Constructing China’s International Image in the New Era

From the shock of “DeepSeek” to the Spring Festival film *Ne Zha 2* breaking into the global box office rankings and “raising the national flag” as a trending topic, “China topics” have recently sparked heated public discussion. As China rapidly develops into a global power, the international community is paying increasing attention to China’s policies and development trajectory, and more and more people want to understand China and draw closer to it.

从“深度求索”（DeepSeek）震撼，到春节档电影《哪吒2》票房闯进全球电影榜单“升国旗”上热搜，“中国话题”近来持续引发舆论热议。随着中国快速发展为一个全球性大国，国际社会越来越关注中国的政策和发展走向，越来越多的民众希望了解中国、走近中国。

The *Global Times* recently released the *Global Survey of China’s International Image*, which conducted public opinion polling of 51,000 people across 46 countries through face-to-face interviews, computer-assisted telephone surveys, and large-scale online surveys of member sample pools. As soon as the survey results were published, they attracted attention both at home and abroad. It not only overturns the overseas image of China long shaped by Western media but also helps leverage the transformation of people in various countries—especially young people—from “curiosity” about China into “favorable impression,” advancing the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

环球时报社日前发布的《中国国际形象全球调查报告》，通过面对面访问、计算机辅助电话调查和大规模会员样本库在线调查等方式，对全球46个国家的5.1万名民众进行民意调查。调查结果甫一公布，便在海内外引起关注。它不仅颠覆了长期以来西方媒体所塑造的中国海外形象，也有助于撬动各国人民尤其是年轻人把对中国的“好奇”转化为“好感”，推进构建人类命运共同体。

A positive leap from “shaping by others” to “self-shaping”—

从“他塑”到“自塑”的积极跨越——

For a long time, in the shaping of international images, Western media and polling institutions have held a certain discursive hegemony. This has allowed them to relatively easily “shape” the international image of China and other developing countries according to their own preferences and value standards. From this perspective, the *Global Survey of China’s International Image* and the significance behind it should not be underestimated.

长期以来，在国际形象塑造中，西方媒体和民调机构掌握了一定的话语霸权。这使得其能够较为轻易地根据自身偏好和价值标准来“塑造”中国等发展中国家的国际形象。从这个角度来看，《中国国际形象全球调查报告》及其背后所蕴含的意义不容小觑。

First, the report relatively objectively and accurately reflects China’s current international standing and the international community’s perception of China. Over the past few decades, China’s economy has maintained a high growth rate, becoming an important engine and driver of world economic growth. The survey results show that as many as 77% of respondents believe China has strong economic power; on the issue of development prospects, over 90% believe China’s economy will continue to grow over the next decade, and nearly 60% agree that China is the main driving force of world economic growth. In the ranking of major powers’ international status, 20% of respondents ranked China first, second only to the United States (47%). At the same time, 69% of overseas respondents expect China to participate more in international affairs in the future, and over 80% support China playing a greater role in relevant international institutions, mechanisms, or platforms. This perception not only aligns with China’s economic growth miracle and its rising international status but also refutes the “China economic collapse theory” and “peak China theory” promoted by some Western media. More importantly, it shows that as China’s comprehensive strength and international status continue to rise, the international community’s expectations of China are also growing day by day.

首先，报告较为客观、准确地反映了当前中国的国际地位以及国际社会的对华认知。过去几十年来，中国经济保持高速增长态势，成为世界经济增长的重要引擎和发动机。调查结果显示，高达77%的受访者认为中国经济实力强；在发展前景问题上，超过九成认为未来10年中国经济会持续增长，近六成认同中国是世界经济增长的主要动力源。在大国国际地位排名上，有20%的受访民众将中国排在首位，仅次于美国（47%）。同时，69%的海外受访者期待未来中国更多地参与国际事务，超过八成支持中国在有关国际机构、机制或平台中发挥更大作用。这一认知不仅与中国经济增长奇迹和中国国际地位吻合，也驳斥了一些西方媒体鼓吹的“中国经济崩溃论”和“崛起见顶论”等。更重要的是，它表明伴随中国综合实力和国际地位不断提升，国际社会对中国的期待也在与日俱增。

