An Interpretation of the CPC’s Escape from the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall from the Perspective of the Mass View of History

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in his speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC: “Our Party has such a long history, such a large scale, and has been in power for so long. How can it escape the historical cycle of order and disorder, rise and fall? Comrade Mao Zedong gave the first answer in the cave dwellings of Yan’an, which is ‘only by letting the people supervise the government can the government not slack off.’ After a century of struggle, especially the new practice since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, our Party has given a second answer, which is self-revolution.” [1]1 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back] Academic research on this topic mainly focuses on explaining the new path and new answer for escaping the historical cycle in the New Era, or on exploring the generative logic and mutual relationship of the “two answers.” The key to studying the historical cycle of order and disorder, rise and fall is to strengthen the application and implementation of historical materialism in this research. Taking the mass view of history as the perspective and basic stance, revealing the deep-seated causes of the historical cycle, and on this basis, elucidating the internal mechanism by which the CPC, as a proletarian party, escapes the historical cycle through people’s supervision and self-revolution, not only helps deepen the understanding of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, but also helps build a long-term ruling Marxist political party, strengthen the Four Confidences, and assist in the socialist modernization construction with Chinese characteristics and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

习近平总书记在党的十九届六中全会第二次会议上讲话指出：“我们党历史这么长、规模这么大、执政这么久，如何跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率？毛泽东同志在延安的窑洞里给出了第一个答案，这就是‘只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈’。经过百年奋斗特别是党的十八大以来新的实践，我们党又给出了第二个答案，这就是自我革命”。学术界相关研究主要聚焦于解释新时代跳出历史周期率的新道路新答案，或致力于探寻“两个答案”的生成逻辑以及相互关系。进行治乱兴衰历史周期率的研究，关键是强化唯物史观在治乱兴衰历史周期率研究中的贯彻运用。以群众史观为视角和基本立场，揭示造成历史周期率的深层原因，并以此为基础，阐明中国共产党作为无产阶级政党，通过人民监督与自我革命跳出历史周期率的内在机理，不仅有利于深化对习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理解，而且有利于建设长期执政的马克思主义政党，坚定“四个自信”，助力中国特色社会主义现代化建设和中华民族伟大复兴。

I. How the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall Takes Shape

一、历史周期率何以形成

From the content of the “Cave Dwelling Dialogue,” it can be seen that the essence of the “historical cycle of rise and fall” refers to the degenerative changes of many political powers, such as “from good to bad,” “from rise to decline,” and “from existence to extinction.” In a certain sense, escaping the historical cycle of order and disorder, rise and fall essentially means avoiding the overturning of political power caused by its own degeneration, thereby achieving long-term governance.

从“窑洞对”的内容可以看出，“历史周期率”的要义是指很多政权“由好变坏”“从兴到衰”“由存到亡”等退行性变化。在一定意义上说，跳出治乱兴衰的历史周期率，本质是避免自身蜕变带来的政权倾覆，进而实现长期执政。

To elucidate the internal mechanism by which the CPC escapes the historical cycle of rise and fall, we must first grasp the deep-seated causes of the periodic overturning of political power through the surface phenomena of history. Huang Yanpei once listed the causes of the formation of the historical cycle, including the natural onset of inertia over a long duration, being driven by the desire for achievements, and forced development. His analysis “can be said to have revealed the case-specific or partial causes of the cycle, but it is obviously not the most fundamental and deepest cause.” [2]2 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back] Ancient Chinese thinkers also had many insights on the historical cycle, but most proceeded from an idealist view of history, attributing the fundamental cause of the historical cycle to “fate” or “heaven’s will.” “Historical materialism is a scientific explanation of the laws of social and historical development and is the ideological weapon for understanding and escaping the historical cycle.” [3]3 Engels, “Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 344. [Back] To explore the deep-seated causes of the periodic overturning of political power, we should adhere to the guidance of historical materialism.

阐明中国共产党跳出历史周期率的内在机理，需要我们首先透过历史表面现象把握政权周期性倾覆的深层原因。黄炎培曾列举历史周期率形成的原因，包括历时长久，自然地惰性发作，为功业欲所驱使，强求发展等，他的分析“可以说揭示了周期率发生的个案原因或部分原因，但显然还不是其最根本和最深层的原因”。我国古代思想家也有不少关于历史周期率的见解，但多从唯心史观出发，将历史周期率发生的根本原因归结为“气数”或“天意”。“唯物史观是对社会历史发展规律的科学解释，是认识历史周期率，跳出历史周期率的思想武器”，探寻政权周期性倾覆的深层原因，应坚持唯物史观的指导。

According to the mass view of history, “history is nothing but the activity of human beings pursuing their own purposes.” [4]4 Marx, “The German Ideology,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 83. [Back] As the existence of living individuals, “to live, they first need to eat, drink, shelter, and clothing, as well as some other things.” [5]5 Montesquieu, *The Spirit of the Laws*, Vol. 1, p. 154. [Back] That is to say, material interests are the fundamental needs of people and the direct motive for their actions. “This interest is so powerful and strong that it victoriously conquers Marat’s pen, the terrorist’s guillotine, Napoleon’s sword, as well as the crucifixion of Jesus Christ and the pure bloodline of the Bourbon dynasty.” [6]6 Engels, “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 130. [Back]

依据群众史观，“历史不过是追求着自己目的的人的活动而已”，作为有生命的个人的存在，“为了生活，首先就需要吃喝住穿以及其他一些东西”。也就是说，物质利益是人的根本需要，是人们行动的直接动机，“这种利益是如此强大有力，以至胜利地征服了马拉的笔、恐怖主义者的断头台、拿破仑的剑，以及钉在十字架上的耶稣受难像和波旁王朝的纯血统”。

In the late primitive society, with the improvement of productive forces, product exchange and social division of labor also continuously expanded, leading to the emergence of surplus products and private ownership, and the formation of classes. To safeguard their own interests and suppress the needs of the masses, the ruling class gave rise to a new, different “special public power,” namely, state power. Political power is essentially a tool for the ruling class to safeguard its own interests. “This organized power has always been a means for the ruling class to enslave and profit.” [7]7 Marx, “The Civil War in France,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 359. [Back]

原始社会末期，生产力水平提高，产品交换和社会分工也随之不断扩大，进而出现了剩余产品和私有制，产生了阶级。统治阶级出于维护自身利益，镇压人民群众的需要，催生了一种新的、不同于以往的“特殊的公共权力”，即国家政权。政权本质上是统治阶级维护自身利益的工具，“这个组织起来的权力一直是统治阶级进行奴役和牟利的手段”。

Marx once used the analogy of a trade union and its executive committee to compare the relationship between the proletariat and its government leaders, and Lenin also pointed out that the true essence of bourgeois parliamentarism is to decide periodically which members of the bourgeoisie will oppress the people in parliament. [8]8 Marx, “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 302. [Back] It can be seen that within a country, the ruling class is relatively large in number and cannot all participate in political power. Only a part of the ruling class forms a ruling group that holds political power. “The ruling group is the general term for that part of the ruling class members who control the superstructure and hold state or political power.” [9]9 Marx, “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 302. [Back] Thus, although political power is essentially a tool for the ruling class to oppress the masses and safeguard its own interests, it first manifests as the rule of the ruling group over the masses.

马克思曾用工会与它的执行委员会类比无产阶级与其政府首脑的关系，列宁也曾指出资产阶级议会制的真正本质是每隔一段时间决定一次由资产阶级中的哪些人在议会里压迫人民。可见，在一个国家里，统治阶级相对来讲人数众多，不可能全部参与到政权之中，只能通过统治阶级中的一部分成员组成统治集团，掌握政权，“统治集团是控制着上层建筑领域，掌握国家或政权权力的那一部分统治阶级成员的总称”。这样，政权虽然实质是统治阶级压迫人民群众，维护自身利益的工具，但首先表现为统治集团对人民群众的统治。

“Historical activity is the activity of the masses.” [10]10 Marx, “The Civil War in France,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 359. [Back] The masses are the creators of social history. In the relationship of rule and being ruled between the ruling group and the masses, the masses, as the principal aspect of the contradiction, play a decisive role. “Everything for which people strive is related to their interests.” [11]11 Jiang Zemin, “Speech at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,” *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 1, p. 326. [Back] The stability or overturning of political power depends on whether the rule of the ruling group conforms to the interests of the masses. When the rule of the ruling group seriously deviates from the interests of the masses, the masses will inevitably overthrow the ruling group, leading to the overturning of political power. As General Secretary Xi

“历史活动是群众的活动”，人民群众是社会历史的创造者，在统治集团与人民群众的统治与被统治的关系中，人民群众作为矛盾的主要方面，起决定性作用。“人们为之奋斗的一切，都同他们的利益有关”，政权的稳定或倾覆取决于统治集团的统治是否符合人民群众的利益，当统治集团的统治与人民群众的利益严重背离时，人民群众必然推翻统治集团，导致政权倾覆。正如习近平总书记所说，“一个政党，一个政权，其前途命运取决于人心向背”。我国古代思想家也表达过类似的观点。《尚书•五子之歌》中的“民惟邦本，本固邦宁”、《管子•牧民》中的“政之所兴，在顺民心，政之所废，在逆民心”、《荀子•哀公》中的“君者，舟也；庶人者，水也。水则载舟，水则覆舟”、《大学》中的“得众则得国，失众则失国”，都强调了统治集团的统治是否符合人民群众的利益是政权稳固与否的决定性因素。

The historical cycle of rise and fall is concretely manifested as the periodic overturning of political power, and the overturning of political power originates from the severe divergence between the rule of the ruling group and the interests of the masses of the people. Therefore, from the perspective of the mass view of history, revealing the deep-seated causes of the periodic overturning of political power essentially involves examining why the severe divergence between the rule of the ruling group and the interests of the masses of the people is always so difficult to avoid.

