Lenin’s *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*: A Fourfold Critique of Bourgeois Ideological and Political Education

In today’s world, the competitive struggle between the two ideologies of socialism and capitalism is becoming increasingly intense. Whether in socialist or capitalist countries, ideological and political education, as a universal activity of ideological inculcation, plays an extremely important role in this competitive struggle. Taking Lenin’s classic Marxist text on ideological and political education, *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, as the central focus, and conducting an in-depth examination of Lenin’s fourfold critique of bourgeois ideological and political education, helps us to clarify, from both historical and contemporary perspectives, the essence of bourgeois ideological and political education, and assists the socialist ideology in winning a significant advantage in the increasingly fierce competitive struggle.

当今世界，社会主义和资本主义两种意识形态的竞争较量日趋激烈，无论是社会主义国家还是资本主义国家，思想政治教育作为普遍性的意识形态灌输活动，在意识形态的竞争较量中发挥着极为重要的作用。以马克思主义思想政治教育经典文献《青年团的任务》为中心，深入考察列宁对资产阶级思想政治教育的四重批判，有助于我们从历史和现实的角度厘清资产阶级思想政治教育的本质，助力社会主义意识形态在日趋激烈的竞争较量中赢得显著优势。

I. Criticizing Bourgeois Ideological and Political Education as Pervaded by “Class Spirit”

一、批判资产阶级思想政治教育贯穿着“阶级精神”

Class society is a historical phenomenon of human society. With the transition of human society from primitive communal ownership to a state of private ownership, classes and the struggle between classes began to emerge. The emergence of class society means that the entire society contains groups with fundamentally different interests, and a class is a social group occupying a distinct position within a given socio-economic structure. Simultaneously, the “class spirit” also came into existence in a specific form along with the emergence of class society.

阶级社会是人类社会的历史现象。随着人类社会从原始公有制进入私有制状态，阶级以及阶级与阶级之间的斗争开始出现。阶级社会的出现，意味着整个社会存在着根本利益不同的集团，而阶级就是在一定社会经济结构中处于不同地位的社会集团。与之同时，“阶级精神”同样随着阶级社会的产生而以特定的形态存在。

(1) The “Class Spirit” Exists as a Spiritual Product of Class Society

（一）“阶级精神”作为阶级社会精神产品而存在

As early as 1919, in *A Great Beginning*, Lenin profoundly pointed out, from the perspective of the relationship between different groups and the means of production within a specific social production system, that because different social groups have different relations to the means of production in that system, these groups, existing in the form of classes, are such that “one group can appropriate the labor of another group” due to “their different positions in a definite socio-economic structure.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *A Great Beginning*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 29, p. 388. (Reference to standard edition; specific page numbers may vary.) Because different groups have different relations to the means of production and occupy different positions in a definite socio-economic structure, after humanity entered class society, the slave-owning class in slave society, by virtue of its ownership of the means of production, subjected the slave class to inhuman exploitation and oppression; the landlord class in feudal society, by virtue of its ownership of land and other means of production, cruelly exploited and squeezed the peasant class; and the bourgeoisie in capitalist society, by virtue of its ownership of machinery and other means of production, exploits and extracts from the proletariat. It was not until the birth of socialist society that humanity began to enter a social formation that abolishes the system of exploitation. In the final analysis, class society is one that “divides people into classes, into exploiters and the oppressed.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *The State*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 29, p. 472. The emergence of capitalism brought about drastic changes in the whole of human society, and people’s spiritual outlook was also greatly altered as a result. Nevertheless, capitalist society still divides the entire society into an exploiting class and an exploited class; it has not and cannot fundamentally change the system of exploitation, and it continuously imposes upon the whole society an ideological influence pervaded by the “class spirit.”

早在1919年，列宁在《伟大的创举》中就从特定社会生产体系中不同集团与生产资料的关系方面深刻指出，因不同的社会集团在特定的生产体系中同生产资料存在不同关系，这样，以阶级作为存在形式的这些集团，由于“在一定社会经济结构中所处的地位不同，其中一个集团能够占有另一个集团的劳动”。由于不同集团与生产资料的关系不同，且在一定社会经济结构中所处的地位不同，人类进入阶级社会后，奴隶制社会的奴隶主阶级凭借对生产资料的占有对奴隶阶级进行非人的剥削和压迫，封建社会的地主阶级凭借对土地等生产资料的占有对农民阶级进行残酷剥削和压榨，资本主义社会的资产阶级凭借对机器等生产资料的占有对无产阶级进行剥削与榨取。直至社会主义社会的诞生，人类社会开始进入到消灭剥削制度的社会形态。归根结底，阶级社会就是“把人分成阶级，分成剥削者和被压迫者”。资本主义的产生使得整个人类社会发生急剧的变革，人们的精神面貌同样会因其发生极大改变。尽管如此，资本主义社会仍然把整个社会分成剥削阶级和被剥削阶级，没有且不可能从根本上改变剥削制度，并且不断向整个社会施加贯穿着“阶级精神”的意识形态影响。

