马克思主义研究网Marxism Research Network

Unofficial English translation by DeepSeek, a Chinese LLM · source marxism.cass.cn

Insights on Upholding Fundamental Principles and Breaking New Ground to Promote the Connotative Development of Ideological and Political Course Construction in Higher Education

梅荣政:对守正创新推动高校思政课建设内涵式发展的领悟

· · Ideological & Political Education · 12 min read

At present, the construction of ideological and political courses in schools at all levels and of all types is in a golden period. On March 18, 2019, Xi Jinping personally presided over a symposium for

现在,各级各类学校的思政课建设正处于黄金时期。2019年3月18日,习近平亲自主持召开学校思想政治理论课教师座谈会并发表重要讲话,强调“要把统筹推进大中小学思政课一体化建设作为一项重要工程,坚持问题导向和目标导向相结合,坚持守正和创新相统一,推动思政课建设内涵式发展”。[1] 2024年5月11日,新时代学校思政课建设推进会上传达了习近平对学校思政课建设的重要指示,强调“守正创新推动思政课建设内涵式发展”。[2]推动思政课建设内涵式发展,是我国高等教育内涵式发展的重要部分,不仅会牵引新时代思政课建设目标要求、教学关系、教学内容、教学评价等多个方面的提升,而且具有重点突破、把整个高等教育教学领域改革推向纵深的重大意义。因此,我们要以清醒的政治意识,自觉从新时代新征程的时代高度,从以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导,实现新时代新的文化使命,培养担当民族复兴重任的时代新人的国家战略高度,紧密联系历史实际、现实实际、思想实际,反复领悟其深刻内涵、突破性意义、现实迫切性和久远影响。

What is connotative development? Connotation refers to the intrinsic essence of the object reflected by a concept, that is, its qualitative determination, unlike denotation, which refers to the quantitative determination of a concept. Connotative development is a type of development model that emphasizes following the laws of the development process of things, taking the intrinsic essential elements of things and their interrelations, as well as internal needs, as the driving force. Through deepening reform, stimulating vitality, optimizing structure, improving quality, and enhancing strength, it promotes qualitative change and achieves leapfrog development. For the construction of ideological and political courses in higher education institutions, the essence of connotative development is to, under the premise of ensuring a certain scale, professional structure, and material (financial and material input) conditions, fully leverage the role of the teaching staff as the "main force," course construction as the "main battlefield," and classroom teaching as the "main channel." It involves reform and innovation in teaching philosophy, teaching objectives, teaching content (including curriculum design), teaching methods, teaching evaluation, teaching management, scientific research, and teacher quality, thereby achieving an improvement in the quality of forging souls and educating people. At the same time, it promotes the alignment of various courses with ideological and political courses, achieving the educational effect of ideological and political courses in enlightening the mind and nurturing the heart.

何谓内涵式发展?内涵系指概念所反映的对象的内在本质,即质的规定性,不像外延指的是概念量的规定性。内涵式发展是指一种发展模式的类型,强调遵循事物发展过程的规律,以事物内在的本质要素及其相互关系、内在需求为动力,通过深化改革、激发活力、优化结构、提高质量、增强实力,促进质变,实现跨越式发展。对于高校思政课建设来说,内涵式发展的要义,就是在一定数量规模、专业结构、物质(财力、物力投入)条件得到保障前提下,充分发挥教师队伍“主力军”、课程建设“主战场”、课堂教学“主渠道”作用,在教学理念、教学目标、教学内容(含课程设置)、教学方式、教学评估、教学管理、科学研究、教师素质等方面进行改革与创新,从而实现铸魂育人质量提升。同时推进各类课程与思政课程同向同行,达到课程思政启智润心的育人效果。

There are various opinions in the academic community on how to achieve the connotative development of ideological and political course construction, each with its own insights. This article attempts to adhere to the principle of combining problem orientation with goal orientation, and upholding integrity with innovation, and specifically discusses five aspects of thought.

