是与思政课同向同行的协同方面、拓展方面，二者相辅相成共同构成高校思想政治教育的“课程共同体”。具体来讲，“思想政治理论课承担着对大学生进行系统的马克思主义理论教育的任务，是巩固马克思主义在高校意识形态领域指导地位、坚持社会主义办学方向的重要阵地，是全面贯彻党的教育方针、落实立德树人根本任务的主干渠道和核心课程，是加强和改进高校思想政治工作、实现高等教育内涵式发展的灵魂课程”。课程思政的目的则在于“梳理各门专业课程所蕴含的思想政治教育元素和所承载的思想政治教育功能，融入课堂教学各环节，实现思想政治教育与知识体系教育的有机统一”。从相对优势上来看，思政课旗帜鲜明地坚持马克思主义理论的指导，激浊扬清，引领方向；其他课程寓思想政治教育于专业课程之中，潜移默化，润物无声。高校思政课是必修课，覆盖所有学生，因而能够依托完备的课程体系对所有学生进行系统性的马克思主义理论教育，这是其他课程所不具备的优势。课程思政视域下的专业课程，既有必修课，也有选修课，覆盖少数固定专业的学生，因而能够根据专业特色、个人需求进行有针对性的、隐蔽性的、渗透性的思想政治教育，更能凸显课程的亲和力与实效性。这种润物无声的隐性教育，能够有效配合思政课的显性教育，实现高校思想政治教育的全面覆盖、有效衔接以及梯次配合，既有利于打破专业课与思政课“两张皮”的窘境，还能充分发挥思政课的马克思主义领航作用。

The heterogeneity of specialized courses and ideological-political courses reveals the scientific connotation and fundamental direction of their moving in the same direction. From the perspective of curriculum-based ideological-political education, the same direction of specialized courses and ideological-political courses does not lie in the gradual convergence of structure and function, but in reaching the same goal by different paths under the objective of fostering virtue through education: the former is like spring breeze and rain, teaching according to aptitude; the latter is clear-cut and broad in coverage. The two advance in coordination, without conflict, forming a joint educational force. To achieve this goal, curriculum reform must not only be adept at excavating the ideological-political elements in specialized courses but also use Marxist positions, viewpoints, and methods to build philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics, accelerating the construction of an independent knowledge system for China. Only in this way can the perfect integration of "knowledge" and "value" be truly realized, achieving the "trinity" of value shaping, knowledge transmission, and ability cultivation.

专业课与思政课的异构性，揭示了二者同向同行的科学内涵与根本路向。课程思政视域下专业课与思政课的同向同行，不在结构功能的日渐趋同，而在立德树人目标下的殊途同归，前者春风化雨，因材施教；后者旗帜鲜明，覆盖面广，二者协同推进，并行不悖，形成育人合力。为了实现这一目标，课程改革不仅要善于挖掘专业课程中的思政元素，更要以马克思主义的立场、观点和方法打造中国特色哲学社会科学，加快构建中国自主知识体系。唯有如此，方能真正实现“知识”与“价值”的完美契合，做到价值塑造、知识传授与能力培养的“三位一体”。

II. The Same Direction of Teachers: Collaborative Innovation between Specialized Course Education and Ideological-Political Education from the Perspective of Curriculum-Based Ideological-Political Education

二、教师的同行：课程思政视域下专业课教育与思政课教育的协同创新

Curriculum reform is a key move in promoting the same direction of specialized course education and ideological-political education. Among this, teachers are the practical subjects who implement the "trinity" educational concept, promote curriculum reform, and test the effectiveness of plans; they should naturally become the vanguard in breaking down barriers, upholding fundamental principles, and breaking new ground. On the one hand, teachers grasp the direction of curriculum reform. "Ideological-political educators bear the responsibility of the 'helmsman' of ideological-political education, playing a leading role in ideological-political education, ensuring that all links and aspects of ideological-political education develop in the correct direction." On the other hand, teachers grasp the process of curriculum reform. As the "intermediary" and "bridge," teachers "combine the 'general' requirements of class and Party ideology with the 'specific reality' of the ideological-political character of the educational objects, formulate feasible educational plans, and put them into practice." From this perspective, for curriculum reform to be put into practice, it is still necessary to focus on teachers as the key subject. Promoting the collaborative innovation of specialized courses and ideological-political courses from the perspective of curriculum-based ideological-political education requires specialized course teachers and ideological-political course teachers to maintain resonance on the same frequency in the "trinity" educational concept, respect differences, break down barriers, mirror each other, and advance in coordination.