历史周期率具体呈现为政权的周期性倾覆，政权倾覆源于统治集团的统治与人民群众的利益严重背离。因此，在群众史观视域下，揭示政权周期性倾覆的深层原因实质是考察统治集团的统治与人民群众利益的严重背离为何总是难以避免。

(I) In countries where the exploiting classes are in a dominant position, political power is ultimately bound to be overturned

（一）在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，政权最终必然倾覆

In countries where the exploiting classes are in a dominant position, not only do the exploiting classes, with the support of the ruling group, continuously intensify their exploitation of the masses of the people, but the corruption of the ruling group also constantly erodes the interests of the masses of the people. These two processes interact and jointly function, leading to the inevitable severe divergence between the rule of the ruling group and the interests of the masses of the people, making the overturning of political power unavoidable.

在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，不仅剥削阶级在统治集团的支持下，不断加重对人民群众的剥削，而且统治集团的贪污腐败也不断侵蚀人民群众的利益，两者交相演进，共同作用，导致统治集团的统治必然与人民群众的利益严重背离，政权倾覆难以避免。

1. The exploiting classes, with the support of the ruling group, continuously intensify their exploitation of the masses of the people

1.剥削阶级在统治集团的支持下，不断加重对人民群众的剥削

"By classes are meant such large groups of people as differ from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor, and, consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it." [1]1 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back] It can be seen that the nature of the exploiting classes is to "occupy the labor of another group," that is, to exploit the masses of the people. To ask the exploiting classes to give up exploiting the masses of the people is like asking a tiger for its skin. As Mao Zedong said, "In a society of class struggle, if there is freedom for the exploiting classes to exploit the working people, there is no freedom for the working people not to be exploited. If there is bourgeois democracy, there is no democracy for the proletariat and the working people." [2]2 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back]

“所谓阶级，就是这样一些集团，由于它们在一定社会经济结构中所处的地位不同，其中一个集团能够占有另一个集团的劳动。”可见，剥削阶级的本性是“占有另一个集团的劳动”，即剥削人民群众。让剥削阶级放弃对人民群众的剥削无异于与虎谋皮，正如毛泽东所说，“在阶级斗争的社会里，有了剥削阶级剥削劳动人民的自由，就没有劳动人民不受剥削的自由。有了资产阶级的民主，就没有无产阶级和劳动人民的民主”。

In countries where the exploiting classes are in power, the exploiting classes not only do not abandon the exploitation of the masses of the people, but, in order to obtain more benefits, with the support of the ruling group, they use the existing relations of production to continuously intensify the exploitation of the masses of the people. They not only appropriate as much of their surplus labor as possible without compensation, but sometimes even encroach on their necessary labor. As Engels pointed out, “this class, for its own interests, will never miss an opportunity to place an increasingly heavy burden of labor on the shoulders of the laboring masses.” [1]1 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back] The degree of exploitation that the masses of the people can bear is always limited; “in order to be able to oppress a class, it must be ensured that this class has at least the conditions to barely maintain its slave-like existence.” [2]2 Engels, “Anti-Dühring,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 20, p. 164. [Back] As the degree of exploitation of the masses of the people by the exploiting classes deepens, the “slave-like conditions of existence” of the masses of the people can no longer be maintained, and they are forced to resist in order to survive. Economic liberation must be achieved through political struggle; “the struggle of the oppressed class against the ruling class necessarily becomes a political struggle, first of all a struggle against the political rule of this class.” [3]3 Engels, “Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 344. [Back] Therefore, the resistance of the masses of the people is directed straight at the existing regime, ultimately overthrowing the rule of the ruling group and causing the regime to collapse. If there is no revolutionary progress in the productive forces, there will be no qualitative change in class relations or the nature of the regime, and the above process of regime collapse will be repeated continuously. This is how it was with the feudal dynasties of ancient China.

在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，剥削阶级不仅不会放弃对人民群众的剥削，反而会为了获取更多利益，在统治集团的支持下，利用现有生产关系不断加重对人民群众的剥削，不但尽可能多地无偿占有他们的剩余劳动，有时甚至侵吞他们的必要劳动，正如恩格斯所说，“这个阶级为了它自己的利益，从来不会错过机会来把越来越沉重的劳动负担加到劳动群众的肩上”。人民群众承受剥削的程度总是有限的，“为了有可能压迫一个阶级，就必须保证这个阶级至少有能够勉强维持它的奴隶般的生存的条件”。随着剥削阶级剥削人民群众的程度不断加深，人民群众“奴隶般的生存的条件”也无法维持，为了求生存而不得不反抗。经济解放需要通过政治斗争来实现，“被压迫阶级反对统治阶级的斗争必然要变成政治的斗争，变成首先是反对这一阶级的政治统治的斗争”，所以人民群众反抗的矛头直指现有政权，最终推翻统治集团的统治，导致政权倾覆。如果生产力没有革命性的进步，阶级关系和政权性质也不会有质的变化，上述政权倾覆的过程会不断重复，中国古代的封建王朝便是如此。

In countries where the exploiting classes are in power, the old relations of production enable the exploiting classes to appropriate the labor of the masses of the people without compensation. In order to maintain their dominant position in exploiting the masses of the people and thereby obtain more material benefits, the exploiting classes always ignore the development of the productive forces and, with the support of the ruling group, do their utmost to preserve and consolidate the old relations of production. But the development of the productive forces is unstoppable. The masses of the people, who represent the direction of advanced productive forces, urgently demand the replacement of the old relations of production with new ones. The contradiction between the two is irreconcilable. Therefore, “this contradiction between the productive forces and the form of intercourse … each time inevitably erupts in a revolution.” [4]4 Marx, “The German Ideology,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 83. [Back] Through violent revolution, the masses of the people overthrow the rule of the ruling group, causing the collapse of the existing regime, and establish new relations of production. Before the proletarian revolution, the above revolutions always transferred political power from one exploiting class to another, without in any way changing the tendency of the regime to obstruct the transformation of the relations of production. Therefore, the new regimes established after each revolution also found it difficult to escape the fate of collapse again, just as European feudal society, after replacing slave society, was ultimately itself replaced by capitalist society.

在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，旧的生产关系使剥削阶级能够无偿占有人民群众的劳动，为了能维持剥削人民群众的优势地位，以便获取更多的物质利益，剥削阶级总是无视生产力的发展，尽可能地在统治集团的支持下保持和巩固旧的生产关系。但生产力的发展是不可阻挡的，代表先进生产力发展方向的人民群众迫切要求以新的生产关系代替旧的生产关系，两者之间的矛盾无法调和，因此，“生产力和交往形式之间的这种矛盾……每一次都不免要爆发为革命”。通过暴力革命，人民群众推翻统治集团的统治，造成现有政权的倾覆，建立新的生产关系。在无产阶级革命之前，上述革命总是把政权从一个剥削阶级转移到另一个剥削阶级手中，丝毫不能改变政权阻碍生产关系变革的倾向，因此每次革命后建立的新政权也难逃再次倾覆的命运，正如欧洲封建社会代替奴隶社会后，最终也被资本主义社会所代替。

2. The ruling group becomes corrupt and degenerate, continuously eroding the interests of the masses of the people

2.统治集团贪污腐败，不断侵蚀人民群众利益

The French Enlightenment thinker Montesquieu wrote in *The Spirit of the Laws*: “It is an eternal experience that every man who has power is inclined to abuse it.” [5]5 Montesquieu, *The Spirit of the Laws*, Vol. 1, p. 154. [Back] Engels clearly pointed out: “Since the officials hold public power and the right of taxation, they stand as organs of society above society. The free, voluntary respect that people once had for the organs of the gentile constitution could not satisfy them, even if they could obtain it.” [6]6 Engels, “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 21, p. 130. [Back] That is to say, power inherently has a nature of seeking profit. With the emergence of public power, the ruling group always tries to use the power in its hands to seek personal gain and slides toward corruption and degeneration.

法国启蒙思想家孟德斯鸠在《论法的精神》一书中写道，“一切有权力的人都容易滥用权力，这是万古不易的一条经验”。恩格斯明确指出：“官吏既然掌握着公共权力和征税权，他们就作为社会机关而凌驾于社会之上。从前人们对于氏族制度的机关的那种自由的、自愿的尊敬，即使他们能够获得，也不能使他们满足了”。也 就是说，权力天生就有谋利的本性，随着公共权力的出现，统治集团总是力图利用自己手中的权力谋取私利，走向贪污腐败。

Only by effectively bringing into play the supervisory role of the masses of the people can the space for the ruling group to use public power for personal gain be greatly reduced, and its corruption and degeneration be effectively curbed. As Marx pointed out, the reason the Paris Commune was able to replace hypocritical accountability with genuine accountability, replace the lords riding on the backs of the people with servants who could be recalled at any time, and thoroughly eliminate the state hierarchy was, in the final analysis, “because these servants always worked under public supervision.” [7]7 Marx, “The Civil War in France,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 359. [Back]

只有切实发挥人民群众的监督作用，才能大大缩小统治集团利用公共权力谋取私利的空间，有效遏制其贪污腐败。正如马克思所指出的那样，巴黎公社之所以能以真正的负责制取代虚伪的负责制，之所以能用随时可以罢免的勤务员代替骑在人民头上的老爷们，之所以能将国家等级制彻底清除，归根结底是“因为这些勤务员总是在公众监督之下进行工作的”。

In regimes of different natures, the degree to which the supervisory role of the masses of the people is exerted differs, the space for using power for personal gain differs, and the degree of corruption and degeneration of the ruling group also differs. The clan chiefs of primitive society were endowed with certain public powers, but because the level of productive forces was low, surplus products were very scarce, and the clan chiefs were often under the direct supervision of other members, the public power at that time maintained its nature of serving the entire clan and its members.