如何实现思政课建设内涵式发展,学界有多种意见,可谓见仁见智。本文试坚持问题导向和目标导向相结合、守正和创新相统一的原则,具体谈五个方面的思考。

First, unswervingly adhere to one "foundation." The so-called "foundation" means adhering to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, and unswervingly implementing Xi Jinping's series of important expositions on ideological and political course construction throughout the entire process, all aspects, and every link of ideological and political course construction. This is the fundamental guideline for ideological and political course construction. On this issue, three points need to be particularly well grasped. First, since the 18th National Congress of the CPC

第一,坚定不移地坚持一个“根本”。所谓“根本”,就是要坚持习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导,把习近平关于思政课建设的系列重要论述,坚定不移地贯彻到思政课建设的全过程、各方面、各环节,这是思政课建设的根本遵循。在这一问题上,有三点需特别把握好。一是,党的十八大以来,习近平关于思政课的论述已经形成相对独立的完整思想体系,我们当全面地历史地把握其内在的紧密联系,从思想体系的高度来领悟和践行其原理和科学精神。二是,要确保习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想彻底贯彻落实到各门思政课教学内容、教学过程和教学环节中。要紧密结合历史与现实、国际与国内,讲深讲透讲活习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的学理、道理、哲理。三是,要对照实现思政课建设内涵式发展的目标要求,找出观念、具体制度和实际政策上存在的短板,通过改革守正创新、开拓新局。

Second, firmly grasp one "key." The so-called "key" is the construction of the teaching force for ideological and political theory courses. Xi Jinping pointed out that ideological and political theory courses are the key courses for implementing the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education, and ideological and political theory course teachers are the key to running these courses well.[1]1 The “85 Plan,” “98 Plan,” and “05 Plan” refer to successive curriculum frameworks for ideological-political courses in Chinese higher education, approved by the Party Central Committee in 1985, 1998, and 2005 respectively, each adapting to the political and theoretical priorities of its era. At present, we already have a relatively strong teaching force loyal to the Party, loyal to the people's educational cause, and loyal to the cause of constructing ideological and political theory courses. However, this force still falls considerably short of General Secretary Xi Jinping

第二,紧紧抓住一个“关键”。所谓“关键”,就是思政课教师的队伍建设。习近平指出,思政课是落实立德树人根本任务的关键课程,思政课教师是办好思政课的关键。[1]现今我们已有了一支比较强大的,忠于党、忠于人民教育事业、忠于思政课建设事业的教师队伍。但这支队伍离习近平总书记的期望、要求还有不小的距离。习近平指出,思政课教师要全面贯彻党的教育方针,着力解决好培养什么人、怎样培养人、为谁培养人这一教育的根本问题。[1]他要求思政课教师“政治要强、情怀要深、思维要新、视野要广、自律要严、人格要正”,[1]做信仰坚定、品德高尚、功底扎实、学识渊博的人。他提出推动思政课改革创新的“八个相统一”,强调要不断增强思政课的思想性、理论性和亲和力、针对性。对照这些重大论述和殷切希望,我深深感到,思政课教师队伍建设还任重道远。就其现状说,近几年不少高校的思政课老教师成批退休,同时有成批新教师入职。这批新生力量,一般来说,学历高外语好、思想敏锐、眼界宽阔、上进心强、勇于创新、富有活力,若培养引导得好,前途无量。但是,这支新生力量不少来自非马克思主义专业,对马克思主义整体性特征了解不够,马克思主义基础理论相对薄弱,对富含历史哲理的党史、新中国史、改革开放史、社会主义发展史以及中华民族发展史的掌握很不平衡,对“四个自信”的坚定信仰、对思政课教学的深厚情感还待进一步引导和培养,从事思政课教研的专门技能和运用能力有待补课,严谨治学不畏艰难的科学精神还需时日深化引导。现在的问题是要强化领导管理,积极主动采取措施抓紧培养。客观地说,我们党和政府一贯关心爱护教师特别是思政课教师,出台了许多保障教师健康发展、激发其积极主动性的暖心政策,起到了很好的作用。现在,宜根据守正创新推动思政课建设内涵式发展的新实际、高要求,进一步从满足教师需要和教育引导两方面做好工作。一方面,跟踪研究不断变化着的教师队伍的思想、研学状况,如思政课教师特别是中青年教师大部分时间和具体活动在做什么,读什么书研究什么课题,所读的书和研究的课题与思政课教学有无关系,他们在进步成长和专业发展上存在什么问题,请求组织上提供什么,等等,从而有针对性地解决其不断变化发展着的思想问题和实际问题,持续发挥其积极主动性和创造性。另一方面,紧密结合思政课教师的思想、工作和生活实际,教育引导他们贯彻落实党和国家日益完善的关于教师队伍建设的科学理念、制度规范、方针政策和教学纪律等,以提升他们的思想境界、政治站位和纪律观念,并将这些转化为教书育人的深厚情怀和实践行动。