课程改革，是推动专业课教育与思政课教育同向同行的关键一招。其中，教师是贯彻“三位一体”教育理念、推行课程改革并检测方案成效的实践主体，理应成为突破壁垒、守正创新的排头兵。一方面，教师把握课程改革的方向。“思想政治教育者承担着思想政治教育‘航手’的职责，在思想政治教育中具有引领作用，保证着思想政治教育各个环节、各个方面沿着正确的方向发展。” 另一方面，教师把握课程改革的进程。教师作为“中介”与“桥梁”，“将阶级、政党意识形态要求的‘一般’与教育对象思想政治品德‘具体实际’相结合，制定出切实可行的教育方案并付诸实施”。由此观之，课程改革想要付诸实践，仍需抓好教师这一关键主体。推动课程思政视域下专业课与思政课的协同创新，需要专业课教师与思政课教师在“三位一体”育人理念上保持同频共振，尊重差异，打破壁垒，彼此对照，协同推进。

First, there must be a consciousness of moving in the same direction for education between specialized course teachers and ideological-political course teachers, actively building a communication channel for collaborative innovation. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, "The key to running ideological-political theory courses well lies in the teachers, and the key lies in bringing into play the teachers' enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity." [12]12 This quotation is from Xi Jinping's speech at a symposium for teachers of ideological-political theory courses in schools, held on March 18, 2019. Similarly, running curriculum-based ideological-political education well also lies in grasping teachers as the key subject. It can be said that teachers' educational consciousness and educational level directly affect the educational effectiveness of both ideological-political courses and curriculum-based ideological-political education. For specialized course teachers, to connect the "last mile" of curriculum-based ideological-political education construction, they must first transform their educational and teaching concepts, combining teaching with education, "not only being a 'craftsman' who imparts textbook knowledge, but also becoming a 'great master' who shapes students' character, conduct, and taste, firmly establishing a teaching concept where knowledge transmission and value guidance resonate on the same frequency." Specialized course teachers should understand the historical background and contemporary requirements for the proposal of curriculum-based ideological-political education, and should not simply interpret it as adding another course, or mechanically stuffing Marxist theory and core socialist values into the curriculum as a perfunctory matter. Specialized course teachers should implement the "trinity" educational concept, attach importance to shaping students' values, and in course teaching, excavate the value concepts, viewpoints, methods, and even the "great affairs of the state" [13]13 "国之大者" (great affairs of the state) is a term used by Xi Jinping to refer to the most fundamental and overarching issues concerning the long-term development of the Party and the country, which all cadres and educators should keep in mind. contained behind the knowledge system. For ideological-political course teachers, they must clearly recognize that the proposal of curriculum-based ideological-political education actually sets higher professional standards and educational requirements for the reform of ideological-political courses, and they must absolutely not adopt an attitude of indifference. Ideological-political course teachers should consciously participate in the construction of curriculum-based ideological-political education. On the one hand, they should actively connect with specialized course teachers, share educational experience, cultivate a sense of collaboration, and assist in the excavation and utilization of ideological-political educational elements in specialized courses; on the other hand, they should benchmark against the new requirements of curriculum-based ideological-political education construction, promote the continuous innovation of ideological-political courses with the spirit of self-revolution, enhance the professionalism, thoughtfulness, affinity, and effectiveness of ideological-political classrooms, and ultimately achieve resonance on the same frequency between ideological-political course education and specialized course education in the "trinity" educational concept.

第一，专业课教师与思政课教师之间要有同向同行的育人意识，能动地搭建起协同创新的交流通道。习近平总书记指出，“办好思想政治理论课关键在教师，关键在发挥教师的积极性、主动性、创造性”。同理，办好课程思政亦在抓好教师这一关键主体。可以说，教师的育人意识和育人水平直接影响着思政课程与课程思政的育人成效。对于专业课教师来说，要想连通课程思政建设的“最后一公里”，首先要转变教育教学观念，将教学和育人结合起来，“不只做传授书本知识的教书匠，也成为塑造学生品格、品行、品位的‘大先生’，牢固树立知识传授与价值引领同频共振的教学理念”。专业课教师要知晓课程思政提出的历史背景与时代要求，不能简单地将其理解为多加一门课，或者将马克思主义理论和社会主义核心价值观硬塞进课程之中，敷衍了事。专业课教师要贯彻“三位一体”的教育理念，重视对学生的价值塑造，在课程教学中，挖掘出知识体系背后所蕴含的价值理念、观点方法，乃至“国之大者”。对于思政课教师来说，要清楚地认识到，课程思政的提出，实则给思政课改革提出了更高的专业标准和育人要求，绝不能以事不关己的态度来处之。思政课教师要有意识地参与到课程思政的建设中，一方面，积极对接专业课教师，分享育人经验，培养协作意识，助力于专业课程中思想政治教育元素的挖掘与利用；另一方面，对标课程思政建设的新要求，以自我革命的精神来推动思政课程的不断革新，增强思政课堂的专业性、思想性、亲和力和实效性，最终实现思政课教育与专业课教育在“三位一体”育人理念上的同频共振。