(2) The “Class Spirit” is Inculcated as a Bourgeois Spiritual System

（二）“阶级精神”作为资产阶级精神体系而灌注

Bourgeois ideological and political education upholds and represents the overall will and unified interests of the bourgeoisie, reflecting the bourgeoisie’s attempt to achieve domination over the entire society at the ideological level, in order to constantly mitigate and conceal the class contradictions between the exploiting and exploited classes. As Lenin stated: “In a society torn by class contradictions, there can never be a non-class or supra-class ideology.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 5, p. 384. As a concentrated reflection of bourgeois ideology, the “class spirit” embodies the spiritual will of the bourgeoisie. Bourgeois ideological and political education, pervaded by the “class spirit,” is essentially the concretization of capitalist ideology in the field of ideological and political education. First, it criticizes bourgeois ideological and political education pervaded by the “class spirit” as serving the interests of bourgeois rule. The so-called “class spirit” is essentially an ideology that upholds the ruling interests of the bourgeoisie as the exploiting class. Therefore, Lenin incisively stated in *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*: “Naturally, the old school, pervaded by the class spirit… was not so much a school for educating the young generation of workers and peasants as it was a school for training them in the interests of the bourgeoisie.” [4]4 V. I. Lenin, *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 285. Educating “in the interests of the bourgeoisie” and training the young generation of workers and peasants “in the interests of the bourgeoisie” reflects Lenin’s profound critique of the essence of bourgeois ideological and political education pervaded by the “class spirit”—its essence is to uphold the interests of the exploiting class. Second, it criticizes bourgeois ideological and political education pervaded by the “class spirit” as defending the bourgeois ruling order. The establishment of bourgeois rule does not mean its eternity; “the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat” [5]5 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, *Selected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 479. are historically inevitable. After establishing its political, economic, and social ruling order, the bourgeoisie must also use the “class spirit,” which upholds the class interests of the exploiting class, to influence the entire spiritual world of society, thereby demonstrating the eternity of bourgeois rule and the legitimacy of the capitalist system. Third, it criticizes bourgeois ideological and political education pervaded by the “class spirit” as a tool for training useful servants for the bourgeoisie. In *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, Lenin astutely and directly criticized: “The aim of educating these youth was to train useful servants for the bourgeoisie, who would be able to create profit for it and at the same time not disturb its peace and leisure.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 286. “Not disturb its peace and leisure” while also being able to “create profit for it” essentially reflects that the bourgeoisie, through ideological and political education pervaded by the “class spirit,” makes the entire society, including the broad masses of youth, identify with and uphold the bourgeois ruling order and submit to bourgeois rule. Therefore, “training useful servants for the bourgeoisie” is precisely the process by which bourgeois ideological and political education, pervaded by the “class spirit,” creates a consciousness of “spiritual submission” in the spiritual world of social members, especially the broad masses of youth.

资产阶级思想政治教育维护、代表资产阶级的整体意志和统一利益，体现的是资产阶级从意识形态层面力求实现对整个社会的统治，以不断缓和、掩盖剥削阶级和被剥削阶级之间的阶级矛盾。正如列宁所说：“在为阶级矛盾所分裂的社会中，任何时候也不可能有非阶级的或超阶级的意识形态。”作为资产阶级意识形态的集中映射，“阶级精神”反映的是资产阶级的精神意志。贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育，实质上就是资本主义意识形态在思想政治教育领域的具象化。其一，批判贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育是为实现资产阶级统治利益服务。所谓“阶级精神”，实质是维护资产阶级作为剥削阶级的统治利益的意识形态。因此，列宁在《青年团的任务》中犀利地讲到：“自然，贯穿着阶级精神的旧学校……与其说是教育工农的年青一代，倒不如说是对他们进行符合资产阶级的利益的训练。”根据“资产阶级的利益”进行教育、对工农的年青一代进行“符合资产阶级的利益的训练”，这反映出列宁对贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育实质的深刻批判——其本质是维护剥削阶级的利益。其二，批判贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育是为维护资产阶级统治秩序辩护。资产阶级统治秩序的建立并不意味着资产阶级统治秩序的永恒，“资产阶级的灭亡和无产阶级的胜利”具有历史必然性。资产阶级建立政治、经济、社会的统治秩序，还要用维护剥削阶级阶级利益的“阶级精神”来对整个社会精神世界施以影响，以此论证资产阶级统治的永恒性、资本主义制度存在的合法性。其三，批判贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育是为训练对资产阶级有用奴仆的工具。列宁在《青年团的任务》中巧妙而直接地批判道：“教育这些青年的目的，就是训练对资产阶级有用的奴仆，使之既能替资产阶级创造利润，又不会惊扰资产阶级的安宁和悠闲。”“不会惊扰资产阶级的安宁和悠闲”且还能“替资产阶级创造利润”，实质上反映了资产阶级通过贯穿着“阶级精神”的思想政治教育，使得整个社会包括广大青年认同、维护资产阶级的统治秩序、服从资产阶级的统治。因此，“训练对资产阶级有用的奴仆”，就是贯穿着“阶级精神”的资产阶级思想政治教育使得社会成员尤其是广大青年在精神世界形成“精神服从”的意识。

II. Criticizing the “Hypocrisy” of Bourgeois Ideological and Political Education

二、批判资产阶级思想政治教育的“虚伪性”

In *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, Lenin profoundly pointed out: “Those books described everything as being wonderful, but in fact most of them were the most disgusting lies, hypocritically depicting the situation of capitalist society.” [7]7 V. I. Lenin, *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 287. The bourgeoisie often uses all available resources, including schools, books, newspapers, and other media, to loudly trumpet the superiority of the capitalist system and whitewash the class contradictions of capitalist society. The “hypocrisy” of bourgeois ideological and political education is mainly manifested in the split between the beautiful illusions it promotes and the painful reality, and the coexistence of real exploitation and oppression with hypocritical deception and obfuscation.

列宁在《青年团的任务》中深刻指出：“那些书本把什么都描写得好得了不得，其实大半都是最令人厌恶的谎言，虚伪地向我们描绘了资本主义社会的情景。”资产阶级往往会利用一切可以利用的资源，包括学校、书本、报刊等传播媒介，大肆鼓吹资本主义制度的优越性、粉饰资本主义社会的阶级矛盾。资产阶级思想政治教育的“虚伪性”主要表现为宣扬的美好幻境与苦痛现实的分裂、真实的剥削压榨与虚伪的欺骗愚弄并存。

(1) The Split between the Beautiful Illusions Promoted and the Actual Painful Reality

（一）宣扬的美好幻想与实际的苦痛现实的分裂

As early as in *The German Ideology*, Marx and Engels provided an extremely profound discussion of the “ideas” of the ruling class’s ideological and political education in class society. Marx and Engels pointed out: “During the rule of the bourgeoisie, the concepts that are dominant are freedom, equality, etc. … The ruling class itself always fabricates such fantasies for itself.” [8]8 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The German Ideology*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 5, p. 60. The beautiful illusions of “freedom, equality,” etc., promoted during the period of bourgeois rule stand in stark contrast to the painful reality of capitalist society. This is Lenin’s profound critique of the “hypocrisy” of bourgeois ideological and political education. The bourgeoisie spares no effort in inculcating capitalist ideological and political concepts into the masses of society, vigorously promoting that capitalist society will usher in universal “freedom, equality, and democracy.” These fabricated “fantasies” cannot be truly realized in a capitalist society based on private ownership of the means of production. The reason concepts like “freedom, equality, and democracy” are called “fantasies” is that as long as a society has not abolished private ownership of the means of production, exploitation of the exploited class by the exploiting class will inevitably exist.