Third, firmly grasp one "key point." This is the issue of textbooks for ideological-political courses. The Central Propaganda Department and the Ministry of Education place great importance on the compilation of textbooks for ideological-political courses, and the construction of key textbooks under the Marxist Theory Research and Development Project has achieved significant results. In particular, they have consistently adhered to teaching practice, extensively solicited opinions from all sides, and continuously revised and improved, thereby enhancing the quality of textbooks and increasing their applicability in teaching. Here, focusing solely on the teaching of ideological-political courses in higher education, the problems to be resolved are whether the key textbooks of the Marxist Theory Research and Development Project are genuinely used and whether they are used well. Currently, the academic community is generally concerned that textbooks for ideological-political courses differ from ordinary specialized textbooks and should have higher requirements in reflecting the will of the state and the Party's educational policy. There is a hope to further strengthen and improve the leadership and management (including approval and inspection) of curriculum design and the compilation of corresponding textbooks and supplementary reading materials, so as to always guide the initiative and innovation at the grassroots level in the correct direction and continuously elevate it to the strategic guidance level of the state, adapting to the new cultural mission of the New Era. Among these, the most important is to further implement and deepen the important directives of Xi Jinping, such as "to run ideological-political courses well is to carry out Marxist theoretical education and to forge souls and educate people with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era"[1]1 The “85 Plan,” “98 Plan,” and “05 Plan” refer to successive curriculum frameworks for ideological-political courses in Chinese higher education, approved by the Party Central Committee in 1985, 1998, and 2005 respectively, each adapting to the political and theoretical priorities of its era. and "to construct a curriculum and textbook system with Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era as its core content."[2]2 The “two courses” (两课) is a standard abbreviation for Marxist theory courses and ideological-moral education courses, a core component of the ideological-political education system in Chinese universities. In this regard, the "Eight Unifications"[3] proposed by Xi Jinping are full of living dialectics, and the requirements of these "Eight Unifications" must be clearly reflected in the compilation and revision of textbooks and supplementary reading materials.

第三,牢牢把握一个“重点”。这就是思政课的教材问题。中宣部、教育部非常重视思政课教材的编写,马克思主义理论研究和建设工程重点教材建设取得了很大成就。特别是一直坚持通过教学实践,广泛听取各方面意见,不断修订完善,使教材质量不断提高,教学适用性不断增强。这里仅就高校思政课教学来说,存在待解决的问题是,马工程重点教材是不是真用、是不是用得好?现在学界普遍关注的是,思政课教材不同于一般专业性教材,在体现国家意志、党的教育方针方面应有更高的要求,希望进一步加强和改善课程设置及相应教材、辅助读物编写的领导和管理(包含审批和检查),以把基层的积极性创新性始终导向正确方向,并不断提升到适应实现新时代新的文化使命的国家战略指导高度。其中最为重要的是要把习近平关于“办好思政课,就是要开展马克思主义理论教育,用新时代中国特色社会主义思想铸魂育人”[1]、“构建以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为核心内容的课程教材体系”[2]等重要指示,进一步落实到位并推向纵深。在这方面,习近平提出的“八个相统一”,充满了活生生的辩证法,在教材和辅助读物的编写及修订中要鲜明地体现这“八个相统一”的要求。

Fourth, correctly handle the "three major relationships." The first is the relationship between the disciplinary construction of Marxist theory and the construction of ideological-political courses. This issue is very clearly stipulated in several documents issued by the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council and the Ministry of Education. The establishment of the discipline of Marxist theory was first proposed based on the requirements of teaching ideological-political courses, and its foundational task (though not the only task) is to provide strong disciplinary support for ideological-political courses in higher education. To this end, the disciplinary construction of Marxist theory should incorporate the teaching reform, curriculum design, textbook system, teaching system (including teaching management, teaching content, educational methods, teaching links, teaching approaches, teaching means, teaching archives, teaching laws, and teaching evaluation), scientific research, and teacher team building of ideological-political courses into key research topics, produce high-quality results, and provide them for reference by leadership departments in decision-making. It should also summarize and refine the key and difficult points in the teaching of ideological-political courses, provide scientific answers, and enrich the high-quality results into textbooks and teaching. These requirements are very clear, but judging from the actual practice of over 100 disciplinary points of Marxist theory nationwide, the situation is very uneven. Some do well, some do poorly, and some supervisors in the discipline of Marxist theory have not yet realized that serving the education and teaching of ideological-political courses is their major responsibility and basic task. Of course, some ideological-political course teachers have also not realized that the education and teaching of ideological-political courses is itself a science highly unified in political, ideological, theoretical, and academic nature. Ideological-political course teachers should teach from the height of the discipline of Marxist theory, highlighting its scientific nature. The relationship between the disciplinary construction of Marxist theory and the construction of ideological-political courses concerns the correct direction of the disciplinary construction of Marxist theory and the high-quality development of ideological-political course teaching. It is necessary to repeatedly reiterate the relevant documents issued by the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council and the Ministry of Education, and to enrich, supplement, and improve them according to new situations, new tasks, and new requirements. For example, the discipline of Marxist theory should strengthen research on the academic nature of ideological-political course teaching and the establishment of a sound evaluation system that prioritizes teaching, providing correct guidance for ideological-political course teaching with high-quality results.