Second, specialized course teachers and ideological-political course teachers must share a co-directional educational mindset, adhering to the unity of value and knowledge. In carrying out curriculum reform, ideological-political course teachers and specialized course teachers should effectively integrate value shaping, knowledge transmission, and ability cultivation. The relationship between value shaping and knowledge transmission is one of mutual dependence and mutual support; knowledge transmission is the prerequisite and foundation of value shaping, while value shaping is the goal and result of knowledge transmission. The two are inseparable and cannot be sundered. On the one hand, without the process of knowledge transmission, value shaping becomes a tree without roots. This is especially true for ideological-political courses. In March 2019, at the Symposium for Teachers of Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Schools, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized the need to continuously enhance the ideological content, theoretical depth, affinity, and pertinence of ideological-political courses, “responding to students with thorough theoretical analysis, convincing students with complete ideological theory, and guiding students with the powerful force of truth.” [14]14 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Symposium for Teachers of Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Schools,” *Qiushi*, no. 17 (2019). Ideological-political course teachers must cultivate scientific thinking, clearly explain and thoroughly clarify the intrinsic essence and logical framework of Marxist theory and core socialist values, further elevate the advanced nature and theoretical rigor of ideological-political courses, and achieve persuasion through reason. Similarly, without the ultimate goal of value shaping, knowledge transmission loses its direction and meaning. When promoting curriculum reform, specialized course teachers must adhere to the unity of value and knowledge, embedding value guidance within knowledge transmission. Marxism possesses distinct characteristics of affinity with the people, practicality, and scientificity; it must never be mechanically transplanted into course teaching. Instead, the positions, viewpoints, and methods of Marxism should be used to scientifically explore the generative pathways and evolutionary logic of knowledge, excavate and convey the value perspectives behind the knowledge system, transform the tangible into the intangible, and fully leverage the educational advantages of implicit education. As Marx himself said, “Theory also becomes a material force once it has gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical.” [15]15 Karl Marx, “Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” in *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2009), 11. Whether it is the reform of ideological-political courses or the reform of specialized courses, achieving the ideal educational effect is inseparable from the self-consistency of the knowledge system and the radicalness of scientific theory. In other words, to realize the educational synergy of all types of courses, teachers should cultivate scientific thinking, deeply analyze the logical framework of the existing knowledge system, accelerate the construction of an independent Chinese knowledge system, achieve the integration of knowledge and value, and persuade people through the radicalness of theory.

第二，专业课教师与思政课教师之间要有同向同行的育人思维，坚持价值性和知识性相统一。思政课教师和专业课教师在从事课程改革中，切实做到价值塑造、知识传授和能力培养的有机融合。价值塑造与知识传授的关系是彼此依存、辅车相依的，知识传授是价值塑造的前提和基础，价值塑造则是知识传授的目标和结果，二者形影难分、不可割裂。一方面，离开了知识传授这一过程，价值塑造也就成了无本之木。对于思政课来说，尤其如此。2019年3月，习近平总书记在学校思想政治理论课教师座谈会上强调，要不断增强思政课的思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性，“以透彻的学理分析回应学生，以彻底的思想理论说服学生，用真理的强大力量引导学生”。思政课教师要培养科学思维，讲清弄透马克思主义理论和社会主义核心价值观的内在本质和逻辑理路，进一步提升思政课的高阶性和学理性，做到以理服人。同样，离开了价值塑造这一最终目标，知识传授也就失去了方向与意义。在推动课程改革时，专业课教师要坚持价值性和知识性相统一，寓价值观引导于知识传授之中。马克思主义具有鲜明的人民性、实践性和科学性特征，决不能将其生搬硬套进课程教学中，而是要用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法，科学地探究知识的生成路径和演进逻辑，挖掘并传递知识体系背后的价值观点，做到化有形为无形，充分发挥隐性教育的育人优势。恰如马克思所言，“理论一经掌握群众，也会变成物质力量。理论只要说服人，就能掌握群众；而理论只要彻底，就能说服人”。无论是思政课改革，还是专业课改革，要想达到理想的育人效果，都离不开知识体系的自洽性与科学理论的彻底性。换句话说，要想实现各类课程的育人合力，教师应培养科学思维，深刻剖析现有知识体系的逻辑理路，加快构建中国自主知识体系，实现知识与价值的契合，以理论的彻底性来说服人。