马克思和恩格斯早在《德意志意识形态》中，就对阶级社会中统治阶级进行思想政治教育的“思想”有过极为深刻的论述。马克思和恩格斯指出：“在资产阶级统治时期占统治地位的概念则是自由、平等，等等。……统治阶级总是自己为自己编造出诸如此类的幻想。”资产阶级统治时期宣扬的“自由、平等”等美好幻境，与资本主义社会的苦痛现实形成鲜明对比，这是列宁对资产阶级思想政治教育“虚伪性”的深刻批判。资产阶级不遗余力地向社会大众灌输资本主义的思想政治观念，极力宣扬资本主义社会将会迎来普遍的“自由、平等、民主”，这种编造出来的“幻想”不可能在以生产资料私有制为基础的资本主义社会真正实现。之所以称“自由、平等、民主”等概念是一种“幻想”，这是因为，一个社会只要没有消灭生产资料私有制，那就必然存在剥削阶级对被剥削阶级的剥削。

Under the wage-labor system based on private ownership of the means of production and the essence of exploitation, the relationship between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat remains in substance one of exploitation and being exploited. First, with regard to the “freedom” extolled by capitalist society, Lenin pointed out that “the freedom of capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in the ancient Greek republics: freedom for the slave-owners. The modern wage-slaves, owing to the conditions of capitalist exploitation, are so crushed by want and poverty that ‘they cannot be bothered with democracy,’ ‘they cannot be bothered with politics.’” [9]9 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 294. [Translator’s note: This and subsequent citations from “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues” are from the standard English edition; the Chinese text follows the original Russian.] This is the beautiful illusion of “freedom” in capitalist society set against the painful reality of the general unfreedom of the exploited class. Second, with regard to the “equality” proclaimed by capitalist society, Lenin pointed out: “So long as the exploitation of one class by another has not been completely abolished, it is impossible to speak of real, factual equality.” [10]10 Ibid., p. 295. As long as the system of exploitation has not been eliminated, there will be exploiters and exploited in the form of classes; consequently, genuine equality between the exploiting and exploited classes is impossible, and this inequality, based on the system of exploitation, also exhibits the characteristic of intergenerational transmission. This is the beautiful illusion of “equality” in capitalist society set against the painful reality that “the exploiter cannot be equal to the exploited.” [11]11 Ibid. Third, with regard to the “democracy” proclaimed by capitalist society, although Lenin acknowledged the historical progressiveness of bourgeois “democracy” compared with the medieval system, he argued that as a “democracy for the minority, democracy for the rich,” bourgeois “democracy” “cannot but be a narrow, mutilated, false, hypocritical democracy, a paradise for the rich and a snare and deception for the poor.” [12]12 Ibid., p. 296. Lenin directly struck at the hypocritical core of capitalist “democracy,” holding that this democratic system “is always a democracy for the minority, only for the propertied classes, only for the rich.” [13]13 Ibid. Thus, the “freedom, equality, and democracy” proclaimed during the period of bourgeois rule have never been and cannot be universally realized; they are merely beautiful lies fabricated by the exploiting class under the capitalist system to maintain its ruling order. In sum, Lenin’s trenchant critique of bourgeois ideological and political education exposes the stark contrast between the beautiful illusions proclaimed by capitalist society and the actual painful reality, profoundly illustrating the “hypocrisy” of bourgeois ideological and political education.

在以生产资料私有制和剥削本质为基础的雇佣劳动制度下，资产阶级和无产阶级之间的关系实质仍是一种剥削与被剥削的关系。其一，就资本主义社会推崇的“自由”而言，列宁指出，“资本主义社会的自由始终与古希腊共和国的自由即奴隶主的自由大致相同。由于资本主义剥削制度的条件，现代的雇佣奴隶被贫困压得喘不过气，结果都‘无暇过问民主’‘无暇过问政治’”。这就是资本主义社会关于“自由”的美好幻想与被剥削阶级普遍不自由的苦痛现实。其二，就资本主义社会宣扬的“平等”而言，列宁指出：“在一个阶级剥削另一个阶级的一切可能性没有完全消灭以前，决不可能有真正的事实上的平等。”只要剥削制度没有消灭，就会有以阶级形式存在的剥削者和被剥削者，那么，剥削阶级和被剥削阶级之间就不可能真正平等，并且这种以剥削制度为基础的不平等还会呈现代际延续的特点。这就是资本主义社会关于“平等”的美好幻想与“剥削者不可能同被剥削者平等”的苦痛现实。其三，就资本主义社会宣扬的“民主”而言，列宁虽肯定资产阶级“民主”相较于中世纪制度而言具有历史进步性，然而，作为“极少数人享受民主，富人享受民主”的资产阶级“民主”“不能不是狭隘的、残缺不全的、虚伪的、骗人的民主”。列宁直指资本主义“民主”虚伪的要害，认为这种民主制度“实质上始终是少数人的即只是有产阶级的、只是富人的民主制度”。可见，资产阶级统治时期宣扬的“自由、平等、民主”从来没有亦不可能普遍地实现，这只是资本主义制度下剥削阶级为维持统治秩序而编造出来的美好谎言。总之，列宁对资产阶级思想政治教育进行犀利批判，揭露资本主义社会宣扬的美好幻想与实际的苦痛现实形成鲜明对照，深刻说明了资产阶级思想政治教育的“虚伪性”。

(II) The Coexistence of Real Exploitation and Oppression with Hypocritical Deception and Befuddlement

（二）真实的剥削压榨与虚伪的欺骗愚弄并存

Private ownership of the means of production is the root of the exploitation and oppression of the majority, the exploited class, by the minority, the exploiting class. As long as a society retains private ownership of the means of production, the exploitation and oppression of the ruled class, which does not own the means of production, by the ruling class, which does own them, will inevitably exist; this is also the root cause of the poverty of the broad masses in a subordinate position. Private ownership of the means of production is “the source of the poverty of the masses, the source of the predatory wars between nations that only enrich the capitalists.” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 297. Correspondingly, as long as private ownership of the means of production exists, it inevitably leads to the paradox of the accumulation of wealth and the accumulation of poverty. In his “To the Rural Poor,” Lenin stated: “Society grows richer and richer, while the millions of people who create all this wealth with their labor continue to live in poverty and destitution.” [15]15 V. I. Lenin, “To the Rural Poor,” *Collected Works*, vol. 6, p. 367. At the same time, “everything that is produced falls into the hands of the rich, becomes their profit, their ‘income.’” [16]16 Ibid. Even if production continuously advances and technology constantly innovates, as long as the system of exploitation has not perished, the exploitation and oppression of the majority, the exploited class, by the minority, the exploiting class, cannot and will not be fundamentally changed. Precisely for this reason, while landowners and capitalists amass billions in wealth from machinery and technological improvements, the broad masses of workers receive only “a miserable pittance.” [17]17 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 298.