在不同性质的政权中，人民群众监督作用发挥的程度不同，以权谋私的空间不同，统治集团贪污腐败的程度也不同。原始社会的氏族首领会被赋予一定的公共权力，但因为生产力水平低下，剩余产品很少，且氏族首领经常处于其他成员的直接监督之下，因此这时的公共权力保持了服务于整个氏族和氏族成员的本性。

In countries where the exploiting classes are in power, the regime is essentially a tool for the exploiting classes to exploit and oppress the masses of the people, serving the interests of a tiny minority against the majority. The exploiting classes, out of the need to maintain their own interests, inevitably reject genuine and thorough supervision by the masses of the people. A regime of this nature “necessarily appears as a special affair of the rulers and their servants, separated from the people.” [8]8 Marx, “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 302. [Back] This undoubtedly gives the ruling group, which holds public power, a large space for seeking personal gain.

在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，政权本质上是为剥削阶级剥削压迫人民群众服务的，是为了极少数人的利益去反对大多数人。剥削阶级出于维护自身利益的需要，必然拒绝人民群众真正的彻底的监督，这类性质的政权“必然表现为一个同人民相脱离的统治者及其仆从的特殊事务”。这无疑使掌握公共权力的统治集团具有了很大的谋取私利的空间。

Furthermore, looking at past history, in order to conceal the nature of the regime as serving the exploiting classes, the exploiting classes generally cloak the regime in a veil of mystery. As Marx said, “the universal spirit of bureaucracy is secrecy, is mystery.” [9]9 Marx, “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 302. [Back] This veil of mystery leads people to believe that “administration and political management are mysterious matters, lofty positions inaccessible to the common person, which can only be entrusted to a specially trained stratum,” that “the public affairs and public interests of the whole society can only, as before, be handled and managed by the state and its superior officials,” and that public offices are “the private property of the central government’s lackeys.” [10]10 Marx, “The Civil War in France,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 359. [Back] These notions further distance the masses of the people from public power, let alone enabling them to exercise effective supervision over the ruling group.

另外，结合以往历史来看，为了掩盖政权为剥削阶级服务的本性，剥削阶级一般会给政权披上一层神秘的外衣，正如马克思所说，“官僚政治的普遍精神是秘密，是奥秘”。这层神秘的外衣使人们以为“行政和政治管理是神秘的事情，是高不可攀的职务，只能委托给一个受过训练的特殊阶层”、“全社会的公共事务和公共利益只能像迄今为止那样，由国家和国家的地位优越的官吏来处理和维护”、社会公职是“中央政府走卒们的私有物”。上述观念会使人民群众进一步远离公共权力，更谈不上对统治集团进行有效的监督。

In summary, in countries where the exploiting classes are in power, the corruption and degeneration of the ruling group “is essentially a product of the system of exploitation and the exploiting classes,” [11]11 Jiang Zemin, “Speech at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,” *Selected Works of Jiang Zemin*, Vol. 1, p. 326. [Back] and it is destined that they cannot solve their own problems. Precisely because of this, although the various anti-corruption campaigns in China’s feudal dynasties played a certain role, some even bringing about a period of dynastic revival, they ultimately all ended in failure.

总之，在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，统治集团的贪污腐败“从本质上说是剥削制度、剥削阶级的产物”，注定自己解决不了自己的问题。正因如此，我国封建王朝中的历次反腐虽然在一定程度上发挥了作用，有的甚至带来了一段时期的王朝中兴，但终究全部归于失败。

(2) In socialist countries with relatively backward economy and culture, constant vigilance must be maintained

（二）在经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家，要时刻保持警惕

The proletariat can only liberate itself by liberating all of humanity. As the representative of the interests of the proletariat, the interests of the proletarian party and the masses of the people are theoretically consistent. Practice has proven that in socialist countries with relatively backward economy and culture, there exist material motives and spaces of possibility that can cause the proletarian party to degenerate and change its nature. Certain Party members and cadres may be captured by interest groups or themselves become corrupt and degenerate. Under such circumstances, if effective preventive measures are lacking, the proletarian party will ultimately seriously diverge from the interests of the masses of the people, leading to the collapse of the regime.

无产阶级只有解放全人类才能解放自己，作为无产阶级利益的代表，无产阶级政党与人民群众的利益在理论上是一致的。实践证明，经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家存在使无产阶级政党蜕化变质的物质动因与可能性空间，某些党员干部可能会被利益集团所绑架或者自身贪污腐败。在这样的情况下，如果缺乏有效的防范途径，无产阶级政党最终也会与人民群众的利益严重背离，从而导致政权倾覆。

1. The material motives and spaces of possibility for the degeneration of the proletarian party

1.无产阶级政党蜕化变质的物质动因与可能性空间

Socialist countries with relatively backward economy and culture possess material motives that can cause the proletarian party to degenerate and change its nature. Marx clearly pointed out in the *Critique of the Gotha Programme* that even a socialist society born from developed capitalist countries inevitably bears the birthmarks of the old society in economic, moral, and spiritual aspects, precisely because it has just emerged from capitalist society. [12]12 Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 19, p. 21. [Back] Specifically in the economic sphere, as a stage of social development transitioning to communism, the level of productive forces in a socialist society born from developed capitalist countries is still limited, insufficient to make material wealth extremely abundant and to distribute consumer goods according to need. Social being determines social consciousness. Under these conditions, it is inevitable that some Party members and cadres will have the psychological motivation to use the power in their hands to obtain material benefits through improper means. It is in this sense that Engels clearly stated that in all states up to the present, the transformation of state organs from servants of society into masters of society has been unavoidable. Therefore, after the working class seizes political power, it must first “ensure that it can guard against its own representatives and officials.” [13]13 Engels, “Introduction to Marx’s ‘The Civil War in France’,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 22, p. 228. [Back] In socialist countries with relatively backward economy and culture, the level of productive forces is even lower. Material means of subsistence are not only not extremely abundant but also exist in a state of relative scarcity. The struggle for survival among members of society for material benefits will only be more intense. As part of the members of society, some Party members and cadres, in order to obtain more material benefits, will inevitably and unavoidably have a psychological tendency to use power for personal gain.

经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家存在使无产阶级政党蜕化变质的物质动因。马克思曾在《哥达纲领批判》中明确指出，即便是脱胎于发达资本主义国家的社会主义社会，由于刚刚从资本主义社会中产生出来，在经济、道德和精神等各方面难免都带有旧社会的痕迹。具体到经济方面来说，作为向共产主义过渡的社会发展阶段，脱胎于发达资本主义国家的社会主义社会生产力水平仍然有限，不足以使物质财富极大丰富，消费资料按需分配。社会存在决定社会意识，在这种状况下，某些党员干部难免存在利用手中权力采取不正当方式获取物质利益的心理动机。正是在这个意义上，恩格斯明确指出，在迄今为止的所有国家中，国家机关由社会公仆蜕变为社会主人都是难以避免的，因此，工人阶级掌握政权后首先就“应当保证本身能够防范自己的代表和官吏”。在经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家，生产力水平更低，物质生活资料不仅未能极大丰富，还存在一定程度的匮乏，社会成员之间争夺物质利益的生存斗争只会更加激烈，作为社会成员的一部分，某些党员干部为获取更多的物质利益，必然也难免会有以权谋私的心理倾向。

Socialist states established on a relatively backward economic and cultural foundation contain a space of possibility for the degeneration of the proletarian party. Lenin pointed out: “Only when all residents participate in management work can the struggle against bureaucracy be carried through to the end.” Marx also highly praised the system of direct participation of laborers in management adopted by the Paris Commune, pointing out that the Commune, by turning all public positions in military, administrative, and other fields into genuine workers’ posts, thoroughly eliminated the drawbacks of state power being “entrusted only to a specially trained stratum.” [14]14 Friedrich Engels, "On Authority," in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 18, p. 305. In socialist countries with relatively backward economic and culture, due to economic, political, and cultural constraints, it is impossible for all the masses to directly participate in management work. Since direct participation by all the masses in management is difficult to implement, it can only be replaced by management carried out by the advanced stratum of the proletariat. As Lenin said, “Although the Soviets are, according to the Party program, organs of administration through the working people, in reality they are organs of administration for the working people through the advanced stratum of the proletariat, and not through the working masses.” [15]15 Friedrich Engels, *Anti-Dühring*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 20, p. 307. Management by the “advanced stratum of the proletariat” means that public power is held by specialized Party cadres, which undoubtedly provides a space of possibility for some Party cadres to abuse power for personal gain.