Third, specialized course teachers and ideological-political course teachers must share a co-directional educational spirit, learning from each other, complementing each other’s strengths, and choosing the good to follow while maintaining their own advantages. At present, both ideological-political courses and specialized courses under the perspective of curriculum-based ideological-political education face the problem of “two separate skins” between ideological-political education and specialized course education. The former emphasizes value shaping, but its teaching content and forms remain relatively singular; the latter emphasizes knowledge transmission and ability cultivation, but its excavation of ideological-political elements and moral education content is insufficient. From this perspective, although both have specific problems, each also possesses relative advantages, precisely enabling mutual learning and coordinated advancement. On the one hand, to enhance the pertinence and affinity of ideological-political education, the reform of ideological-political courses can draw on the advantages of small-class teaching, strengthening the systematicity, logic, interactivity, and reality of knowledge transmission, and resolving students’ theoretical and practical confusions through reasoning. Currently, some universities have gradually explored a teaching model of “large-class lectures plus small-class seminars” for ideological-political courses, adopting inquiry-based group collaborative learning methods to enhance students’ participation, autonomy, and sense of achievement, and have achieved fruitful educational outcomes. Beyond borrowing teaching models, the reform of ideological-political courses should also fully absorb classic cases from specialized courses to achieve linkage in course content. For example, when teaching Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, teachers can adopt thematic and case-based teaching methods, presenting the historic achievements and historic transformations China has made in the New Era to concretely analyze and introduce the main content, framework structure, and logical reasoning of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and, while summarizing experiences, dissect its worldview and methodology. On the other hand, to better “embed value guidance within knowledge transmission and ability cultivation,” the reform of specialized courses should draw on the “grand historical perspective” of ideological-political course teaching, base itself on the “two overall situations,” [16]16 “Two overall situations” refers to the overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the overall situation of changes unseen in a century. bear in mind the “great affairs of the state,” [17]17 “Great affairs of the state” is a phrase from the classical text *Zuo Zhuan* (Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), meaning matters of fundamental importance to the country; in contemporary usage, it refers to the major policies and strategic priorities of the Party and the state. and, within the context of the development trends of the world and China today, teach the ins and outs, mainstream, and essence of knowledge points, inspiring students to broaden their horizons, open their minds, set great aspirations, integrate into the mainstream, and make new contributions. For example, when teaching chip technology, it is necessary not only to explain the core principles, research and development difficulties, and development directions of chip technology but also to clarify the hegemonic thinking behind U.S. sanctions on China’s chip manufacturing industry and the urgency of achieving independent innovation in China’s chip industry, inspiring students to integrate the “small self” into the “big self” with patriotic sentiment and produce a fully independent and self-reliant “Chinese chip.”

第三，专业课教师与思政课教师之间要有同向同行的育人精神，在保持自身优势的前提下，相互借鉴，取长补短，择善而从。目前，无论是思政课程，还是课程思政视域下的专业课程，皆面临着思政课教育和专业课教育“两张皮”的问题。前者重视价值塑造，但教学内容和教学形式仍趋单一；后者重视知识传授和能力培养，但思政元素和德育内容挖掘不够。由此观之，二者虽然都有特殊问题，但也各具相对优势，恰恰能够相互借鉴，协同推进。一方面，为了提高思想政治教育的针对性与亲和力，思政课改革可以借鉴小班授课的优势，增强知识传授的系统性、逻辑性、交互性与现实性，通过说理的方式解决学生的理论困惑与现实困惑。目前，部分高校逐渐探索出“大班授课+小班研讨”的思政课教学模式，采取探究式小组协作的学习方式增强学生的参与度、自主性与获得感，并已取得丰硕的育人成果。除了教学模式上的借鉴，思政课改革亦应充分吸收专业课上的经典案例，实现课程内容上的联动。例如，在讲授习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想时，教师可以采取专题式、案例式教学，通过展现我国在新时代所取得的历史性成就、历史性变革，来具体分析介绍习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的主体内容、框架结构和逻辑理路，并在总结经验中剖析习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的世界观与方法论。另一方面，为了更好地“寓价值观引导于知识传授和能力培养之中”，专业课改革应借鉴思政课教学中的“大历史观”，立足“两个大局”，心怀“国之大者”，在当今世界和中国的发展大势下讲授知识点的来龙去脉、主流本质，激励学生开阔眼界、敞开胸怀，立大志、入主流、建新功。例如，在讲授芯片技术时，既要讲明白芯片技术的核心原理、研发难度与发展方向，又要讲清楚美国制裁中国芯片制造业的强权思维，以及我国实现芯片产业自主创新的迫切性，激励学生将“小我”融入“大我”的爱国主义情怀，制造出我国完全独立自主的“中国芯”。

In recent years, the reform of ideological-political courses has achieved initial results. The proposal of curriculum-based ideological-political education marks the beginning of a new round of curriculum reform. The simultaneous advancement of these two reforms aims to achieve co-directional alignment between specialized courses and ideological-political courses at the educational level. The two reforms each have their own focus and proceed steadily, but they are not two non-intersecting parallel lines; rather, they are intertwined, mutually reflective, and spiraling upward in a synergistic relationship. Otherwise, the reforms of the two types of courses will still be unable to escape the predicament of “two separate skins.” Promoting the collaborative innovation of the two curriculum reforms requires ideological-political course teachers and specialized course teachers to maintain resonance at the same frequency on the “three-in-one” educational concept—adhering to the unity of academic rigor and political nature, and the unity of value and knowledge, and enhancing the persuasiveness of courses through the radicalness of theory.