第四,正确处理“三大关系”。一是马克思主义理论学科建设与思政课建设之间的关系。这个问题在国务院学位委员会、教育部颁布的多个文件上规定得非常清楚。马克思主义理论学科的设置,首先是从思政课教学中提出的要求,其建设的基础性任务(当然不是唯一的任务),是为高校思政课提供强有力的学科支撑。为此,马克思主义理论学科建设要把思政课的教学改革、课程设置、教材体系、教学体系(包括教学管理、教学内容、教育方式、教学环节、教学方法、教学手段、教学档案、教学规律、教学评估)、科学研究、教师队伍建设等纳入重点课题加以研究,并推出高质量的成果,供领导部门决策参考。还要把思政课教学中的重难点加以归纳提炼,作出科学回答,将高质量成果丰富到教材和教学中去。这些要求是非常明确的,但从现在全国100多个马克思主义理论学科点的践行实际看,情况很不平衡。有的做得好,有的做得差,部分马克思主义理论学科的导师,还没有意识到为思政课教育教学服务是自己的重大责任、基本任务。当然,部分思政课教师也没有意识到思政课教育教学本身是一门政治性、思想性、理论性和学术性高度统一的科学,思政课教师要从马克思主义理论学科的高度进行教学,凸显其科学性。马克思主义理论学科建设与思政课建设之间的关系,关涉马克思主义理论学科建设的正确走向和思政课教学的高质量发展,需反复重申国务院学位委员会、教育部颁布的有关文件规定,并根据新形势新任务新要求,加以丰富补充完善。如马克思主义理论学科要加强对思政课教学的学术性、健全突出教学优先的评价体系等问题的研究,以优质成果为思政课教学提供正确的引导。

The second is the relationship between the teaching units of Marxist theory and ideological-political courses in higher education and departments such as the university propaganda department, student affairs department, and youth league committee. Undoubtedly, they should cooperate, coordinate, and support each other. However, in terms of specific responsibilities, since these different departments have been established, their respective task priorities are naturally different. For functional departments of ideological and political education, their main task is to conduct daily moral education, ideological and moral education, and behavioral norms education for students. The task of ideological-political course teachers is mainly to conduct systematic Marxist theoretical education for students, with a focus on solving students' worldview, methodology, and the positions, viewpoints, and methods running through them. Because the focus of tasks differs, the main educational methods are not entirely the same. In coordination and cooperation, each should perform its own duties and complement each other's strengths. The problem to be studied and resolved now is that the Party and the state attach great importance to the role of ideological-political course teachers. While fulfilling their main functions, it is of course their unshirkable responsibility to do a good job in serving society, which is also a kind of political training and cultivation of noble sentiments for ideological-political course teachers themselves. However, the degree must be well grasped. Currently, frontline ideological-political course teachers generally report that their tasks are too heavy, too many, and too tiring. In response to this situation, can we consider in the future not assigning them work that is not within their duties or not mandatory for them to participate in, freeing up more time for them to read, think about problems, and fully prepare lessons, so as to ensure they teach well. It is not easy for ideological-political course teachers to explain principles deeply, thoroughly, and vividly; without reading enough books and spending enough time, it cannot be done or done well.