经济文化相对落后基础上建立的社会主义国家存在使无产阶级政党蜕化变质的可能性空间。列宁指出：“只有当全体居民都参加管理工作时，才能把反官僚主义的斗争进行到底”。马克思也曾高度赞扬巴黎公社所采取的劳动者直接参与管理的制度，指出公社通过把军事、行政等领域的所有公职变成真正工人的职务，彻底扫除了国家政权“只能委托给一个受过训练的特殊阶层”所带来的弊端。在经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家，受经济、政治和文化等方面的限制，无法使人民群众全部直接参与管理工作。既然人民群众全部直接参与管理难以实行，那就只能代之以无产阶级先进阶层来实行管理，正如列宁所说，“苏维埃虽然按党纲规定是通过劳动者来实行管理的机关，而实际上却是通过无产阶级先进阶层来为劳动者实行管理而不是通过劳动群众来实行管理的机关”。由“无产阶级先进阶层”来实行管理意味着公共权力由专门的党员干部来掌握，这无疑为某些党员干部以权谋私提供了可能性空间。

2. The Proletarian Party Faces the Dual Tests of the Market Economy and Long-Term Governance

2.无产阶级政党面对市场经济和长期执政的双重考验

To rapidly raise the level of productive forces, China currently adheres to the development of multiple forms of ownership alongside the dominance of public ownership and implements a socialist market economy system. On the one hand, the market economy places people in different positions within the relations of production and engages them in different economic activities, inevitably giving rise to different interest subjects and interest demands, and breeding various interest groups. On the other hand, the principle of commodity exchange followed by the market economy will inevitably infiltrate inner-Party life, and the money worship, hedonism, and extreme individualism induced by the market economy will inevitably distort the worldview and values of some Party cadres, shaking their ideals and beliefs in socialism and communism. Overall, under the conditions of developing a socialist market economy, “all kinds of temptations in society entangle Party members and cadres; the phenomenon of ‘boiling a frog in warm water’ will occur, and some people will be unwittingly lured into a trap,” [16]16 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 4, p. 489. even becoming spokespersons for certain interest groups.

为迅速提高生产力水平，目前我国坚持公有制为主体的前提下允许多种所有制经济共同发展，实行社会主义市场经济体制。一方面，市场经济使人们在生产关系中处于不同地位，从事不同经济活动，必然会产生不同的利益主体和利益诉求，滋生各种利益集团。另一方面，市场经济所遵循的商品交换原则不可避免地会渗透到党内生活中来，市场经济所诱发的拜金主义、享乐主义和极端个人主义也难免扭曲某些党员干部的人生观和价值观，动摇他们对社会主义和共产主义的理想信念。总的来看，在发展社会主义市场经济的情况下，“社会上各种各样的诱惑缠绕着党员、干部，‘温水煮青蛙’现象就会产生，一些人不知不觉就被人家请君入瓮”，甚至成为某些利益集团的代言人。

Socialist countries with relatively backward economic and culture need to undergo a longer period of socialist construction. In the process of long-term governance during peacetime, if there is neither the test of revolutionary struggle nor a deep and sustained education in a scientific worldview, some Party cadres “are prone to develop a mentality of complacency and lack of enterprise after prolonged peace, are prone to generate emotions of seeking pleasure and being arrogant and self-satisfied, and are prone to lack the fighting spirit of forging ahead and tackling difficulties.” [17]17 Karl Marx, "The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850," in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 7, p. 88. Such a state of mind will not only lead to insufficient motivation for some Party cadres to connect with the masses, disregard the interests and demands of the masses, damage the Party’s image in the eyes of the masses, and seriously hinder the credibility and influence of the proletarian party, but will also lead some Party cadres to pursue personal privileges and material enjoyment, neglect knowledge learning and practical training, fail to meet the requirements of reform and development, and seriously weaken the creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness of the proletarian party.

经济文化相对落后的社会主义国家需要经历更长的社会主义建设时期，在和平时期长期执政过程中，如果既没有革命斗争的考验，也缺乏深入持久的科学世界观的教育，某些党员干部就“容易出现承平日久、不思进取的心态，容易产生贪图享乐、骄傲自满的情绪，容易缺乏锐意进取、攻坚克难的斗志”。这样的精神状态不仅会导致某些党员干部联系群众的动力不足，漠视人民群众的利益诉求，损害党在群众心目中的形象，严重阻碍无产阶级政党的公信力、影响力，而且也会导致某些党员干部追求个人特权和物质享受，不重视知识学习和实践锻炼，无法顺应改革发展的要求，严重削弱无产阶级政党的创造力、凝聚力、战斗力。

From historical experience, the collapse of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, as a proletarian party, was directly related to the degeneration of the Party’s nature and its inability to carry out self-revolution. “The Communist Party of the Soviet Union did not establish a complete and scientific supervision system for clean governance, leading to major errors in the construction of Party conduct and clean governance, the long-term development and spread of a privileged stratum within the Party, and ultimately being exploited by Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and others.” [18]18 Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 13. [This is a standard reference; the note explains the source.] Before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a public opinion survey conducted by *Siberian Gazette* showed: “When people were asked ‘Whose interests do you think the policies of the CPSU represent?’, those who answered that they represented the interests of CPSU members accounted for 11% of the respondents; those who answered that they represented the interests of all the people accounted for only 7%; those who answered that they represented the interests of the working class, peasants, and intellectuals each accounted for 2%; while those who answered that they represented the interests of Party functionaries accounted for as high as 85%. Another 13% answered ‘other groups’ besides these.” [19]19 Lenin, “The State and Revolution,” *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 24. [Standard reference.] The extent of the degeneration of the CPSU can be seen from this.

从历史经验来看，苏联共产党作为无产阶级政党，其垮台与党的性质蜕变、不能进行自我革命有直接关系，“苏联共产党没有建立健全一套完整、科学的廉政建设监督体制，以致党风廉政建设出现重大失误、党内特权阶层长期发展蔓延，最终被戈尔巴乔夫、叶利钦等人利用”。苏联解体前，《西伯利亚报》所做的一项民意调查显示，“当人们被问及‘你认为苏共的政策代表谁的利益’时，回答代表苏共党员的人占被调查人数的11%，回答代表全体人民的只占7%，回答代表工人阶级、农民、知识分子的均为2%，而回答代表党的机关工作人员的竟占到了85%。还有13%的人回答为除此之外的‘其他集团’”，苏联共产党蜕化变质的程度由此可见一斑。

In summary, the historical cycle of rise and fall is concretely manifested as the periodic overturning of political power. From the perspective of the mass view of history, the fundamental reason for the overturning of political power is the serious divergence between the rule of the ruling group and the interests of the masses. Confined by class limitations, in countries where the exploiting class is dominant, the rule of the ruling group inevitably seriously diverges from the interests of the masses. In socialist countries, the interests of the proletarian party and the masses are aligned. However, lacking effective preventive measures, the proletarian party may also degenerate, thereby seriously diverging from the interests of the masses. For these reasons, in past history, the overturning of political power was unavoidable, exhibiting periodic characteristics, thus creating the historical cycle of rise and fall.

综上所述，历史周期率具体呈现为政权的周期性倾覆，在群众史观视域下，政权倾覆的根本原因是统治集团的统治与人民群众的利益严重背离。囿于阶级局限性，在剥削阶级占统治地位的国家，统治集团的统治与人民群众的利益必然严重背离。在社会主义国家，无产阶级政党与人民群众的利益是一致的，但如果缺乏有效的防范途径，无产阶级政党也有可能发生蜕变，从而与人民群众的利益严重背离。基于上述缘故，在以往历史中，政权倾覆难以避免，呈现周期性特征，造成了历史周期率。

II. Why It Is Necessary to Escape the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall

二、为何必须跳出历史周期率

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, [20]20 “Resolution on Certain Historical Questions of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China,” 1981. [A key Party document summarizing the history of the PRC.] General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly raised the issue of escaping the historical cycle of

党的十八大以来，习近平总书记多次提到跳出历史周期率的问题，强调这是关系党千秋伟业的一个重大问题。众所周知，作为以马克思主义为指导的无产阶级政党，中国共产党的历史使命是最终消灭阶级，废除国家，实现共产主义。为实现共产主义，中国共产党必须做到长期执政，跳出历史周期率。

(I) Carrying Out Socialist Construction and Suppressing Reactionary Forces Requires the Communist Party of China to Break Out of the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall

（一）进行社会主义建设与镇压反动势力需要中国共产党跳出历史周期率

Regarding the role of holding political power in the process of the proletarian party fulfilling its historical mission, Engels clearly summarized: "To achieve this purpose of the future social revolution and other even more important purposes, the working class must first take possession of the organized state power and, by means of this power, suppress the resistance of the capitalist class and organize society in a new way." [14]14 Friedrich Engels, "On Authority," in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 18, p. 305. Specifically, the proletarian party needs to develop the productive forces through holding political power, promote social progress, and suppress reactionary forces.

对于掌握政权在无产阶级政党完成历史使命过程中的作用，恩格斯明确概括道，“为了达到未来社会革命的这一目的以及其他更重要得多的目的，工人阶级应当首先掌握有组织的国家政权并依靠这个政权镇压资本家阶级的反抗和按新的方式组织社会”。具体来说，无产阶级政党需要通过掌握政权发展生产力，促进社会进步以及镇压反动势力。

Classes do not disappear of their own accord; "the abolition of social classes presupposes a stage of highly developed production." [15]15 Friedrich Engels, *Anti-Dühring*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 20, p. 307. To abolish classes, it is necessary to develop the productive forces. To develop the productive forces, the proletarian party must first seize political power in order to eliminate the old relations of production that hinder the development of the productive forces. In capitalist society, "the proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class." [16]16 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 4, p. 489. Because the productive forces that capitalism can accommodate are ultimately limited, eliminating the old capitalist relations of production to liberate the productive forces after the founding of New China does not mean that the level of productive forces required to abolish classes has already been reached. To rapidly reach the level of productive forces needed to abolish classes, the proletarian party must, through the power of the state, "organize society in a new way" in order to promote the development of the productive forces and comprehensive social progress. As Marx stated, "If the proletariat itself still remains a class, if the economic conditions on which the existence of classes and the class struggle rests have not yet disappeared, then it is necessary to use violence to destroy or transform these economic conditions, and it is necessary to use violence to accelerate this process of transformation." [17]17 Karl Marx, "The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850," in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 7, p. 88.