Second, the report and survey process place greater emphasis on the voices of developing countries and the “Global South.” Developing countries not only have a higher degree of identification with Chinese-path modernization but also have stronger confidence and higher expectations for China’s development prospects. The survey sample includes 14 developed countries and 32 developing countries, covering all G20 countries, BRICS countries, and ASEAN countries except China. From the survey results, the vast majority of respondents agree that China is a member of the “Global South,” and the proportion of people from developing countries interested in China (95%) is higher than that from developed countries (86%). In the African region, 81% of respondents believe China’s economic prospects are bright; among respondents from Middle Eastern countries, BRICS countries, and developing countries holding this view, the figure exceeds 70%. In regions such as Africa and the Middle East, most respondents expect China to play a greater role in global and regional affairs.

其次，报告与调查过程更为重视发展中国家和“全球南方”的声音。发展中国家不仅对中国式现代化认同度更高，还对中国发展前景的信心更强、期盼更高。调查样本包括14个发达国家、32个发展中国家，涵盖除中国以外的所有G20国家、金砖国家和东盟国家。从调查结果看，绝大多数受访者认同中国是“全球南方”的一员，对中国感兴趣的发展中国家民众（95%）高于发达国家（86%）。在非洲地区，81%的受访者认为中国经济前景光明；持此立场的中东国家、金砖国家和发展中国家受访者，也超过七成。在非洲和中东等地区，大多数受访者期待中国在全球和地区事务中发挥更大作用。

Third, the report and survey process represent an attempt by Chinese people to use their own yardstick to measure the external world’s perception of China. I recall that in November 2015, Tan Chung, an Indian scholar of Chinese origin who came to Shanghai to attend the Sixth World Forum on China Studies, asked with some emotion: “Why do overseas studies of Chinese issues not read Chinese books?” In the construction of China’s international image, we also face the dilemma of “Tan Chung’s question.” For a long time, surveys on China’s international image have mostly been conducted by Western polling institutions. In recent years, institutions such as the China Foreign Languages Publishing Administration and China Global Television Network have begun independent explorations in this field. The *Global Survey of China’s International Image* is the “largest-scale, most extensive sample, and most comprehensive and in-depth questionnaire design” global public opinion survey conducted domestically since the founding of New China. [1]1 New China: Refers to the People’s Republic of China, founded in 1949. These efforts all indicate that the construction and evaluation of China’s international image is moving from “shaping by others,” dominated by Western institutions, toward a more proactive and autonomous “self-shaping.”

再次，报告与调查过程是中国人尝试用自己的尺子去测量外部世界对中国的感知。记得2015年11月，来沪参加第六届世界中国学论坛的印度华裔学者谭中不无感慨地发问：“为什么海外研究中国问题不看中国书？”在中国国际形象建构上，我们同样面临“谭中之问”困境。长期以来，关于中国国际形象的调查大多由西方民调机构完成。近年来，中国外文局、中国国际电视台等机构在这一领域开始了独立自主的探索，《中国国际形象全球调查报告》更是新中国成立以来“国内开展的规模最大、样本量最多、问卷设计最全面深入”的全球民意调查。相关努力无不表明，中国国际形象建构与评估正在从以西方机构为主导的“他塑”跨向更加积极自主的“自塑”。

The science and politics behind international image evaluation—

国际形象评估背后的科学与政治——

Evaluating a country’s international image requires considering multiple attributes of the international image itself, such as subjectivity, volatility, and multidimensionality. There are different debates and attempts in international academia. Generally, there are three main approaches:

评估一个国家的国际形象，需要考虑到国际形象本身的主观性、易变性和多维性等多重属性，国际学术界有着不同的争论和尝试。通常来说，有三大途径：

First, from a communication studies perspective, the international image is concretized as public opinion, thereby measuring a country’s international image through international public opinion surveys. For example, the Pew Research Center in the United States has conducted “favorability ratings of China” surveys for many consecutive years, Gallup’s “World Leadership Rating,” and the Chicago Council on Global Affairs’ public opinion surveys on foreign policy.