近年来，思政课程的改革初见成效。课程思政的提出，标志着新一轮课程改革已然开始。两种改革同步推进，目的便在于实现专业课程与思政课程在育人层面上的同向同行。两种改革各有侧重、稳步推进，但却不是两条互不相交的平行线，而是彼此交织、相互对照、螺旋上升的协同关系，不然，两种课程的改革仍然摆脱不了“两张皮”的困境。推动两种课程改革的协同创新，需要思政课教师与专业课教师在“三位一体”育人理念上保持同频共振——坚持学理性与政治性相统一，价值性与知识性相统一，通过理论的彻底性来提高课程的说服力。

III. Co-directionality of Teachers and Students: Common Principles for the Reform of Specialized Courses and Ideological-Political Courses from the Perspective of Curriculum-Based Ideological-Political Education

三、师生的同行：课程思政视域下专业课改革与思政课改革的共同遵循

The core connotation of both curriculum-based ideological-political education and ideological-political courses is education, which provides the fundamental principle and directional guidance for curriculum reform. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “What kind of people to cultivate, how to cultivate them, and for whom to cultivate them are the fundamental issues of education.” Under the leadership of the Party, adhering to the guiding position of Marxism, upholding the path of socialist education with Chinese characteristics, adhering to the socialist direction of running schools, basing ourselves on the basic national conditions, following the laws of education, persisting in reform and innovation, and cultivating socialist builders and successors who are well-developed morally, intellectually, physically, aesthetically, and labor-wise are the fundamental purposes of China’s educational policy. The comprehensive advancement of curriculum-based ideological-political education “is precisely about embedding value guidance within knowledge transmission and ability cultivation, helping students shape a correct worldview, outlook on life, and value system. This is both the inherent meaning of talent cultivation and an essential component.” [18]18 Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, “Guidelines for the Construction of Curriculum-Based Ideological-Political Education in Higher Education Institutions” (2020). Therefore, curriculum reform is not only the creation of a “golden course” standard of “high-level, innovative, and challenging” [19]19 “High-level, innovative, and challenging” (两性一度) is a standard for “golden courses” (金课) proposed by the Ministry of Education, referring to courses that are advanced in content, innovative in form, and challenging in requirements. but also a redefinition of the teacher-student relationship in classroom teaching.

课程思政与思政课程的核心内涵都是育人，这便为课程改革提供了根本遵循与方向指引。习近平总书记指出：“培养什么人、怎样培养人、为谁培养人是教育的根本问题。”在党的领导下，坚持马克思主义指导地位，坚持中国特色社会主义教育发展道路，坚持社会主义办学方向，立足基本国情，遵循教育规律，坚持改革创新，培养德智体美劳全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人，是我国教育方针的根本目的。课程思政的全面推进，“就是要寓价值观引导于知识传授和能力培养之中，帮助学生塑造正确的世界观、人生观、价值观，这是人才培养的应有之义，更是必备内容”。因此，课程改革既是对“两性一度”金课标准的打造，也是对课堂教学中师生关系的再定义。

In curriculum reform, the evaluation of educational effectiveness lies not only with the teacher but also with the student. With the continuous development of informatization, the ways of acquiring and imparting knowledge, as well as the relationship between teaching and learning, have undergone revolutionary changes. Against this backdrop, scientifically understanding and correctly handling the relationship between educators and the educated will help improve the educational effectiveness of ideological-political education. It must be understood that the process of education is not merely one of teacher-led output but also one of students’ active reception. Value shaping, unlike knowledge transmission and ability cultivation, is rooted in the internal recognition that follows the subject’s rational reflection. In other words, the object of education is a “person” with subjective initiative, not a “thing.” When receiving value shaping, they do not passively, negatively, or unthinkingly accept everything; rather, they accept and internalize it purposefully, with their own views, selectively, and even creatively. Therefore, the effectiveness of education cannot be defined solely by the teacher’s condition or by educational mediators such as content, methods, or means; it must be assessed through the internalization of the educational object—whether ideological-political education has “entered the mind”—and its externalization—whether it has achieved the transformation from spiritual force into material force. Simply put, the student’s sense of gain should become an important yardstick for evaluating the educational effectiveness of curriculum reform.

在课程改革中，育人成效的评判，不仅在教师，更在学生。随着信息化不断发展，知识获取方式和传授方式、教与学的关系都发生了革命性变化。在此时代背景下，科学认识和正确处理教育者与受教育者之间的关系，将有利于提高思想政治教育的育人效果。要明白，育人的过程，不仅仅是教师主导输出的过程，还是学生主动接受的过程。价值塑造，不同于知识传授与能力培养，它植根于主体理性思考之后的内在认同。换句话说，教育对象是一个具有主观能动性的“人”而不是“物”，他们在接受价值塑造时，不是被动地、消极地、不假思索地全部接受，而是有目的、有主见、有选择甚至有创造地接受并内化于心。因此，育人的效果，不能仅仅通过教师的状况或教育内容、教育方法、教育手段等教育介体来界定，而是要通过教育对象的内化情况——思想政治教育是否“进了头脑”和外化情况——是否实现由精神力量向物质力量的转化来评定。简单来说，学生的获得感，理应成为评判课程改革育人成效的重要标尺。