二是高校马克思主义理论、思政课的教学单位和高校宣传部、学工部、团委等部门之间的关系。毫无疑问,它们彼此要相互配合、相互协调、相互支持,但是从具体责任说,既然设置了这些不同部门,各自的任务重点自然是不相同的。就思想政治教育职能部门来说,主要是对学生进行日常的品德教育、思想道德教育、行为规范教育。而思政课教师的任务主要是对学生进行系统的马克思主义理论教育,侧重点是解决学生的世界观、方法论及贯穿其中的立场观点方法问题。任务的侧重点不同,主要的教育方式也就不完全相同。彼此在协调配合中,应各司其职,优势互补。现在待研究解决的问题是,党和国家高度重视发挥思政课教师的作用,思政课教师在履行其主要职能的同时,做好服务社会的工作当然责无旁贷,这对思政课教师自身也是一种政治历练和高尚情操的陶冶,但是,一定要把握好度。现在一线思政课教师普遍反映任务太重太多太累。针对这种情况,今后能不能考虑,一些不是思政课教师分内的或非参加不可的工作,不让他们去做,给他们多腾出一点读书、思考问题、充分备课的时间,以确保他们讲好课。思政课教师要把道理讲深、讲透、讲活很不容易,书读少了,时间花少了是做不到、做不好的。

The third is the relationship between the construction of ideological-political courses and newly established undergraduate majors such as the history and building of the CPC and Marxist theory. From the perspective of the Party's theoretical work, the establishment of these undergraduate majors reflects the needs of socialist modernization practice and is a great and encouraging thing for strengthening ideological work in higher education. For Marxist colleges and the construction of ideological-political courses, if these newly established undergraduate majors are well planned, they will bring new disciplinary support to the construction of ideological-political courses and, more importantly, can cultivate more excellent teachers for the construction of ideological-political courses. However, if planning is improper, and the current backbone teachers of ideological-political courses are drawn to build new undergraduate majors, or are tasked with teaching dozens of courses for one undergraduate major or even hundreds of courses for multiple undergraduate majors, this will inevitably greatly weaken the teaching force of ideological-political courses and seriously affect teaching quality. One opinion holds that after the new majors are established, professional teachers could be assigned to teach certain ideological-political courses to alleviate the difficulty of insufficient teaching strength in ideological-political courses. It should be said that this is one way to solve the problem, and under the background of implementing "grand ideological-political courses," there is also a certain possibility. In fact, some professional teachers with strong political awareness, solid foundations, profound scholarship, and concern for students' political theoretical quality have taught ideological-political courses very well. However, generally speaking, teaching ideological-political courses has its uniqueness compared to teaching specialized courses. Many teachers who mainly teach specialized courses find it difficult to adapt, or they do not invest enough time and energy, resulting in unsatisfactory teaching effects. This is deeply felt by many veteran specialized course teachers who have taught ideological-political courses. Since the founding of New China, the leadership and management system of teaching units for ideological-political courses has been adjusted and changed many times. Some schools once distributed the teaching tasks of ideological-political courses to various departments of philosophy, economics, politics, and history (when there were no colleges). As a result, no one at the school or department level was specifically in charge, leading to a long-term failure to solve a series of problems in the teaching of ideological-political courses, instability in the teacher team, and unguaranteed teaching quality. This is an important reason why later the teaching of ideological-political courses was centralized, independent departments (or sections) were established, and later Marxist colleges were established, directly under the management of the university. Historical experience deserves attention; measures that have been proven unsuccessful in previous practice should not be repeated.

三是思政课建设和新设置的中共党史党建、马克思主义理论或其他本科专业之间的关系。从党的理论事业来讲,这些本科专业的设置反映了社会主义现代化建设实践的需求,对高校意识形态工作的加强,是大好事情,鼓舞人心。对马克思主义学院、对思政课建设来讲,如果这些新建本科专业擘画得好,则会给思政课建设带来新的学科支撑,更重要的是可以为思政课建设培养更多优秀教师;但如若筹划失当,把现在岗的思政课骨干教师抽取建设新的本科专业,或承担一个本科专业几十门、多个本科专业上百门课程教学,那势必大大削弱思政课教学力量,严重影响教学质量。有一种意见认为,新专业办起来之后,可让专业教师去上某门思政课,以缓解思政课教学力量不足之难。应该说,这是解决问题的一种思路,而且在实行“大思政课”背景下也有一定的可能性,事实上也有一些政治很强、功底扎实、学涵深厚、关心学生政治理论素质的专业教师把思政课讲得很好。但就一般情况来说,思政课教学较之专业课教学有其独特性,主讲专业课的不少教师难以适应,或者时间和精力投入不够,讲课效果并不理想,这是很多讲过思政课的专业课老教师都深有体会的。新中国成立以来,思政课教学单位的领导和管理体制多次调整变动,一些学校曾将思政课教学任务分到哲学、经济、政治、历史各系(当时还无学院),结果从校到系都无人专管,使思政课教学的一系列问题长期得不到解决,教师队伍也不稳定,教学质量得不到保证,这是后来将思政课教学集中起来,建立独立的系(部),再后成立马克思主义学院,直属学校管理的重要原因。历史的经验值得重视,此前在实践中验证不成功的举措不能再重复。