生产资料私有制是作为剥削阶级的少数人对作为被剥削阶级的多数人进行剥削压榨的根源。只要一个社会还存在生产资料私有制，那么，占有生产资料的统治阶级对没有占有生产资料的被统治阶级的剥削压榨就必然存在，这亦是处在被统治地位的广大群众贫困的根由。生产资料私有制是“群众贫困的根源，是只能使资本家发财的、各民族间的掠夺性战争的根源”。与之相应，只要存在生产资料私有制，就必然导致财富积累和贫困积累的悖论。列宁在《告贫困农民》中讲到：“社会一天天富裕繁华，而用自己劳动创造一切财富的千百万人却仍旧过着贫穷困苦的日子。”与此同时，“生产出来的一切东西统统落在富人手里，统统成了他们的利润、他们的‘收入’”。即便生产不断进步、技术不断革新，只要剥削制度没有消亡，作为剥削阶级的少数人对作为被剥削阶级的多数人的剥削压榨是不会也不可能彻底改变。正因如此，当土地占有者和资本家从机器和技术改良中聚敛亿万财富的时候，广大工人群众也只是得到“可怜的零头”。

Real exploitation and oppression thus form an extremely stark contrast with hypocritical deception and befuddlement. In capitalist society, the ruling bourgeoisie uses an ideological system reflecting the exploiting class’s worldview to “console people’s hearts,” which in essence means using the ideological system of bourgeois ideology to deceive and befuddle the broad working masses. “To the bourgeoisie, the world it rules is naturally the best of all possible worlds. Bourgeois socialism fabricates this consoling notion into a half or complete system.” [18]18 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, in *Marx/Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6, p. 514. [The Chinese text paraphrases the original; the English follows the standard translation.] The process by which capitalist society inculcates the working masses with “a half or complete system of consoling notions” is essentially the process by which the ruling exploiting class, through controlling the instruments of public opinion and employing educational tools, carries out the spiritual domestication of the working people. Lenin pointed out: “Capitalism makes the newspaper a capitalist enterprise … a tool for deceiving and befuddling the working masses.” [19]19 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 299. Bourgeois ideological and political education not only deceives the working people but also befuddles them into serving the exploiting class, “training scientific personnel to write and speak to suit the tastes of the capitalists,” [20]20 Ibid., p. 300. and “striving through schooling to train obedient, docile lackeys for the bourgeoisie, and even making every effort nationwide to use universal education to train such servants, teaching them to carry out the will of capital and obey its bidding.” [21]21 Ibid. The ruling bourgeoisie, by virtue of its dual control over the material means of production and the spiritual means of production, both exploits and oppresses the working people in the exploited class and spares no effort in conducting ideological indoctrination with the exploiting class’s ideological system. This is precisely Lenin’s profound critique of the “hypocrisy” of bourgeois ideological and political education.

真实的剥削压榨与虚伪的欺骗愚弄便形成极其鲜明的对比。在资本主义社会，居于统治地位的资产阶级用反映剥削阶级意识形态的观念体系“安慰人心”，实质是用资产阶级意识形态的观念体系欺骗和愚弄广大劳动人民。“在资产阶级看来，它所统治的世界自然是最美好的世界。资产阶级的社会主义把这种安慰人心的观念制成半套或整套的体系。”资本主义社会把“安慰人心的观念制成半套或整套的体系”灌输给劳动人民的过程，实质就是占统治地位的剥削阶级通过掌控舆论工具、运用教育工具对劳动人民进行精神驯化的过程。列宁指出：“资本主义使报纸成为资本主义的企业……成为欺骗和愚弄劳动群众的工具。”资产阶级思想政治教育不仅欺骗劳动人民，还愚弄劳动人民为剥削阶级服务，“把科学人才训练成迎合资本家口味来写作和说话的人”，“竭力通过办学替资产阶级训练机灵听话的奴才，甚至在全国上下竭力利用普遍教育替资产阶级训练这样的奴仆，教他们去执行资本的意志，听从资本的使唤。”居于统治地位的资产阶级，凭借其对物质生产资料和精神生产资料的双重支配，既对处于被剥削阶级地位的劳动人民进行剥削压榨，同时又不遗余力地用剥削阶级的观念体系开展意识形态教化，这正是列宁对资产阶级思想政治教育“虚伪性”的深刻批判。

III. Critique of the Extreme Egoism of Bourgeois Ideological and Political Education

三、批判资产阶级思想政治教育的极端利己性

In “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” Lenin pointed out: “Since I till my own plot of land, what others do is none of my business; if others go hungry, so much the better—I can sell my grain at a higher price … As long as I flatter and curry favor with those in power, I can not only keep my petty post but even climb to the position of a bourgeois.” [22]22 Ibid., p. 301. The education of the exploiters in capitalist society continuously propagates and reinforces extreme egoist values, causing individuals “nurtured” by capitalist society to regard extreme egoism as their spiritual creed and to take these extreme egoist values as the standard for “proper” behavior.

列宁在《青年团的任务》中指出：“既然我种我的地，别人的事就与我无关；别人要是挨饿，那更好，我可以抬高价格出卖我的粮食……只要我讨好、巴结有权势的人，就不仅能保住我的小职位，还可以爬到资产者的地位上去。”资本主义社会剥削者的教育持续宣扬并强化极端利己主义价值观，使得资本主义社会“教养”的个体将极端利己主义奉为精神圭臬，并将这种极端利己主义价值观作为“正当”行为的价值准则。

(I) The Extreme Egoism Originates from the Deeply Rooted Education of the Exploiters

（一）极端利己性源发于剥削者的教育根深蒂固

The extreme egoism of bourgeois ideological and political education proceeds from the interests of the exploiting class, with the aim of safeguarding the fundamental interests of the exploiting class; it is “for the minority, or for the benefit of the minority,” [23]23 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, in *Marx/Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6, p. 495. which is fundamentally different from proletarian ideological and political education, which is “for the vast majority, for the benefit of the vast majority.” [24]24 Ibid. In criticizing “the living bourgeoisie, ready to commit any barbarity, any atrocity, any crime,” Lenin pointed out that “the European bourgeoisie supports the reactionary forces in Asia for the selfish purposes of financial brokers and capitalist swindlers.” [25]25 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 302. The extreme egoism of bourgeois ideological and political education is manifested both in the ruling exploiting class’s pursuit of its own private interests and in its shaping of the spiritual world of people living in capitalist society. From birth, people living in capitalist society gradually receive the “careful nurturing” of the exploiters’ long-standing extreme egoist ideology, and extreme egoist values are thus naturally embedded in their spiritual world.