From this perspective, advancing the collaborative innovation between specialized course education and ideological-political course education from the perspective of “curriculum-based ideological-political education” cannot be separated from teacher reform, nor from the joint efforts of teachers and students. Taking the construction of “grand ideological-political courses” at Nankai University as an example, in recent years Nankai University has focused on creating a distinctive educational model of “four co-actions between teachers and students.” [20]20 The “four co-actions between teachers and students” (师生四同) refers to a model where teachers and students study, research, lecture, and act together, emphasizing shared participation in theoretical and practical activities. Centered on major theoretical and practical issues, teachers and students “study together, research together, lecture together, and act together,” “jointly applying theoretical knowledge to practice and using vivid, lively practice to strengthen recognition.” The construction of a teacher-student community helps grasp the direction and content of curriculum reform, enabling teachers to rethink their own positioning and role from the mirror of their students, thereby avoiding many practical pitfalls. For instance, to help students integrate learning, thinking, and application, and unify knowledge, belief, and action, universities generally explore new models, forms, and directions for practical teaching. In practical teaching models, besides forms such as visits and research, scenario reenactment, volunteer service, productive labor, video production, and speeches and debates, VR experiences have already become one of the most promising directions for exploration. To enrich classroom teaching content, some universities focus on building virtual classrooms, using VR technology to present a three-dimensional virtual world in panoramic view, allowing students to gain immersive experiences through simulations of sight, hearing, touch, and other senses. In scenario presentation, museums, memorial halls, Party history museums, and martyrs’ cemeteries—the red gene pools of the Party and the state—can be “moved” into the virtual world, providing students with richer teaching resources and more authentic emotional experiences. However, it is undeniable that the construction of virtual classrooms is still in the exploratory stage, with problems such as simple replication of teaching resources, insufficient interaction in the virtual world, and disconnection between virtual classrooms and real-world teaching. The reason lies in the absence of “teacher-student co-action,” which turns curriculum reform into a teacher’s “one-man show.” Despite seemingly diverse forms, it neglects students’ actual needs, resulting in educational effectiveness that yields half the results with twice the effort.

由此观之，推进课程思政视域下专业课教育与思政课教育的协同创新，离不开教师的改革，更离不开师生的同行。以南开大学“大思政课”建设为例，近年来，南开大学着力打造“师生四同”特色育人模式，围绕重大理论问题和实践问题，广大师生“同学、同研、同讲、同行”，“共同将理论知识用于实践，运用生动鲜活的实践强化认同”。师生共同体的构建，有助于把握课程改革的方向与内容，使得教师能够从学生的镜像中重新思考自己的定位和作用，也就避免了诸多实践误区。例如，为了助力学生学思用贯通、知信行统一，高校普遍探索实践教学的新模式、新形态和新方向。在实践教学模式中，除了参观调研、情景重现、志愿服务、生产劳动、视频制作、演讲辩论等形式外，VR体验已然成为最具潜力的探索方向之一。为了丰富课堂教学内容，部分高校着力打造虚拟课堂建设，利用VR技术全景展现出一个三维空间的虚拟世界，让学生在视觉、听觉、触觉等感官的模拟中获得沉浸式体验。在情景呈现中，可以将博物馆、纪念馆、党史馆、烈士陵园等党和国家的红色基因库“搬进”虚拟世界，使学生获得更为丰富的教学资源、更为真实的情感体验。但不可否认的是，虚拟课堂的建设仍处于探索阶段，存在着教学资源简单复制、虚拟世界交互不足、虚拟课堂与现实授课脱节等问题。究其原因，就在于“师生同行”的缺失，使得课程改革成为教师的“独角戏”，看似形式多样，但却忽略了学生的实际需求，育人效果事倍功半。

Exploring the specific path of “teacher-student co-action” cannot be separated from teachers’ curriculum design and dynamic adjustments based on students’ actual conditions. In recent years, curriculum reform has achieved remarkable results: teaching resources have become increasingly abundant, teaching concepts increasingly mature, and teaching models increasingly diverse. However, how to achieve the multiplier effect of “1+1>2” in educational synergy remains an ongoing issue of the times. To realize the educational synergy of curriculum reform, curriculum design must first be done well, replacing simple stacking with rational allocation of teaching resources, and replacing rigid implantation with tiered coordination of teaching models. Ideological-political work is fundamentally about working with people; it requires linking with students’ actual ideological conditions to achieve coherence in teaching content and unity in teaching logic. In other words, curriculum design should take a specific issue as the entry point, firmly grasp the main thread of classroom teaching, and supplement it with various teaching resources and models, ultimately forming educational synergy. The same applies to the collaborative innovation between ideological-political course education and specialized course education from the perspective of “curriculum-based ideological-political education.” Curriculum design must clarify teaching objectives, teaching difficulties, teaching methods, teaching content, and teaching evaluation; scientifically and rationally plan the teaching process of a single class or even an entire course; and appropriately design the mode of appearance and sequence of auxiliary means such as small-class seminars and practical teaching, so that resources are truly used to their fullest. In short, all teaching concepts, resources, and models should aim to assist classroom teaching, rather than “usurp the role of the host.” [21]21 “Usurp the role of the host” (越俎代庖) is a classical Chinese idiom from the Zhuangzi, meaning to do someone else’s job for them, here referring to auxiliary teaching methods improperly replacing the core classroom teaching. In this stage of curriculum design, teachers must scientifically anticipate and rationally evaluate the educational effectiveness of the curriculum, truly maximizing the utilization of teaching resources.