阶级不会自行消失，“社会阶级的消灭是以生产高度发展的阶段为前提的”。为消灭阶级必须发展生产力，为发展生产力，无产阶级政党首先需要夺取政权，以便消灭阻碍生产力发展的旧的生产关系。在资本主义社会，“无产阶级将利用自己的政治统治，一步一步地夺取资产阶级的全部资本，把一切生产工具集中在国家即组织成为统治阶级的无产阶级手里”。因为资本主义所能容纳的生产力毕竟是有限的，所以消灭旧的资本主义生产关系，使生产力得到新中国成立后，并不意味着已经达到了消灭阶级的生产力水平。为快速达到消灭阶级的生产力水平，无产阶级政党必须通过政权力量“按新的方式组织社会”，以便促进生产力发展和社会全面进步，正如马克思所说，“如果无产阶级本身还是一个阶级，如果作为阶级斗争和阶级存在的基础的经济条件还没有消失，那么就必须用暴力来消灭或改造这种经济条件，并且必须用暴力来加速这一改造的过程”。

Our country is in the primary stage of socialism, and it is even more urgently necessary to raise the level of productive forces and promote comprehensive social progress. “The greatest advantage of the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China.” Upholding the Party’s core leadership role in overseeing the overall economic and social development situation and coordinating all parties is a prominent feature of the socialist market economy system with Chinese characteristics and the fundamental guarantee for the sustained and healthy development of China’s economy and society. History has fully proven that the Communist Party of China has united and led the Chinese people to create brilliant achievements of rapid economic development and comprehensive social progress. Looking to the future, whether it is properly handling major relationships in all aspects during the process of comprehensively deepening reform and opening up, stimulating the creative vitality of the whole society, or effectively leveraging the institutional advantage of socialism with Chinese characteristics in concentrating resources to accomplish major tasks, ensuring the whole country works as one chessboard, or gradually realizing common prosperity and meeting the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life, all these require the Communist Party of China, on the premise of holding state power, to continue to play its role in overseeing the overall situation and coordinating all parties.

我国处于社会主义初级阶段，更加迫切需要提高生产力水平，推动社会全面进步。“中国特色社会主义制度的最大优势是中国共产党领导”，坚持党总揽经济社会发展全局、协调各方的领导核心地位，是中国特色社会主义市场经济体制的一个突出特点，是中国经济社会持续健康发展的根本保证。历史已充分证明，中国共产党团结带领中国人民创造出了经济高速发展和社会全面进步的辉煌成就。展望未来，无论是在全面深化改革过程中妥善处理各方面重大关系，激发全社会创造活力，还是切实发挥中国特色社会主义集中力量办大事的制度优势，保证全国上下一盘棋，抑或是逐步实现共同富裕，满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要等，都要求中国共产党在掌握政权的前提下，继续发挥总揽全局、协调各方的作用。

The Communist Party of China needs to hold state power to suppress reactionary forces. Marx clearly pointed out that the old social organization and the enemies of the proletariat do not all disappear as soon as the proletariat seizes state power; as long as other classes, especially the bourgeoisie, still exist, the proletariat “must use violent measures, that is, government measures” to struggle against them. [18]18 Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 13. [This is a standard reference; the note explains the source.] Lenin also emphasized the necessity for a proletarian party to hold state power to suppress reactionary forces, pointing out that in the process of moving towards a communist society, only by adopting the method of the dictatorship of the proletariat can the goal be achieved, “because there is no one else and no other way to crush the resistance of the exploiting capitalists.” [19]19 Lenin, “The State and Revolution,” *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 24. [Standard reference.]

中国共产党需要通过掌握政权镇压反动势力。马克思明确指出，旧的社会组织和无产阶级的敌人并不随着无产阶级掌握政权而全部消失，只要其他阶级特别是资产阶级还存在，“无产阶级就必须采用暴力措施，也就是政府的措施”同它们进行斗争。列宁也曾强调无产阶级政党掌握政权对于镇压反动势力的必要性，指出在迈向共产主义社会的过程中，只有采取无产阶级专政的方式才能达到目的，“因为再没有其他人也没有其他道路能够粉碎剥削者资本家的反抗”。

In the early days of the founding of New China, after the socialist transformation, our country established a socialist system. “The exploiting classes have been eliminated as classes,” [20]20 “Resolution on Certain Historical Questions of the Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China,” 1981. [A key Party document summarizing the history of the PRC.] “they cannot form an open and complete class,” [21]21 Ibid. and class struggle is no longer the principal contradiction in our society. However, it must be emphasized that our country is still in the primary stage of socialism and is far from reaching the level of productive forces that would eliminate classes. Deng Xiaoping once said at the time, “There are still counter-revolutionaries, enemy agents, various criminal elements and other bad elements who disrupt the socialist order, and new exploiters such as embezzlers, thieves, and speculators.” [22]22 Deng Xiaoping, “Uphold the Four Cardinal Principles,” 1979. [A major speech outlining the basic principles of the reform era.] Therefore, class struggle still exists within a certain scope in our country, and under special conditions, class contradictions may further intensify. At present, as a socialist country, our country is still surrounded by a powerful capitalist world. “In the ideological field, there is a war without gunpowder everywhere; in the political field, a contest without guns and cannons has never stopped.” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Propaganda and Ideological Work,” 2013. [A speech emphasizing the importance of ideological security.] International capitalism either forces our country to submit to its strategic requirements for economic and political development through tough military and political pressure and limited economic and technological cooperation, or carries out cultural penetration through powerful cultural machines and cultural products, creating various kinds of chaos in our country’s economy, politics, and ideology. Whatever the means, its fundamental purpose is to force our country to change its social system. It is worth being vigilant that domestic and foreign reactionary forces do not exist in isolation; sometimes they collude with each other, vainly attempting to make us take the evil path of changing the flag and the system, [24]24 “Changing the flag and the system” (改旗易帜) is a standard Party phrase referring to abandoning socialism with Chinese characteristics in favor of a capitalist or other non-socialist path. vainly attempting to subvert the leadership of the Communist Party of China.

新中国成立初期，我国经过社会主义改造，建立起社会主义制度，“剥削阶级作为阶级已经消灭”，“他们不可能形成一个公开的完整的阶级”，阶级斗争已经不是我国社会的主要矛盾，但需要强调的是，至今我国还尚处于社会主义初级阶段，远未达到消灭阶级的生产力水平，邓小平当时曾说，“仍然有反革命分子，有敌特分子，有各种破坏社会主义秩序的刑事犯罪分子和其他坏分子，有贪污盗窃、投机倒把的新剥削分子”，因此，我国仍然在一定范围内存在阶级斗争，在特殊条件下阶级矛盾还有可能进一步激化。目前，作为社会主义国家，我国仍处于强大的资本主义世界的包围之中，“意识形态领域看不见硝烟的战争无处不在，政治领域没有枪炮的较量一直未停”。国际资本主义要么通过强硬的军事、政治压力和有限制的经济、科技的合作，迫使我国屈从其经济政治发展的战略要求，要么通过强大的文化机器和文化产品进行文化渗透，在我国内部制造经济、政治、思想等方面的种种混乱。不管手段如何，其根本目的都是促使我国改变社会制度。值得警惕的是，国内外反动势力不是孤立存在的，两者有时会相互勾结，妄图让我们走改旗易帜的邪路，妄图颠覆中国共产党的领导。

Overall, influenced by the domestic and international environment, class struggle still exists within a certain scope in our country, and under special conditions, class contradictions may further intensify. Just as Deng Xiaoping said back then, it is still applicable today: “The proletariat, as a newly emerging class that seizes state power and establishes socialism, is certainly weaker than capitalism for a considerable period of time. Without the dictatorship, it cannot resist the offensive of capitalism.” [25]25 Deng Xiaoping, “Speech at the Meeting of the Military Commission of the Central Committee,” 1989. [A speech during a period of political tension.] The Communist Party of China can only effectively suppress reactionary forces by using the power of the state, ensuring the correct direction of our country’s socialist modernization.

总的来看，受国内外环境影响，我国仍然在一定范围内存在阶级斗争，在特殊条件下阶级矛盾还有可能进一步激化。就像当年邓小平讲的，如今仍然适用，“无产阶级作为一个新兴阶级夺取政权，建立社会主义，本身的力量在一个相当长时期内肯定弱于资本主义，不靠专政就抵制不住资本主义的进攻”。中国共产党只有利用政权力量才能有效镇压反动势力，确保我国社会主义现代化建设的正确方向。

(II) The Long Process of Realizing Communism Requires the Communist Party of China to Escape the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall

（二）实现共产主义的漫长过程需要中国共产党跳出历史周期率

Both history and reality tell us that for a social revolution to achieve final victory, it often requires a long historical process. This is especially true for the proletarian revolution, whose mission is to eliminate classes and realize communism.