资产阶级思想政治教育的极端利己性是从剥削阶级的利益出发，其目的是维护剥削阶级的根本利益，是“少数人的，或者为少数人谋利益”，这与无产阶级思想政治教育是“绝大多数人的，为绝大多数人谋利益”存在本质的不同。列宁在批判“活着的资产阶级甘愿干一切野蛮、残暴和罪恶的勾当”时指出，“欧洲资产阶级为了金融经纪人和资本家骗子的自私目的而支持亚洲的反动势力”。资产阶级思想政治教育的极端利己性既体现在居于统治地位的剥削阶级对于自己私利的追逐，又形塑着生活在资本主义社会中人们的精神世界。生活在资本主义社会的人们自出生就逐渐接受来自剥削者长期的极端利己主义思想的“精心教养”，极端利己主义价值观就自然而然地嵌入人们的精神世界。

From its essence, the education of the exploiters in capitalist society is an ideological indoctrination activity carried out by the ruling exploiting class, relying on the material and spiritual forces it dominates in capitalist society. This education of the exploiters, based on the logic of capital, permeates every aspect of people’s lives in capitalist society. In *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, Lenin describes a society founded on private ownership of the means of production as follows: anyone brought up in such a society “may be said to have imbibed from their mother’s milk the psychology, the habit, the outlook—not of a slave-owner or a slave, but of a small proprietor, a petty official, an intellectual, in short, of a man who cares only for himself and does not care for others.” [26]26 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 291. [Translator’s note: The English translation of Lenin’s speech is from the Progress Publishers edition; the phrasing here follows the Chinese text’s rendering.] Precisely because people live for a long time, even “from their mother’s milk,” within the ideological and political education of the exploiters, the bourgeois ideological and political concepts that pursue individual self-interest while disregarding the collective are widely and deeply disseminated. For this reason, the extreme egoist values propagated by capitalist society “carefully nurture” the people living within it, gradually settling into psychological habits, customs, and outlooks that are taken for granted and difficult to change in capitalist society.

资本主义社会剥削者的教育，从实质来看，是居于统治地位的剥削阶级凭借其在资本主义社会占统治地位的物质力量和精神力量开展的意识形态教化活动。这种基于资本逻辑的剥削者的教育浸润于资本主义社会人们生活的各个方面。列宁在《青年团的任务》中对以生产资料私有制为基础的社会作出如此描述，只要是受到这个社会的教养，那么，“可以说从吃母亲奶的时候起就接受了这种心理、习惯和观点——不是奴隶主，就是奴隶，或者是小私有者、小职员、小官吏、知识分子，总之，是一个只关心自己而不顾别人的人”。正是因为长期甚至“从吃母亲奶的时候”就生活在剥削者的思想政治教育中，资本主义社会追逐个人私利而漠视集体的思想政治观念被广泛且深入传播。正因如此，资本主义社会宣扬的极端利己主义价值观，“精心教养”着生活在资本主义社会中的人们，并逐渐沉淀为资本主义社会习以为常且难以移易的心理、习惯和观点。

(II) A Profound Critique of the Education of the Capitalist Exploiters

（二）对资本主义剥削者的教育展开深刻的批判

Lenin not only deeply exposed the extreme egoism of bourgeois ideological and political education but also launched a sharp critique of this education of the exploiters. Lenin summarized this extreme egoist value as “every man for himself, and God for all.” He stated: “Only under the capitalist system do people think this way: ‘I do business, I get rich, every man for himself, and God for all.’ That is capitalist thinking, that is the cause of war, that is the reason why workers and peasants are destitute while a handful become billionaires.” Lenin argued: “A communist cannot have such a psychology or such sentiments.” This is because capitalist morality proceeds from the interests of the “handful” who constitute the exploiting class, whereas communist morality “is deduced from the interests of the proletariat’s class struggle.” [27]27 Ibid., p. 293. At its root, bourgeois ideological and political education, as the education of the exploiters that consolidates private ownership of the means of production, propagates extreme egoist values to the masses, aiming to safeguard the interests of the ruling exploiting class, follow the logic of capital, and realize the will of capital.

列宁既深刻揭露了资产阶级思想政治教育的极端利己性，同时也对这种剥削者的教育展开犀利批判。列宁将这种极端利己主义价值观概括为“人人为自己，上帝为大家”，“只有在资本主义制度下人们才这样想：‘我做买卖，我发财，人人为自己，上帝为大家。’这就是资本主义思想，这就是战争产生的原因，这就是工人和农民一贫如洗而一小撮人成为亿万富翁的原因。”列宁认为：“共产主义者就不能有这种心理和情绪。”这是因为，资本主义的道德是从作为剥削阶级“一小撮人”的利益出发，而共产主义的道德是从“无产阶级阶级斗争的利益中引申出来的”。究其根本，资产阶级思想政治教育作为巩固生产资料私有制的剥削者的教育，面向社会大众宣扬极端利己主义价值观，旨在维护居于统治地位的剥削者的利益，遵循资本的逻辑，实现资本的意志。

As an education opposed to that of the exploiters, the goal of communist education is “to train genuine communists, capable of overcoming lies and prejudices… and of building a state without capitalists, without exploiters, without landlords.” This requires helping and educating the laboring masses to overcome the ills left by bourgeois ideological and political education, “so that some people cannot enrich themselves by harming others.” The opposition between the extreme individualism propagated by the bourgeoisie and the collectivism advocated by the proletariat is, at its root, the opposition between the natures of ownership of the means of production, i.e., the opposition between public ownership and private ownership. Therefore, to eradicate the extreme egoism of bourgeois ideological and political education and “expose all the deceptive talk about morality,” one must start from the abolition of capitalist private ownership of the means of production. In capitalist society, the bourgeoisie, as the ruling class, dominates not only the material means of production but also the spiritual means of production. Hence, only by abolishing private ownership of the means of production and transforming it into socialist public ownership can the education of the exploiters be completely destroyed.