探索“师生同行”的具体路径，离不开教师立足于学生实际的课程设计与动态调整。近年来，课程改革已然取得卓越成绩，教学资源日趋丰富，教学理念日益成熟，教学模式日趋多元，但在育人合力上如何实现“1+1>2”的倍增效果仍是持续探索的时代议题。要想实现课程改革的育人合力，首先要做好课程设计，以教学资源的合理配置取代简单叠加，以教学模式的梯次配合取代僵化植入。思想政治工作从根本上说是做人的工作，它要求联系学生思想实际，做到教学内容的连贯性、授课逻辑的统一性。换句话说，课程设计要以某一问题为切入点，紧紧抓住课堂教学的主流主线，辅以各种教学资源和教学模式，最终形成育人合力。课程思政视域下思政课教育与专业课教育的协同创新亦是如此，课程设计要明晰教学目标、教学难点、教学方法、教学内容以及教学评价，科学合理地规划一堂课乃至一门课的教学进程，恰当地设计小班研讨、实践教学等辅助手段的出场方式和出场序列，方能真正地物尽其用。总之，各种教学理念、教学资源、教学模式，皆应以辅助课堂教学为目标，而不能“越俎代庖”。在课程设计这一环节中，教师要科学预见并理性评估课程育人成效，真正实现教学资源利用的最大化。

For example, specialized course teachers and ideological-political course teachers can build a case-sharing platform based on actual needs, rationally design the order of appearance and structural functions of teaching cases, and enhance the diversity, richness, and practicality of teaching content and forms. At present, building a case-sharing platform is an effective method for breaking disciplinary boundaries and achieving the alignment of various courses. The advantages of ideological-political course teachers and specialized course teachers jointly building a case library for ideological-political teaching are reflected in two aspects. On the one hand, when teachers from different courses jointly build cases, it can overcome the limitations of teachers’ disciplinary backgrounds, integrating multiple analytical methods, and more clearly presenting the background, historical evolution, and contemporary significance of a particular knowledge point. This enables students not only to acquire knowledge but also to understand the trends of the times and the broader world situation, effectively integrating the “small self” into the “big self,” combining the specific goals of learning with the grand goal of national rejuvenation, and striving for it. It is worth noting that case integration does not mean merging ideological-political courses and specialized courses into one; each course still has its own focus. However, compared to the previous state of mutual isolation between courses, case integration can promote cross-referencing and exchange between courses, leveraging their respective strengths to achieve complementary advantages. On the other hand, from the perspective of inter-course coordination, the establishment of a case library helps avoid repetitive analysis and use of the same knowledge points or ideological-political elements across different courses, enhancing the theoretical depth of specific issues rather than merely skimming the surface. The construction of a case-sharing platform helps ideological-political course teachers teach with ideological-political education elements that are closer to students’ professional backgrounds, enhancing the affinity and targetedness of ideological-political courses. Similarly, specialized course teachers can draw inferences from the same or similar cases, excavating ideological-political education elements within their own disciplines, and improving the practical effectiveness of curriculum-based education. This kind of targeted curriculum design based on students’ actual conditions can meet students’ professional needs, achieve value identification, and also promote the alignment and collaborative education of various courses.

例如，专业课教师和思政课教师可根据实际需求打造案例共享平台，合理设计教学案例的出场顺序与结构功能，提升教学内容和教学形式的多样性、丰富性和实践性。目前来看，打造案例共享平台，是打破学科边界、实现各类课程同向同行的有效办法。思政课教师和专业课教师携手打造思政教学案例库的优势体现在两个方面。一方面，不同课程教师共同打造案例，能够克服教师在学科背景上的局限性，使得多种分析方法融合其中，更加清晰地展现某一知识点的诞生背景、历史沿革以及时代意义，使得学生不仅能够获取知识，还能知晓时代潮流与世界大势，切实将“小我”融入“大我”，把学习的具体目标同民族复兴的宏大目标结合起来，并为之而奋斗。值得注意的是，案例融合并不是要把思政课与专业课融为一门课，各门课程之间仍是各有侧重，但相比以往各门课程之间相互隔绝的状态，可以通过案例融合，促进课程之间的借鉴交流，发挥各自特长，实现优势互补。另一方面，从课程之间相互配合的角度来看，案例库的建立，有利于避免不同课程对相同知识点或思政元素的重复性分析与利用，提升具体问题的理论深度而非简单流于表面。案例共享平台的搭建，有利于帮助思政课教师以更加贴近学生专业背景的思想政治教育元素进行教学，增强思政课的亲和力与针对性。同样，专业课教师可以根据相同案例或者类似案例，举一反三，挖掘本专业的思想政治教育元素，提升课程育人的实效。这种根据学生实际而进行的有针对性的课程设计，方能满足学生的专业需求，实现价值认同，亦能推动各类课程同向发力、协同育人。