Fifth, to produce an excellent “historical summary.” Since reform and opening up, the curriculum system of ideological-political courses has undergone three major evolutions: beginning in the late 1970s, adapting to the requirements of the initial exploration of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new period of reform and opening up, from 1985 to 1987 a curriculum system of “two courses”—namely, Marxist theory courses and ideological-moral education courses (abbreviated as the “85 Plan”) was formed; beginning in the early 1990s, deliberations were undertaken to adapt to the requirements of implementing the spirit of the 14th National Congress of the CPC and the 15th National Congress of the CPC, and in 1998 a curriculum system approved by the Party Central Committee, abbreviated as the “98 Plan,” was formed; beginning in the early 21st century, explorations were made to adapt to the requirements of implementing the spirit of the 16th National Congress of the CPC and the Scientific Outlook on Development, and in 2005 a curriculum system approved by the Party Central Committee, abbreviated as the “05 Plan,” was formed. The basic thinking and prominent features of these three evolutions of the curriculum system have been summarized by some scholars as: “establishing one consciousness”—the consciousness that ideological-political courses are the “main channel” and “main front” for the ideological-political education of university students; “integrating two types of courses”—expanding from the initial single Marxist basic theory course to the “two courses”; “covering three levels”—the level of curriculum setting with the theme of education on the basic principles of Marxism, the level of curriculum setting with the theme of integrating Marxism with China’s reality, and the level of curriculum setting with the theme of using the Marxist stand, viewpoint, and method to understand and transform the subjective world and establish a correct worldview, outlook on life, and value system; “grasping four unities”—the unity of education on Marxist theoretical principles, theoretical development, and theoretical application, the unity of education on Marxist scientific principles and scientific spirit, the unity of education on theory, history, and reality, and the unity of classroom theoretical education and social practice experience.[3] In addition, the establishment of the discipline of Marxist theory, strengthening research on the curriculum system design, theoretical thinking, content, form, and educational methods of ideological-political courses, and research on key points, difficulties, and hot topics in ideological-political course teaching, provide disciplinary support for ideological-political courses. This series of reforms has played an important role in promoting the construction of ideological-political courses in higher education and is a reflection and manifestation of the achievements of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics and its great practice in the construction of ideological-political courses in China. Now that these reforms have been practiced for many years, it is necessary to conduct in-depth research to determine which experiences embody the laws of teaching and are worth upholding with integrity, which shortcomings need to be addressed, and what needs to be enriched and supplemented according to the requirements of the new era, new characteristics, new reforms, and new construction practices, especially the requirements of connotative development of ideological-political course construction. A comprehensive and systematic summary that can serve as a historical mirror should be made to facilitate planning new chapters and opening new bureaus. Finally, it is suggested that, under the direct leadership of the Department of Social Sciences of the Ministry of Education, a large and strong research group be formed by drawing from universities nationwide leaders and teachers who are familiar with the history of ideological-political course teaching, have a high policy level, and have deep feelings for ideological-political course construction. This group should conduct comprehensive, historical, systematic, and thorough research and comprehensive analysis on the above issues, and write a high-quality advisory report to be submitted to the education authorities as a historical archive and decision-making reference.