一是从传播学视角，将国际形象具体化为社会舆论，从而通过国际舆论调查来测量一个国家的国际形象。比如，美国皮尤研究中心连续多年进行的“各国对华好感度调查”，盖洛普公司开展的“世界领导排名”，芝加哥全球事务委员会从事的外交政策公共舆论调查等。

Second, from a marketing perspective, “branding the international image,” thereby measuring a country’s “brand image” and international recognition through public opinion surveys. For example, the annual country index rankings released by FutureBrand and the “Anholt-Ipsos Nation Brands Index” released by Ipsos.

二是从营销学角度，“将国际形象品牌化”，从而通过民意调查对一个国家的“品牌形象”和国际认可度进行测量。比如，未来品牌公司发布的年度国家指数排名，益普索公司发布的“安霍尔特—益普索”国家品牌指数。

Third, from an international political perspective, the international image is regarded as a component of a country’s soft power and measured as part of its comprehensive national strength. For example, American scholar Joseph Nye’s three-level comparative method for soft power assessment, and the “comprehensive national power dynamic equation” and “soft national power” function proposed by Chinese scholars.

三是从国际政治视角，把国际形象视为一个国家软实力的构成要素，并将其作为国家综合实力的一部分进行测度。比如，美国学者约瑟夫·奈关于软实力评估的三等级比较法，中国学者提出的“综合国力动态方程”和“软国力”函数，等等。

Regardless of the type of international image evaluation, it generally requires the use of social surveys to quantify subjective perceptions. Compared with the media, some Western polling institutions cloaked in the guise of so-called “science” and “professionalism” often appear “neutral” and “objective,” thus enjoying greater authority and longer-lasting influence. In fact, they are equally adept at influencing evaluation results through agenda setting, predetermined positions, sample selection, and other means. Apart from technical factors that may lead to “inaccurate measurement,” political positions and economic interests are important factors affecting stance and preference.

无论哪一种类型的国际形象评估，一般都需要借助社会调查将主观认识进行量化。与媒体相比，一些披着所谓“科学”“专业”外衣的西方民调机构往往看似“中立”“客观”，因而也享有更大权威性和更长久的影响力。其实，它们同样擅长通过议题设置、预设立场、样本选择等影响评估结果。除了可能导致“测不准”的技术性因素之外，政治立场和经济利益是影响立场与偏好的重要因素。

Earlier this year, a study released by the Quincy Institute in the United States showed that dozens of important American think tanks have long received funding from government agencies at home and abroad. According to disclosures, the U.S. Agency for International Development alone has funded more than 700 news organizations and 279 media industry civil society organizations in multiple countries around the world. These vast chains of interest suggest that the results produced by Western media and polling institutions are inconsistent with the “science” and “independence” they claim.

今年初，美国昆西研究所发布的一项研究表明，数十家美国重要智库常年接受来自国内外政府机构的经费资助。另据披露，仅美国国际开发署就在全球多个国家资助了700多家新闻机构、279个媒体行业民间组织。这些庞大的利益链条提示着，西方媒体和民调机构所推出的成果与其所标榜的“科学”“独立”并不相符。

Building China’s autonomous discursive power is a long and arduous task—

打造中国自主话语权任重而道远——

Constructing China’s international image requires striving to break Western discursive hegemony. We must not only use scientific theories and methods to collect and analyze the external world’s true feelings about China but also rationally and objectively view the achievements and shortcomings in shaping China’s international image in the New Era, thereby providing more solid support for “reconciling accounts” between China and the external world.

建构中国国际形象，需要努力打破西方话语霸权。我们既要用科学的理论和方法来收集、分析外部世界对于中国的真实感受，也要理性、客观地看待新时代中国国际形象塑造中的成绩与不足，进而为中国与外部世界的“对账”提供更为坚实的支撑。

In other words, is China good? What does China think? How do Chinese people perform? What are the culture and logic behind China’s words and actions? The answers to these questions cannot be decided by a few Western institutions or even politicians, nor can they be judged entirely according to Western standards, nor can lies and prejudice be allowed to dominate China’s international image and discursive narrative in the New Era.

换言之，中国好不好？中国怎么想？中国人做得怎么样？中国言行背后的文化和逻辑是什么？这些问题的回答，不能由少数西方机构乃至政客说了算，也不能完全按照西方的标准来评判，更不能任由谎言和偏见主导新时代中国国际形象和话语叙事。

On the one hand, strengthen consciousness and confidence.