Exploring the concrete path of “teachers and students walking together” is inseparable from the regularized construction of channels for teacher-student exchange and feedback. In order to constantly grasp the direction and effectiveness of curriculum reform, institutions of higher education should establish an evaluation and feedback mechanism between teachers and students. It must be understood that “the object of ideological-political education is the starting point and the ultimate goal of the implementation activities of ideological-political education.” [22]22 Zhang Yaocan, Chen Wanbai, et al., *Ideological-Political Education Pedagogy Principles* (Beijing: Higher Education Press, 2015), p. 160. In promoting the collaborative innovation of ideological-political courses and curriculum-based ideological-political education, teachers should not proceed from their own subjective wishes, but rather from the educational object’s situation regarding knowledge mastery, capacity development, and ideological-political and moral character, concretely formulating the goals, content, means, and evaluation mechanisms of education through the curriculum. At the same time, institutions of higher education should strive to establish an evaluation and feedback mechanism between teachers and students, ensuring that students, as the key subject, can deeply participate in the entire process of curriculum reform. Only in this way can teachers promptly capture the psychological changes of the educational object and thereby assess the strengths and weaknesses of curriculum reform. Taking the “flipped classroom” in higher education as an example, the attitudes, emotions, words, and deeds displayed by the educational object when facing the “flipped classroom” can reflect the advantages and shortcomings of this educational practice; teachers can then optimize the design of the “flipped classroom” based on the feedback. It can be seen that the evaluation and feedback mechanism between teachers and students can maximize the correction of various erroneous tendencies, ensuring that curriculum reform develops in the correct direction.

探索“师生同行”的具体路径，离不开师生交流反馈渠道的常态化建设。为了时刻把握课程改革的方向与成效，高校应建立起教师与学生之间的评价反馈机制。要知道，“思想政治教育对象是思想政治教育实施活动的出发点和落脚点”。在推动思政课程与课程思政的协同创新中，教师不能从自己的主观愿望出发，而是要从教育对象的知识掌握情况、能力培养情况以及思想政治品德情况出发，具体制定课程育人的目标、内容、手段以及评价机制。同时，高校要努力建立教师与学生之间的评价反馈机制，确保学生这一关键主体能够深度参与到课程改革的全过程之中。唯有如此，教师才能及时地捕捉到教育对象的心理变化，并以此来评估课程改革的优势与不足。以高校的“翻转课堂”为例，教育对象在面对“翻转课堂”时所表现出来的态度、情感和言行，即能反馈出“翻转课堂”这一教育实践的优点与不足之处，教师即可根据反馈情况，优化“翻转课堂”的设计。可见，教师与学生之间的评价反馈机制，能够最大限度地实现对各种错误倾向的纠偏，保证课程改革朝着正确的方向发展。

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “The era is the mother of thought; practice is the source of theory. The development of practice is endless; our understanding of truth and our theoretical innovation are therefore endless.” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Conference Celebrating the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China” (July 1, 2016), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Important Works*, Vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2024), p. 32. With the development of the era, new demands, new concepts, and new technologies will also emerge, which means that curriculum reform is endless, and promoting the collaborative innovation of ideological-political courses and curriculum-based ideological-political education is endless. It is worth noting that curriculum reform itself is not the goal; reforming for the sake of reform will only lead to teachers and students becoming exhausted from coping, with educational effectiveness yielding half the results with twice the effort, or even regressing rather than advancing, ultimately losing the meaning and direction of curriculum reform. It should be recognized that whether it is the continuous reform of ideological-political courses in recent years or the proposal of curriculum-based ideological-political education, their orientation lies in fostering virtue and nurturing “people,” in enhancing students’ sense of gain and experience; this is the original aspiration and founding mission of curriculum reform. Only by not forgetting the original aspiration can we ensure that the direction of curriculum reform never loses its way, and that the educational effectiveness of curriculum reform iteratively increases.

习近平总书记指出：“时代是思想之母，实践是理论之源。实践发展永无止境，我们认识真理、进行理论创新就永无止境。”随着时代的发展，新的需求、新的理念、新的技术也会随之出现，这就意味着，课程改革永无止境，推动思政课程与课程思政的协同创新永无止境。值得注意的是，课程改革本身不是目的，为了改革而改革，只会导致教师和学生疲于应付，育人成效事倍功半，甚至不进反退，最终丧失课程改革的意义与方向。应该看到，无论是近年来思政课的持续改革，还是课程思政的提出，其指向都在于立德树“人”，在于提高学生的获得感和体验感，这才是课程改革的初心与使命。唯有不忘初心，才能保障课程改革的方向永不迷失，才能确保课程改革的育人成效迭代增加。

(Author’s biography: Ren Menglei, Lecturer at the School of Marxism, Nankai University)

（作者简介：任梦磊，南开大学马克思主义学院讲师）

(This article is a phased result of the National Social Science Fund Ideological-Political Special Project “Research on Improving the Teaching Quality of Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Higher Education Institutions” (Project No. 23VSZ084))

（本文系国家社会科学基金思政专项“高校思想政治理论课教学质量提升研究”（项目号：23VSZ084）的阶段性成果）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心