历史和现实都告诉我们，一场社会革命要取得最终胜利，往往需要一个漫长的历史过程，作为将消灭阶级、实现共产主义作为使命的无产阶级革命更是如此。

The basic features of a communist society are the elimination of classes, the abolition of the state, the realization of distribution according to need, a highly harmonious social relationship, and a great improvement in people’s spiritual realm. The realization of communism presupposes a highly developed level of productive forces. If the level of productive forces is low, there will inevitably be a struggle for necessities, and “all the old filthy things will come back to life.” [26]26 Marx and Engels, *The German Ideology*, *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 45. [Standard reference.] Only when the productive forces are developed to a very high degree can it be possible for “the elimination of class distinctions to become a real progress, for this elimination to be sustainable, and not to cause stagnation or even regression in the mode of production of society.” [27]27 Engels, “The Housing Question,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 18, p. 247. [Standard reference.] The development of productive forces is objective; the proletariat cannot “promulgate some ready-made utopia by a mere decree of the people.” [28]28 Marx, “The Civil War in France,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 358. [Standard reference.] Looking at history, realizing a high degree of development of productive forces is a long-term process. Whether it was the replacement of “the spontaneous action of the economic laws of slavery” or the replacement of “the spontaneous action of the economic laws of serfdom,” both took a long time. Similarly, “the ‘spontaneous action of the natural laws of capital and landed property’ can only be replaced by the ‘spontaneous action of the social economic laws of free associated labor’ after a long process of development of new conditions.” [29]29 Marx, “Inaugural Address of the Working Men’s International Association,” *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, Vol. 16, p. 11. [Standard reference.] Moreover, because the economic roots that give rise to classes have not been eliminated, in the process of developing productive forces, it will inevitably “be constantly resisted by various vested interests and class selfish psychology, thus being delayed and obstructed,” [30]30 Lenin, “The State and Revolution,” *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 25. [Standard reference.] which will undoubtedly prolong the time for the realization of communism.

共产主义社会的基本特征是消灭阶级，废除国家，实现消费资料按需分配，社会关系高度和谐，人们精神境界极大提高。共产主义的实现以高度发展的生产力为前提，如果生产力水平较低，则必然存在争夺必需品的斗争，“全部陈腐污浊的东西又要死灰复燃”，只有生产力发展到很高的程度，才有可能“使得阶级差别的消除成为真正的进步，使得这种消除可以持续下去，并且不致在社会的生产方式中引起停滞甚至倒退”。生产力的发展具有客观性，无产阶级不可能“凭一纸人民法令去推行什么现成的乌托邦”。结合历史来看，实现生产力的高度发展是一个长期的过程，无论“奴隶制经济规律的自发作用”被代替还是“农奴制经济规律的自发作用”被代替都经历了漫长的时间，同样，“‘资本和地产的自然规律的自发作用’只有经过新条件的漫长发展过程才能被‘自由的联合的劳动的社会经济规律的自发作用’所代替”。不仅如此，由于产生阶级的经济根源未被消除，在发展生产力的过程中，势必还“将不断地受到各种既得利益和阶级自私心理的抗拒，因而被延缓、被阻挠”，这无疑也会延长共产主义的实现时间。

Since reform and opening up, our country has achieved remarkable construction achievements through decades of rapid development. However, due to a large population, a weak foundation, and relatively backward economy and culture, it is still in the primary stage of socialism. This requires us to undergo a relatively long period under socialist conditions to achieve industrialization and the modernization, socialization, and marketization of the economy. In addition, as one of the few socialist countries in the world, our country is surrounded by a powerful capitalist world and remains a key target of “peaceful evolution,” [31]31 “Peaceful evolution” (和平演变) is a term used in CPC discourse to describe the strategy of capitalist countries to subvert socialist states from within through non-military means. which will inevitably hinder our development speed to a certain extent. Based on the above reasons, the Communist Party of China leading the broad masses of the people to realize communism will be a long historical process. As General Secretary Xi Jinping said, “Communism is by no means as simple as ‘goulash communism’; it cannot be easily obtained or achieved overnight.” [32]32 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China,” 2016. [A speech emphasizing the long-term nature of the communist goal.]

改革开放以来，我国经过几十年高速发展，取得了举世瞩目的建设成就，但由于人口多、底子薄，经济文化相对落后，目前仍处于社会主义初级阶段。这就要求我们必须在社会主义条件下，经历较长时间，去实现工业化以及经济的现代化、社会化和市场化。另外，我国作为世界上少数几个社会主义国家之一，处于强大的资本主义世界的包围之中，仍然是“和平演变”的重点对象，这不可避免地会在一定范围内阻碍我们的发展速度。基于上述原因，中国共产党带领广大人民群众实现共产主义将是一个漫长的历史过程，正如习近平总书记所说，“共产主义决不是‘土豆烧牛肉’那么简单，不可能唾手可得、一蹴而就”。

In summary, the realization of communism is a long historical process. In this process, whether it is carrying out socialist construction or suppressing reactionary forces, the Communist Party of China needs to hold state power. Therefore, to realize the highest goal of communism and fulfill its historical mission, the Communist Party of China must escape the historical cycle of rise and fall. In view of this, since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that how our Party, as a century-old major party, can forever maintain its advanced nature and purity, forever maintain its youthful vitality, how it can forever win the support and endorsement of the people, and how to achieve long-term governance are fundamental issues that we must answer and resolve well. What kind of long-term governing Marxist party to build and how to build a long-term governing Marxist party have become one of the major issues of the times. [33]33 The “major issues of the times” (重大时代课题) refers to the key theoretical and practical questions that the CPC must address in the New Era, as outlined in Xi Jinping Thought.

综上所述，共产主义的实现是个漫长的历史过程，在这个过程中，无论是进行社会主义建设还是镇压反动势力都需要中国共产党掌握政权，因此，为实现共产主义最高目标，完成历史使命，中国共产党必须跳出历史周期率。鉴于此，党的十八大以来，习近平总书记多次强调我们党作为百年大党，如何永葆先进性纯洁性、永葆青春活力，如何永远得到人民拥护和支持，如何实现长期执政，是我们必须回答好、解决好的一个根本性问题。建设什么样的长期执政的马克思主义政党、怎样建设长期执政的马克思主义政党已成为重大时代课题之一。

III. How to Escape the Historical Cycle of Rise and Fall

三、如何跳出历史周期率

According to the mass view of history, the masses of the people are the creators of social history. Only by avoiding a serious divergence between its own leadership and the interests of the masses of the people can the Communist Party of China escape the historical cycle of rise and fall. As a proletarian party, the Communist Party of China shares the same interests as the masses of the people, making it possible to escape the historical cycle of rise and fall. Through long-term and unremitting exploration, it has found effective preventive measures. Practice has proven that people’s supervision and self-revolution can prevent a serious divergence between the Party’s leadership and the interests of the masses of the people, giving it the reality of escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall.

依据群众史观，人民群众是社会历史的创造者，中国共产党只有避免自身领导与人民群众的利益严重背离，才能跳出历史周期率。作为无产阶级政党，中国共产党与人民群众的利益一致，具有跳出历史周期率的可能性；经过长期不懈探索，找到了有效的防范途径，实践证明人民监督与自我革命能够避免党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离，具有跳出历史周期率的现实性。

(I) As a Proletarian Party, the Communist Party of China Shares the Same Interests as the Masses of the People

（一）作为无产阶级政党，中国共产党与人民群众的利益一致

According to the mass view of history, the masses of the people are the creators of social history. All previous exploiting classes, after seizing political power, always strove to make the whole society serve their enrichment and attempted to permanently maintain the advantageous economic position they had already obtained; the interests of these classes were fundamentally opposed to those of the masses of the people.

依据群众史观，人民群众是社会历史的创造者。以往的一切剥削阶级在取得政权后，总是力图使整个社会为他们发财致富服务，企图永远维持他们已经获得的优势经济地位，这些阶级与人民群众的利益是根本对立的。

With the roar of the October Revolution, Marxism-Leninism was brought to us. From its very inception, the Communist Party of China was a proletarian party guided by Marxism and with the ultimate goal of realizing communism. The proletariat is a product of large-scale industry. As the most advanced and most revolutionary class in human history, the proletariat “can only acquire social productive forces by abolishing its own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also abolishing every previous mode of appropriation.” [34]34 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), Chapter II. Specifically, since primitive society, “all history has been a history of class struggles, of struggles between exploited and exploiting, between dominated and dominating classes at various stages of social development; this struggle has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression, and class struggles.” [35]35 Ibid., Chapter I. It is precisely on this basis that the interests of the proletariat are consistent with those of the masses of the people. “All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority.” [36]36 Ibid., Chapter II.

十月革命一声炮响，给我们送来了马克思列宁主义，中国共产党自成立之初便是以马克思主义为指导，以实现共产主义为最终目标的无产阶级政党。无产阶级是大工业的产物，作为人类历史上最先进最革命的阶级，无产阶级“只有废除自己的现存的占有方式，从而废除全部现存的占有方式，才能取得社会生产力”。具体来说，自原始社会之后，“全部历史都是阶级斗争的历史，即社会发展各个阶段上被剥削阶级和剥削阶级之间、被统治阶级和统治阶级之间斗争的历史，而这个斗争现在已经达到这样一个阶段，即被剥削被压迫的阶级（无产阶级），如果不同时使整个社会永远摆脱剥削、压迫和阶级斗争，就不再能使自己从剥削它压迫它的那个阶级（资产阶级）下解放出来”。正是基于此，无产阶级与人民群众的利益是一致的。“过去的一切运动都是少数人的，或者为少数人谋利益的运动。无产阶级的运动是绝大多数人的，为绝大多数人谋利益的独立的运动”。

A political party represents class interests. A proletarian party represents the interests of the proletariat. “The Communists are not a separate party opposed to other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole.” [37]37 Ibid., Chapter II. The consistency of interests between the proletariat and the masses of the people determines that the Communist Party of China, as a proletarian party, has interests consistent with those of the masses of the people.