作为反对剥削者的教育，共产主义教育的目的是“培养真正的共产主义者，使他们有本领战胜谎言和偏见……建设一个没有资本家、没有剥削者、没有地主的国家。”这就必须帮助和教育劳动群众克服资产阶级思想政治教育遗留下来的弊病，“就要使某些人不能用损人利己的手段来发财致富”。资产阶级宣扬的极端个人主义和无产阶级倡导的集体主义这两者的对立从根本上讲，就是生产资料所有制性质的对立，即公有制和私有制的对立。因此，要根除资产阶级思想政治教育的极端利己性，“揭穿一切关于道德的骗人的鬼话”，就必须从消灭资本主义生产资料私有制入手。在资本主义社会中，资产阶级作为统治阶级不仅支配着物质生产资料，而且支配着精神生产资料，因而只有消灭生产资料私有制，将其改造为社会主义公有制，才能彻底摧毁剥削者的教育。

IV. Critiquing Bourgeois Ideological and Political Education for “Shackling the Minds of Workers and Peasants”

四、批判资产阶级思想政治教育“禁锢工农头脑”

The bourgeoisie, “speaking in the name of God,” uses so-called “God’s arrangements,” and even “claims to ‘receive God’s grace’ and bestow ‘its own grace’” upon the suffering, toiling, and impoverished masses of workers and peasants. In reality, this serves the bourgeoisie’s own interests by spiritually taming the masses and defending the exploitative life of the exploiting class. In *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, Lenin profoundly pointed out: “We reject all morality deduced from concepts that are superhuman and supra-class… This is done to fool the workers and peasants, to shackle their minds, in the interests of the landlords and capitalists.” [28]28 Ibid., p. 291. The true liberation of the masses of workers and peasants does not lie in “a blissful life after death,” but in uniting, under the guidance of scientific socialism, to overthrow the rule of capital and strive for a good life on earth.

资产阶级“假借上帝的名义”，以所谓“上帝的安排”，甚至“自命为‘承受上帝恩典’，并把‘自己的恩典’”赐给受苦受难、辛劳贫困的广大工农群众，实际是为着资产阶级自身利益对广大工农群众进行精神驯化，为剥削阶级的剥削生活辩护。列宁在《青年团的任务》中深刻指出：“我们否定从超人类和超阶级的概念中引出的这一切道德……这是为了地主和资本家的利益来愚弄工农，禁锢工农的头脑。”广大工农群众真正的解放并不在于“死后的幸福生活”，而在于通过科学社会主义的指引，团结起来推翻资本的统治，争取人间的美好生活。

(I) Speaking in the Name of God to Defend the Exploitative Life

（一）假借上帝名义为剥削生活辩护

First, from an essential perspective, the exploiting class “speaks in the name of God” fundamentally to safeguard and realize its own interests. In *The Tasks of the Youth Leagues*, Lenin pointed out: “The clergy, the landlords, and the bourgeoisie all spoke in the name of God to pursue their own interests as exploiters.” [29]29 Ibid. Using religious power to preach obedience and endurance to the people, they indoctrinate the masses into willingly accepting the class rule order of the exploiting class, even viewing “sweating at labor” under the exploitative system as “God’s test,” fundamentally serving the interests of the exploiting class. Second, from a content perspective, the “concept of God” woven by religion to instruct believers defends the exploitative life of the exploiting class. By vigorously depicting the beauty of heaven, it constantly arouses people’s desire for religion. Through religious instruction, it can both cheaply “defend the entire exploitative life” of the exploiting class and make the exploited class constantly yearn for “the beauty of heaven.” To achieve its class political goals, strengthen its class political rule, and safeguard its class political interests, the bourgeoisie often uses the “concept of God” to “instill religion into the people or consolidate religion among the people by new methods.” [30]30 Ibid., p. 292. In short, based on its class political and social needs, the exploiting class often creates, revives, and consolidates religion, thereby realizing religion’s function of providing spiritual defense for the exploiting class. Third, from a formal perspective, the “concept of God” is wrapped in a beautiful ideological guise and often has an exquisite system, which also makes the “concept of God” highly potent in spiritually paralyzing people. Lenin believed that “religious ideas, the concept of God, and flattery of God” are the “most abominable ‘contagious diseases’,” and even emphasized that “it is much easier for the masses to recognize millions of crimes, evils, outrages, and physical contagious diseases than to recognize the subtle, spiritual concept of God, dressed up in the most beautiful ‘ideological’ garb.” [31]31 Ibid. Precisely because the “concept of God” often has beautiful attire as its disguise, only by stripping away its beautiful “ideological” garb can one see through the essence of the “concept of God” serving the exploiting class. Thus, as a spiritual contagious disease, compared to physical contagious diseases, the “concept of God” is more insidious and harmful, and equally very difficult to cure.

其一，从本质方面来看，剥削阶级“假借上帝的名义说话”从根本上是维护和实现剥削阶级自身的利益。列宁在《青年团的任务》中指出：“僧侣、地主和资产阶级都假借上帝的名义说话，为的是谋求他们这些剥削者自身的利益。”运用宗教的力量向民众宣扬服从、忍耐的理念，教化民众心甘情愿地认同剥削阶级的阶级统治秩序，甚至将处在剥削制度中“汗流浃背地劳动”视作“是上帝的考验”，从根本上服务于剥削阶级的利益。其二，从内容方面来看，宗教编织的用以教导信众的“神的观念”是为剥削阶级的剥削生活辩护，其通过极力渲染天国的美好，不断唤起人们对宗教的渴求。通过宗教教导，既可以廉价地为剥削阶级的“整个剥削生活辩护”，又可以让被剥削阶级不断向往“天国的美好”。资产阶级为了实现本阶级的政治目的，强化本阶级的政治统治，维护本阶级的政治利益，往往会借助“神的观念”，“向人民灌输宗教或用新的方法在人民中间巩固宗教”。总之，剥削阶级基于本阶级的政治需要和社会需要，往往会制造宗教、复活宗教、巩固宗教，从而实现宗教为剥削阶级进行精神辩护的功能。其三，从形式方面来看，“神的观念”有着华美的思想外衣作为包装，且往往体系精巧，这同样使得“神的观念”对人的精神麻痹性极强。列宁认为，“宗教观念，神的观念和对神的谄媚”是“最可恶的‘传染病’”，甚至强调“群众识破千百万种罪恶、坏事、暴行和肉体的传染病，比识破精巧的、精神上的、用最漂亮的‘思想’外衣装扮起来的神的观念要容易得多”。正是因为，“神的观念”往往有着华美的服饰作为装扮，只有剥去其漂亮的“思想”外衣，才能识破“神的观念”为剥削阶级服务的本质。由此可见，作为精神的传染病，相较于肉体的传染病，“神的观念”更具有隐蔽性、危害性，同样极难医治。