第五,做好一个精彩的“历史总结”。改革开放以来,思政课的课程体系经历了三次大的演化:从20世纪70年代末开始,适应改革开放新时期开创中国特色社会主义道路初步探索的要求,在1985—1987年,形成了“两课”即马克思主义理论课和思想品德课的课程体系(简称“85方案”);从20世纪90年代初开始酝酿,适应贯彻党的十四大精神和十五大精神的要求,于1998年形成了经党中央批准的简称“98方案”的课程体系;从21世纪初开始探讨,适应贯彻落实党的十六大精神和科学发展观的要求,于2005年形成了经党中央批准的简称“05方案”的课程体系。这三次课程体系演化的基本思路和突出特点,有学者概括为:“确立一个意识”——思政课是大学生思想政治教育的“主渠道”和“主阵地”的意识;“融合两类课程”——由最初单一的马克思主义基础理论课拓展到“两课”;“涵盖三个层面”——以马克思主义基本原理教育为主题的课程设置层面,以马克思主义与中国实际相结合为主题的课程设置层面,以运用马克思主义立场、观点和方法认识和改造主观世界,树立正确的世界观、人生观和价值观为主题的课程设置层面;“把握四个统一”——马克思主义理论原理、理论发展和理论运用教育的统一,马克思主义科学原理与科学精神教育的统一,理论、历史与现实教育的统一,课堂理论教育与社会实践体验的统一。[3]另外,建立马克思主义理论学科,加强对思政课课程体系设置、理论思维、内容、形式、教育方式的研究,对思政课教学中的重点、难点、热点研究,为思政课提供学科支撑。这一系列改革对于加强高校思政课建设具有重要的推进作用,是中国特色社会主义现代化建设成就及其伟大实践在我国思政课建设上的反映和体现。现在这些改革已实践多年,究竟有哪些经验是教学规律性的体现,值得守正,有哪些短板需要补齐,并根据新的时代、新的特征、新的改革和建设实践要求,特别是思政课建设内涵式发展的要求加以丰富补充,需在深入调研基础上,作出一个全面的、系统的、可为历史镜鉴的总结,以有利于谋新篇开新局。最后建议,可否在教育部社科司的直接领导下,从全国高校中抽调熟悉思政课教学历史、政策水平高、对思政课建设情怀深的领导和教师组成一个大而强的课题组,对上述诸方面问题进行全面的、历史的、系统的、周密的调研和综合分析,并写出高质量的咨询报告,呈报教育主管部门作为历史档案和决策参考。

Notes:

注释:

[1]1 The “85 Plan,” “98 Plan,” and “05 Plan” refer to successive curriculum frameworks for ideological-political courses in Chinese higher education, approved by the Party Central Committee in 1985, 1998, and 2005 respectively, each adapting to the political and theoretical priorities of its era. Xi Jinping. “Ideological-Political Courses Are the Key Courses for Implementing the Fundamental Task of Fostering Virtue and Nurturing Talent.” *Qiushi*, 2020, No. 17.

[1] 习近平.思政课是落实立德树人根本任务的关键课程[J].求是,2020,(17).

[2]2 The “two courses” (两课) is a standard abbreviation for Marxist theory courses and ideological-moral education courses, a core component of the ideological-political education system in Chinese universities. “Xi Jinping Makes Important Instructions on the Construction of School Ideological-Political Courses, Emphasizing: Continuously Create a New Situation in Ideological-Political Education in the New Era, Strive to Cultivate More New Era Talents Who Make the Party Reassured, Love the Country, Dedicate Themselves, and Shoulder the Heavy Responsibility of National Rejuvenation.” *People’s Daily*, May 12, 2024, Page 1.

[2] 习近平对学校思政课建设作出重要指示强调:不断开创新时代思政教育新局面 努力培养更多让党放心爱国奉献担当民族复兴重任的时代新人[N].人民日报,2024-05-12(1).

[3] Gu Hailiang. “A Brief Discussion on the Construction of the Curriculum of Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Higher Education Since Reform and Opening Up.” *Journal of Ideological and Theoretical Education*, 2008, No. 9.

[3] 顾海良.改革开放以来高校思想政治理论课程建设论略[J].思想理论教育导刊,2008,(9).

Source: *Journal of Ideological and Theoretical Education*

文章来源:思想理论教育导刊

Online Editor: Huihui

网络编辑:慧慧

Notes

  1. "Eight Unifications" (八个相统一) refers to eight pairs of dialectical relationships that Xi Jinping outlined for improving ideological-political courses, such as unifying political and academic considerations, and unifying theory and practice. ↩
  2. The “85 Plan,” “98 Plan,” and “05 Plan” refer to successive curriculum frameworks for ideological-political courses in Chinese higher education, approved by the Party Central Committee in 1985, 1998, and 2005 respectively, each adapting to the political and theoretical priorities of its era. ↩
  3. The “two courses” (两课) is a standard abbreviation for Marxist theory courses and ideological-moral education courses, a core component of the ideological-political education system in Chinese universities. ↩