一方面，强化自觉自信。

Facing changes unseen in a century, we must fully recognize from a strategic height the reality of great-power competition behind the shaping of international images, and more proactively and consciously construct China’s international image in the New Era. We must be adept at loudly saying “no” to the slander and rumors of some Western media and polling institutions, promptly exposing the biases and errors behind them, and effectively and forcefully carrying out international public opinion struggle and guidance; more importantly, we must spontaneously lead the construction of China’s international discourse system, actively explore original theoretical paradigms and explanatory systems that can be widely accepted by the international community, and push the communication advantages of “thought + art + technology” to new heights.

面对百年未有之大变局，应从战略高度充分认识到国际形象塑造背后的大国之争现实，更加主动、自觉地建构新时代中国国际形象。要善于对一些西方媒体与民调机构的污蔑、造谣大声说“不”，及时揭露背后的偏见和错误，有力有效地开展国际舆论斗争引导；更要自发地引领中国国际话语体系建设，积极探讨可被国际社会广泛接受的原创性理论范式和阐释体系，将“思想+艺术+技术”的传播优势推向新高度。

Along with this, it is also necessary to further emphasize the “Four Confidences.” This is neither “harping on the same old tune” nor “shouting empty slogans,” but rather the key to making good use of the major theoretical innovations of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era, and the foundation and reliance for constructing China’s international image in the New Era. The profound historical and cultural heritage stretching back thousands of years, the decades of sustained rapid economic and social growth, and the vibrant contemporary China are the sources of strength for accelerating the construction of a Chinese discourse and narrative system. Only by adhering to the “Four Confidences” can there be the composure to hold firm, the courage to advance, and the vitality to create.

与之相伴，还需进一步强调“四个自信”。这既不是“老调重弹”，也不是“空喊口号”，而是用好新时代中国特色社会主义重大理论创新的关键所在，是建构新时代中国国际形象的底气和依靠所在。绵延数千年的浑厚历史文化底蕴、数十年持续不断的经济社会快速增长以及充满活力的当代中国，是加快构建中国话语和中国叙事体系的力量源泉。只有坚持“四个自信”，才能有坚守的从容、进取的勇气、创造的活力。

On the other hand, strengthen design guidance.

另一方面，强化设计引导。

In constructing China’s international image in the New Era, Chinese media and academic institutions cannot and should not be absent. This is a key step in breaking the Western hegemony of discourse. Only by participating in it and undergoing tempering can one gradually grasp the power to define China’s international image in the New Era and form the discursive power to evaluate and interpret China’s international image. The urgent task is to actively encourage and support more types of media platforms to “go global,” to transmit the authentic voice of China to the outside world through global platform networks, and to provide overseas publics with more channels to understand contemporary China.

建构新时代中国国际形象，中国媒体和学术机构不能也不应当缺席。这是打破西方话语霸权的关键一步。只有参与其中、经受锤炼，才能逐渐掌握关于新时代中国国际形象的定义权，形成关于中国国际形象评估和阐释的话语权。当务之急，应积极鼓励和扶持更多类型的媒体平台“走出去”，通过全球化平台网络把真实的中国声音传递给外部世界，为海外民众了解当代中国提供更多渠道。

Facing overseas publics with different languages, histories, cultures, and social backgrounds, it is also necessary to explore the formation of internationalized language and narrative methods. Taking scientific and technological achievements and cultural and film works as examples, it is necessary not only to make overseas publics “able to touch,” “able to see,” and “able to hear” them, but also to make people “able to use them well,” “able to understand,” and “able to take them in,” thereby generating more resonance on this basis.

面对语言、历史、文化和社会背景有所不同的海外民众，还有必要探索形成国际化的语言和叙事方式。以科技成就和文化影视作品为例，既要让海外民众“摸得着”“看得见”“听得到”，也要让人家“用得好”“听得懂”“听得进去”，进而在此基础上产生更多共鸣。

(The author is Deputy Director and Researcher of the Institute of International Studies, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences)

（作者为上海社会科学院国际问题研究所副所长、研究员）

Online editor: Huihui

网络编辑：慧慧