(II) The Exploited Class Suffers Spiritual Oppression

（二）被剥削阶级遭受精神方面压迫

The bourgeoisie, as the exploiting class, imposes not only economic oppression on the exploited class but also political and spiritual oppression. Lenin pointed out: “The economic oppression of the workers inevitably gives rise to and produces all kinds of political oppression and social humiliation of the masses, making them coarse and ignorant in their spiritual life.” [32]32 Ibid., p. 293. Moreover, as long as the “power of capital” still exists, the economic and political oppression suffered by the exploited class will not cease. In a spontaneous state, the exploited class often cannot recognize the root cause of the exploitation and oppression they suffer, making it difficult for them to gather strength to launch a conscious struggle against the exploiting class. Consequently, their pursuit of a better life can only be placed in heaven. Lenin pointed out: “The exploited class, being unable to fight the exploiters, inevitably engenders a longing for a blissful life after death.” [33]33 Ibid. Thus, no matter what degree of exploitation and oppression the exploited class suffers in real life, or what degree of injustice and hardship they endure, religion always teaches them to accept the “existing society” rather than overthrow it.

资产阶级作为剥削阶级，对被剥削阶级既进行着经济压迫，同时还进行着政治压迫和精神压迫。列宁指出：“对工人的经济压迫，必然会引起和产生对群众的各种政治压迫和社会屈辱，使他们在精神生活方面变得粗俗和愚昧。”并且，只要“资本的政权”依旧存在，被剥削阶级遭受的经济压迫和政治压迫就不会停止。被剥削阶级在自发状态往往不能认识到自己遭受剥削压迫的根源，也就很难聚集力量掀起同剥削阶级的自觉斗争，因而对美好生活的追求往往只能寄托于天国。列宁指出，“被剥削阶级由于没有力量同剥削者进行斗争，必然会产生对死后的幸福生活的憧憬”。可见，无论被剥削阶级在现实生活中遭受何等程度的剥削和压迫，蒙受何等程度的不公和苦难，宗教总会教导他们认同“现存的社会”，而不是推翻“现存的社会”。

At the same time, religion also became “one of the various forms of spiritual oppression that weigh heavily everywhere on the masses of the people, who are overwhelmed by poverty and solitude.” Lenin regarded religion as “the opium of the people” and a spiritual “cheap brandy,” meaning that religion numbs and shackles the “minds of the workers and peasants,” carries out spiritual domestication of the people, and “teaches them to be submissive and patient in this life, and holds out the hope of a reward in heaven.” Bourgeois ideological and political education uses religion to spiritually oppress the exploited classes, which is concentratedly manifested as: through religious teachings, it numbs the exploited classes, causing the exploited and oppressed people to “keep their place” in real life, willingly become “slaves of capital,” submit to and endure “the bitterness and humiliation of earthly life,” and immerse themselves in longing for “a happy life after death.”

与此同时，宗教也就成为“深受穷困和孤独之苦的人民群众所普遍遭受的种种精神压迫之一”。列宁将宗教视为“人民的鸦片”和精神的“劣质酒”，意指宗教麻痹和禁锢“工农头脑”，对人民进行精神驯化，“教导他们在人间要顺从和忍耐，劝他们把希望寄托在天国的恩赐上”。资产阶级思想政治教育利用宗教对被剥削阶级进行精神压迫，集中表现为：通过宗教教导麻痹被剥削阶级，使得被剥削被压迫的人民在现实生活中“安分守己”，甘于沦为“资本的奴隶”，顺从和忍耐“人间的苦楚屈辱”，沉浸于憧憬“死后的幸福生活”。

The reason religion can defend the life of exploitation and spiritually oppress the exploited classes has both cognitive and social roots, but the deepest social roots are still hidden in capitalist society. In capitalist society, “the helplessness of the exploited masses in their struggle against the exploiters inevitably gives rise to a belief in a better life after death, just as the helplessness of the savage in his struggle against nature gives rise to a belief in gods, devils, miracles, and the like. Religion teaches those who toil and live in want all their lives to be patient and humble in this world, and consoles them with the hope of a heavenly reward. But as for those who live on the labor of others, religion teaches them to be charitable in earthly life, thus providing a cheap justification for their whole exploiting existence and selling them at a moderate price tickets to heavenly bliss. Religion is the opium of the people. Religion is a sort of spiritual cheap brandy, in which the slaves of capital drown their human shape and their claims to any decent human life.” [34]34 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 291. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) This “unfathomable power of capitalism” is vividly manifested in the fact that “it causes the proletarian and the small owner to face the possibility of … bankruptcy and ruin at any moment in their lives.” [35]35 V. I. Lenin, “The Attitude of the Workers’ Party to Religion,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 15, p. 405. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) Thus, this “unfathomable power of capitalism” causes the exploited masses to suffer terrible disasters and cruel pain in real life, and the fear of this “unfathomable power of capitalism” makes the exploited masses feel powerless and helpless, which makes them prone to submit to “religious teachings,” and religion naturally becomes a powerful tool for spiritually oppressing the exploited masses.

宗教之所以能够为剥削生活辩护，对被剥削阶级进行精神压迫，既有认识方面的根源，又有社会方面的根源，但是最深刻的社会根源仍然隐藏在资本主义社会中。在资本主义社会中，“面对时时刻刻给普通劳动人民带来最可怕的灾难、最残酷的折磨的资本主义（比战争、地震等任何非常事件带来的灾难和折磨多一千倍）捉摸不定的力量，他们觉得似乎毫无办法，——这就是目前宗教最深刻的根源。”这种“资本主义捉摸不定的力量”生动地表现为，“它使无产者和小业主在生活中随时随地都可能遭到……破产和毁灭”。可见，这种“资本主义捉摸不定的力量”使得被剥削群众在现实生活中总会遭受可怕的灾难和残酷的痛苦，而对“资本主义捉摸不定的力量”的恐惧使得被剥削群众感到乏力无助，这就使得被剥削群众容易顺从“宗教教导”，宗教也就自然而然成为对被剥削群众进行精神压迫的有力工具。

(3) Using the Fog of Religion to Obscure the Roots of the People’s Suffering

（三）以宗教迷雾遮蔽民众苦难根源

The spiritual comfort brought by “religious teachings” is “happiness in heaven” rather than “happiness on earth.” Thus, the suffering of the exploited masses in real life is not truly eliminated; immersing oneself in religious illusions often severely erodes people’s will to change the conditions of real life. Therefore, it is necessary to dispel the fog of religion from the spiritual aspect. The exploited masses must strive for a good life on earth, not for a “happy life after death”; they must not “place their hopes on the grace of heaven,” but must be adept at struggling against religion, “waging the most revolutionary war against God,” [36]36 V. I. Lenin, “Socialism and Religion,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 10, p. 83. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) and “eliminating the real root of religion’s deception of mankind.” [37]37 V. I. Lenin, “The Attitude of the Workers’ Party to Religion,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 15, p. 405. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.)