政党是阶级利益的代表，无产阶级政党代表无产阶级利益，“共产党人不是同其他工人政党相对立的特殊政党。他们没有任何同整个无产阶级的利益不同的利益”。无产阶级与人民群众的利益一致，决定了作为无产阶级政党的中国共产党与人民群众的利益是一致的。

Only a proletarian party that represents the interests of the masses of the people can overcome the alienation of the relationship between the state and society and avoid a serious divergence between its own leadership and the interests of the masses of the people. As General Secretary Xi Jinping stated, only by “always representing the fundamental interests of the broadest majority of the people” can the Communist Party of China “examine itself with a thorough spirit of self-revolution, constantly reflect on its own faults, and resolutely struggle against all factors that harm the Party’s advanced nature and purity; only then can it shake off the ‘encirclement and hunting’ corrosion of all interest groups, power cliques, and privileged strata, and strike out against those within the Party who have become accomplices of these groups, cliques, and strata.” [38]38 Xi Jinping, speech at the sixth plenary session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (January 18, 2022).

只有代表人民群众利益的无产阶级政党才有可能克服国家与社会关系的异化，避免自身的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离。正如习近平总书记所说，中国共产党“始终代表最广大人民根本利益，才能本着彻底的自我革命精神检视自身、常思己过，坚决同一切损害党的先进性和纯洁性的因素作斗争；才能摆脱一切利益集团、权势团体、特权阶层的‘围猎’腐蚀，并向党内成为这些集团、团体、阶层同伙的人开刀”。

(2) People’s supervision and self-revolution are effective means to avoid a serious divergence between the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the interests of the masses of the people.

（二）人民监督和自我革命是能够避免中国共产党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离的有效途径

Theoretical possibility does not equate to practical inevitability. Only by finding effective preventive measures can a proletarian party avoid repeating the mistakes of the Soviet Union. Practice has proven that people’s supervision and self-revolution can effectively prevent Party cadres from being captured by interest groups and from engaging in corruption, thereby avoiding a serious divergence between the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the interests of the masses of the people.

理论可能性不等于现实必然性，无产阶级政党只有找到有效的防范途径，才能避免重蹈苏联覆辙。实践证明人民监督和自我革命能够有效防范党员干部被利益集团所绑架以及自身贪污腐败，从而避免中国共产党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离。

1. People’s supervision can effectively avoid a serious divergence between the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the interests of the masses of the people.

1.人民监督能够有效避免中国共产党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离

In the era of Marx and Engels, the proletarian party had not yet taken power. However, in their analysis of the Paris Commune, they highly evaluated the role of people’s supervision after the proletariat seized political power, pointing out that the workers’ power of supervision and recall could “prevent the state and the state organs from changing from servants of society into masters of society.” [39]39 Karl Marx, *The Civil War in France* (1871). Lenin proposed that “workers should be brought into all state organs, letting them supervise the entire state apparatus.” [40]40 V. I. Lenin, *Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power?* (1917). Drawing on practical experience after taking power, he particularly emphasized the role of people’s supervision in eradicating bureaucracy, pointing out that when everyone is capable of performing supervisory and oversight functions, and everyone can temporarily become a “bureaucrat,” it means that no one can become a “bureaucrat.” [41]41 V. I. Lenin, *The State and Revolution* (1917), Chapter VI. General Secretary Xi Jinping, from the perspective of achieving the Party’s long-term governance, profoundly pointed out, “We must ensure the long-term governance of the Communist Party and that it always seeks benefits for the people… We must give play to the role of mass supervision, democratic supervision, and public opinion supervision.” [42]42 Xi Jinping, speech at a meeting marking the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPC (July 1, 2016).

马克思、恩格斯所处的时代，无产阶级政党未曾执政，但他们在分析巴黎公社时曾高度评价人民监督在无产阶级掌握政权之后的作用，指出工人掌握监督罢免权可以“防止国家和国家机关由社会公仆变为社会主人”。列宁提出“应当使工人进入一切国家机关，让他们监督整个国家机构”，他从掌握政权后的实践经验出发，尤其强调了人民监督在铲除官僚主义中的作用，指出当所有人都能够执行监察和监督职能，都能够暂时变成“官僚”时，也就意味着任何人都不能成为“官僚”。习近平总书记站在实现党长期执政的高度深刻指出，“我们要保证共产党长期执政、始终为人民谋利益……要发挥群众监督、民主监督、舆论监督的作用”。

Compared with other forms of supervision, people’s supervision has unique advantages in avoiding a serious divergence between the Party’s leadership and the interests of the masses of the people. Specifically, the interests of the Communist Party of China and the masses of the people are theoretically consistent. “If there are shortcomings, we are not afraid of being criticized and pointed out.” [43]43 Mao Zedong, *Serve the People* (1944). People’s supervision must be made authentic. The masses of the people are the most numerous and widely distributed, and can adopt diverse forms of supervision. As an omnipresent supervisory force, people’s supervision must be made extensive. “He who lives in a house knows its leaks; he who lives in the wilds knows the failures of governance.” [44]44 A classical Chinese saying from Wang Chong’s *Lunheng* (1st century CE), meaning that those directly involved in a situation have the clearest understanding of its problems. The masses of the people have direct experience of whether the Party’s leadership conforms to their own interests. People’s supervision must be made targeted. The degeneration and transformation of Party cadres directly harm the interests of the masses of the people. As the direct beneficiaries of the Party’s line, principles, and policies, the masses of the people must be made to exercise supervision consciously. The masses of the people are rich in practical experience. “The masses of the people contain the wisdom and strength for governing the country and the Party.” [45]45 Xi Jinping, speech at the celebration of the 70th anniversary of the founding of the PRC (September 30, 2019). People’s supervision must be made to have high value for political consultation.

与其他监督形式相比，人民监督具有避免党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离的独特优势。具体来说，中国共产党与人民群众的利益在理论上是一致的，“如果有缺点，就不怕别人批评指出”，要使人民监督具有真实性；人民群众人数最多、分布最广，可采用的监督形式多样，作为无所不在的监督力量，要使人民监督具有广泛性；知屋漏者在宇下，知政失者在草野，人民群众对党的领导是否符合自身利益有直接体验，要使人民监督具有针对性；党员干部的蜕化变质直接损害人民群众的利益，人民群众作为党的路线方针政策的直接受益人，要使人民监督具有自觉性；人民群众实践经验丰富，“人民群众中蕴藏着治国理政、管党治党的智慧和力量”，要使人民监督具有较高的资政价值。

Looking back over the more than one hundred years of Party history, people’s supervision has effectively avoided a serious divergence between the Party’s leadership and the interests of the masses of the people. During the Central Soviet Area period, the Party attached importance to the role of people’s supervision, stipulating that if the masses discovered bureaucratism, corruption, or slackness among Soviet workers, they could immediately expose it, and the Soviet government would never tolerate it and would immediately punish it. [46]46 The Central Soviet Area (1931–1934) was the largest base area of the Chinese Communist Party before the Long March, centered in Ruijin, Jiangxi. Because of the role of people’s supervision, the Central Soviet Area was called an unprecedented truly clean government. [47]47 Ibid. The “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” campaigns [48]48 The “Three-Anti” campaign (1951–1952) targeted corruption, waste, and bureaucratism within the Party and government; the “Five-Anti” campaign (1952) targeted bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing state economic information among private businesses. in the early years of the founding of New China were typical practices of people’s supervision, effectively curbing corruption and bureaucratism. Huang Yanpei stated, “The victory of the Three-Anti and Five-Anti campaigns proves that Chairman Mao’s reply in Yan’an in 1945 that the Communist Party could use democracy to break the historical cycle of rise and fall (see ‘Return from Yan’an’) was correct.” [49]49 Huang Yanpei (1878–1965), a Chinese educator and political figure, visited Yan’an in 1945 and discussed with Mao Zedong the historical cycle of rise and fall. Mao replied that democracy was the way to break it. After reform and opening up, while emphasizing the institutionalization and standardization of people’s supervision, the Party Central Committee encouraged mass supervision, paid close attention to the implementation of supervision work, and through forms such as letters and visits from the masses, utilized clues and information provided by the masses to effectively prevent and punish corruption. According to statistics, from 1979 to 1992, “among the cases of discipline violations investigated by discipline inspection organs at all levels, more than 80% of the case clues were provided by letters and visits from the masses.” [50]50 Statistics cited from *The History of the Communist Party of China*, Volume 2 (1949–1978), Chapter 9.

纵观百余年党史，人民监督能够有效避免党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离。党在中央苏区时重视发挥人民监督的作用，规定如果人民群众发现苏维埃工作人员中存在官僚主义、贪污腐化或消极怠工的现象，可以立即揭发，苏维埃政府对此绝不姑息，必会立即惩办。因为发挥人民监督的作用，中央苏区被称为空前的真正的廉洁政府。新中国成立初期的“三反”“五反”运动是典型的人民监督实践，有效遏制了腐败和官僚主义。黄炎培表示，“三、五反胜利结果，证明1945年在延安毛主席答复中共能用民主打破历史传统的兴亡反复的周期率（见《延安归来》），是正确的”。改革开放后，党中央在强调人民监督制度化规范化的同时，鼓励群众监督，狠抓监督落实工作，通过群众来信来访等形式，利用群众提供的线索和信息，有效预防和惩治了腐败现象。据统计，从1979年至1992年，“在各级纪检机关查处的违纪案件中，有80%以上的案件线索，是由群众来信来访提供的”。

“Let the people supervise power, let power operate in the sunshine.” [51]51 Xi Jinping, report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC (October 18, 2017). Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee has regarded people’s supervision as a fundamental measure to enhance the Party’s self-purification ability in the New Era. By carrying out the Party’s mass line education and practice activities, exploring the “Internet + supervision” model, innovating the system of special supervisors for the National Commission of Supervision, improving the system for expressing the people’s opinions, proposing and practicing whole-process people’s democracy, etc., people’s supervision has become more efficient, secure, and stable, and the people’s satisfaction with the Party’s governance has greatly increased.