“宗教教导”带来的精神慰藉是“天国享福”而不是“人间幸福”，如此，被剥削群众在现实生活中的痛苦并没有真正被消除，沉浸于宗教幻梦往往会严重消磨人们改变现实生活条件的斗志，这就要从精神方面驱散宗教迷雾。被剥削群众要争取人间的美好生活而不是“死后的幸福生活”，不是将“希望寄托在天国的恩赐”，而是要善于同宗教作斗争，“同上帝进行最最革命的战争”，“消灭宗教对人类愚弄的真正根源”。

First, since the “unfathomable power of capitalism” is the deepest root of religion, opposing the exploiting classes’ use of religion to spiritually oppress the exploited masses fundamentally means opposing all forms of capital’s rule. If the exploited classes neither deeply understand the social roots of religion nor consciously oppose those social roots, “opposing any form of capital’s rule, then no amount of enlightenment books can make these masses disbelieve in religion.” [38]38 V. I. Lenin, “The Attitude of the Workers’ Party to Religion,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 15, p. 406. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) Therefore, the broad masses of exploited workers and peasants can only thoroughly oppose the social roots of religion’s spiritual oppression if they deeply understand that the root of their suffering lies in the rule of capital, and that the fundamental way to change their suffering is not to seek “happiness in heaven” but to completely overthrow all forms of capital’s rule. Second, only by uniting and struggling together can the exploited and oppressed masses destroy bourgeois society, and God will not create such unity to oppose the rule of capital. To destroy the old society built on the oppression and enslavement of the exploited classes by the exploiting classes, the broad masses of workers and peasants must unite to overthrow the oppressors; however, “God will not create such unity … only the proletariat can create a force of unity.” [39]39 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 292. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) Only when the proletariat, moving from “slumber” to “awakening,” recognizes its own strength, unites the broad masses of workers and peasants in a conscious struggle against the exploiting classes, and jointly opposes all forms of capital’s rule, can it concentrate its forces to completely eliminate the oppression of the exploiting classes. Third, scientific socialism guides the broad masses, especially the proletariat, to recognize their own historical mission and to consciously, in an organized and planned manner, oppose the rule of capital, ultimately completely dispelling the fog of religion. The modern proletariat, connected with advanced modes of production and baptized by scientific socialism, will recognize the deep roots of religion and thus completely discard religious prejudices, “striving for a good life on earth for themselves,” rather than a good life in heaven. This requires “socialism to attract science to dispel the fog of religion, to unite the workers in a real struggle for a good life on earth, thereby freeing them from superstition about life after death.” [40]40 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 293. (This note provides the source of the quotation in the preceding paragraph.) The essence of “socialism attracting science to dispel the fog of religion” lies in revealing the task of scientific socialism—to make the oppressed and enslaved proletariat recognize the historical mission, historical conditions, and historical nature of the cause of liberating all humanity while simultaneously liberating itself, to enlighten the proletariat to “free themselves from superstition about life after death,” to wage a conscious struggle for a good life on earth, and thereby create conditions for the free development of each individual.

其一，由于“资本主义捉摸不定的力量”是宗教产生的最深刻的根源，因此反对剥削阶级利用宗教对被剥削群众进行精神压迫，究其根本，就是要反对一切形式的资本统治。如果被剥削阶级既没有深刻地认识到宗教产生的社会根源，也没有自觉地去反对宗教产生的社会根源，“反对任何形式的资本统治，那么无论什么启蒙书籍都不能使这些群众不信仰宗教”。因此，遭受剥削的广大工农群众只有深刻地认识到自己遭受苦难的根源在于资本的统治，改变苦难的根本办法不是去“天国享福”，而是彻底推翻一切形式的资本统治，这样才能彻底地反对宗教进行精神压迫的社会根源。其二，只有被剥削被压迫的广大群众团结起来共同斗争，才能摧毁资产阶级社会，而上帝是不会创造这种团结来反对资本的统治的。为了摧毁建立在剥削阶级对被剥削阶级压迫奴役之上的旧社会，广大工农群众就必须团结一致去打倒压迫者，然而“上帝是不会创造这种团结的，……只有无产阶级才能创造一种团结一致的力量”。从“沉睡”到“觉醒”的无产阶级只有认识到自己的力量，团结广大工农群众向剥削阶级进行自觉斗争，共同反对一切形式的资本统治，才能集中力量彻底消灭剥削阶级的压迫。其三，科学社会主义引导广大群众特别是无产阶级认识到自身的历史使命，并且有组织地、有计划地、自觉地反对资本的统治，最终彻底驱散宗教迷雾。现代无产阶级同先进的生产方式相联系，接受科学社会主义的洗礼，就会认识到宗教产生的深刻根源，从而彻底抛弃宗教偏见，“为自己去争取人间的美好生活”，而不是天国的美好生活。这就需要“社会主义吸引科学来驱散宗教的迷雾，把工人团结起来为美好的人间生活作真正的斗争，从而使他们摆脱对死后生活的迷信”。“社会主义吸引科学来驱散宗教的迷雾”实质就在于，揭示科学社会主义的任务——让受到压迫奴役的无产阶级认识到解放全人类同时解放自己这项事业的历史使命、历史条件和历史性质，启迪无产阶级“摆脱对死后生活的迷信”，为人间的美好生活进行自觉斗争，进而为每个人的自由发展创造条件。

(The authors are: Professor at the School of Marxism, Chongqing University; Master’s student at the School of Marxism, Chongqing University)

（作者系重庆大学马克思主义学院教授；重庆大学马克思主义学院硕士研究生）

Online editor: Ma Jingren

网络编辑：马京仁