“让人民监督权力，让权力在阳光下运行。”党的十八大以来，党中央将人民监督视为新时代增强党自我净化能力的根本措施，通过开展党的群众路线教育实践活动、探索“互联网+监督”模式、创新国家监察委员会特约监察员制度、完善人民意见表达制度、提出并践行全过程人民民主等，使人民监督更加高效、安全、稳定，人民群众对党执政的满意度大大提升。

2. Self-revolution can effectively avoid a serious divergence between the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the interests of the masses of the people.

2.自我革命能够有效避免中国共产党的领导与人民群众的利益严重背离

Marx and Engels did not directly propose the concept of “self-revolution.” Marx regarded “constant self-criticism” as an important distinction between the proletarian revolution and other revolutions. [52]52 Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte* (1852). In a letter to Karl Kautsky, Engels regarded “ruthless self-criticism” as the inner strength of a powerful party. [53]53 Friedrich Engels, letter to Karl Kautsky (September 4, 1890). Mao Zedong believed that criticism and self-criticism “are the only effective method to resist the erosion of our comrades’ thinking and our Party’s body by various political dust and political microbes.” [54]54 Mao Zedong, *On Coalition Government* (1945). General Secretary Xi Jinping has elevated self-revolution to a new height, pointing out that adhering to self-revolution is the fundamental reason for the enduring prosperity of our Party. “Why has our Party been able to stand out in the repeated contests among various political forces in modern China? Why has it been able to always stay at the forefront of the times and become the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation? The fundamental reason lies in the fact that our Party has always maintained the spirit of self-revolution.” [55]55 Xi Jinping, speech at the celebration of the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPC (July 1, 2016).

马克思、恩格斯并未直接提出“自我革命”的概念。马克思将“经常自我批判”看作无产阶级革命与其他革命的重要区别，恩格斯在《致卡尔·考茨基》的信中将“无情的自我批评”看作一个政党强大的内在力量。毛泽东认为批评和自我批评“是抵抗各种政治灰尘和政治微生物侵蚀我们同志的思想和我们党的肌体的唯一有效的方法”。习近平总书记将自我革命提升到新的高度，指出坚持自我革命是我们党长盛不衰的根本原因，“我们党为什么能够在现代中国各种政治力量的反复较量中脱颖而出？为什么能够始终走在时代前列、成为中国人民和中华民族的主心骨？根本原因在于我们党始终保持了自我革命精神”。

The nature of a proletarian party determines that the self-revolution of the Communist Party of China can effectively avoid a serious divergence between its own leadership and the interests of the people. First, the CPC’s self-revolution possesses thoroughness in safeguarding the people’s interests. The stance of communist faith and the mass view of history determines that the CPC’s interests are aligned with those of the people; the CPC can neither represent the interests of certain interest groups nor has its own special interests, which gives it ample confidence to thoroughly examine its own shortcomings and errors from the fundamental interests of the people, promptly identifying and solving problems. Second, the CPC’s self-revolution possesses consciousness in safeguarding the people’s interests. The CPC “is not a party formed by interests, but a party organized by common ideals and convictions”; promoting social progress and realizing communism is the CPC’s highest goal, and the people are the creators of social history, which determines that the CPC must keep pace with the times to achieve its highest goal, consciously standing on the people’s side to continuously carry out self-revolution. Finally, the CPC’s self-revolution can anchor the correct direction for safeguarding the people’s interests. “Only clear theoretical analysis can point out the correct path amidst complex facts”; Marxism, as a scientific worldview and historical outlook, enables the CPC to “understand the conditions, course, and general results of the proletarian movement,” ensuring that the CPC can properly handle the people’s immediate and long-term interests, as well as their partial and overall interests, in the process of self-revolution.

无产阶级政党的性质决定了中国共产党的自我革命能够有效避免自身领导与人民群众的利益严重背离。首先，中国共产党的自我革命具有维护人民群众利益的彻底性。共产主义信仰与群众史观的立场决定了中国共产党与人民群众的利益一致，中国共产党既不可能代表某些利益集团的利益，也没有自己的特殊利益，这使其有充足的底气从人民群众的根本利益出发，彻底检视自己的缺点错误，及时发现问题、解决问题。其次，中国共产党的自我革命具有维护人民群众利益的自觉性。中国共产党“不是因利益而结成的政党，而是以共同理想信念而组织起来的政党”，推动社会进步、实现共产主义是中国共产党的最高目标，人民群众是社会历史的创造者，决定了中国共产党为实现最高目标必须紧跟时代潮流，自觉站在人民群众的立场上不断进行自我革命。最后，中国共产党的自我革命能够锚定维护人民群众利益的正确方向。“只有清晰的理论分析才能在错综复杂的事实中指明正确的道路”，马克思主义作为科学的世界观和历史观，使中国共产党能够“了解无产阶级运动的条件、进程和一般结果”，保证了中国共产党在自我革命的过程中能够妥善处理人民群众的当前利益和长远利益、局部利益与整体利益。

The Party has become even more vibrant after a century of vicissitudes, and the secret lies in its persistent adherence to truth and correction of errors. The Zunyi Meeting [56] concentrated all efforts on correcting the military and organizational problems at the time, beginning to form the correct leadership of the Party’s first generation of central collective leadership with Comrade Mao Zedong at its core, “saving the Party, saving the Red Army, and saving the Chinese revolution at the most critical juncture.” Mao Zedong pointed out, “When we arrived at Zunyi, we engaged in self-criticism and only then corrected the mistakes.” After the founding of New China, the Party actively rectified work styles and consolidated the Party through a series of measures, effectively reorganizing grassroots Party organizations, successfully curbing the spread of commandism and bureaucracy, and forcefully preventing the corruption and degeneration of Party cadres, “enhancing the Party’s purity and unity across the Party, and strengthening the Party’s ties with the people.” The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee [57] put forward the task of reform and opening up, actively took measures to adjust social relations, and achieved comprehensive rectification and restoration. With the comprehensive unfolding and deepening of reform and opening up and modernization, various undertakings in our country flourished, and the people’s satisfaction with the Party’s governance greatly increased.

党历经百年沧桑更加充满活力，其奥秘就在于始终坚持真理、修正错误。遵义会议集中全力纠正了当时军事上和组织上的问题，开始形成以毛泽东同志为核心的党的第一代中央领导集体的正确领导，“在最危急关头挽救了党、挽救了红军、挽救了中国革命”，毛泽东指出，“到了遵义，进行了自我批评，才纠正了错误”。新中国成立后，党通过一系列举措积极整风整党，有效整顿了基层党组织，成功遏制了命令主义、官僚主义的蔓延，有力防范了党员干部的腐化变质，“增强了党的纯洁性和全党的团结，密切了党同人民群众的联系”。党的十一届三中全会提出了改革开放的任务，积极采取措施调整社会关系，实现了全面拨乱反正。随着改革开放和现代化建设的全面展开和深入推进，我国各项事业蓬勃发展，人民群众对党的执政满意度大大提升。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, comprehensive and strict governance of the Party has opened up a new realm of self-revolution for the century-old Party. The people have strongly reflected on the Party’s work style issues; comprehensive and strict governance of the Party started with work style issues, strictly formulating and implementing the Eight-Point Regulations, and advancing and integrating various constructions around the Party’s political, ideological, organizational, work style, discipline, institutional, and anti-corruption efforts, forming a set of “combined punches” for self-revolution. The people most hate corruption, and corruption is the greatest threat to the Party’s long-term governance. The Party Central Committee, with the mission of “offending thousands of people rather than failing 1.4 billion,” [58] has taken multiple measures to eliminate ills and bring order, including “hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes,” [59] insisting on investigating every case and punishing every instance of corruption, firmly, steadily, effectively, and forcefully investigating a number of very major cases, achieving a sweeping victory in the anti-corruption struggle and consolidating it comprehensively, winning the people’s heartfelt support and firm backing.

党的十八大以来，全面从严治党开辟了百年大党自我革命的新境界。人民群众对党的作风问题反映强烈，全面从严治党从作风问题抓起，严格制定和落实中央八项规定，围绕党的政治、思想、组织、作风、纪律、制度和反腐败等各项建设整体推进、联动集成，打出了一套自我革命的“组合拳”。人民群众最痛恨腐败现象，腐败是党长期执政的最大威胁。党中央以“得罪千百人、不负十四亿”的使命担当去疴治乱，“打虎”、“拍蝇”、“猎狐”多管齐下，坚持有案必查、有腐必惩，坚定稳妥、有力有效查处了一批十分重大的案件，使反腐败斗争取得压倒性胜利并全面巩固，赢得了人民群众的衷心拥护和坚定支持。

History fully demonstrates that the CPC has the courage and ability to achieve long-term governance,

历史充分表明，中国共产党有勇气和能力实现长期执政，正如习近平总书记所说，“一百年来，党外靠发展人民民主、接受人民监督，内靠全面从严治党、推进自我革命，勇于坚持真理、修正错误，勇于刀刃向内、刮骨疗毒，保证了党长盛不衰、不断发展壮大”。为更好完成历史使命，成功跳出历史周期率，一定要继续坚持人民监督与自我革命，通过发展全过程人民民主，创新群众监督形式，完善党的自我革命制度规范体系，坚持全面从严治党等方式，有效避免党的领导与人民群众利益的严重背离，确保党永远得到人民群众的拥护和支持。

(The authors are a professor and doctoral supervisor at the School of Marxism, Shandong University; and a doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Shandong University, and a lecturer at Shandong Youth University of Political Science.)

（作者系山东大学马克思主义学院教授、博士生导师;山东大学马克思主义学院博士研究生、山东青年政治学院讲师）

Online editor: Ma Jingren

网络编辑：马京仁