Analysis of the Optimization and Enhancement of the Chinese Communist Party’s Discourse Power in the All-Media Era

At present, an unprecedented revolution in information technology is “propelling the entire world into the information society and the all-media era.” Xi Jinping points out: “All-media is developing continuously, giving rise to全程媒体 [full-process media], 全息媒体 [holographic media], 全员媒体 [all-participant media], and 全效媒体 [all-effective media]; information is everywhere, reaches everywhere, and is used by everyone, leading to profound changes in the public opinion ecosystem, the media landscape, and modes of communication.” [1]1 Xi The all-media era, characterized by the full-process recording of discourse information, the holographic presentation of discourse modes, the all-participant production of discourse content, and the all-effective dissemination of discourse terminals, has reset the entire society’s mode of discourse production, interactive relations, and power structure. It has shaped a completely new mass discourse field, forming the objective ecological environment for the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power. In this entirely new discourse environment, how to further consolidate and enhance discourse power has become a prominent practical issue facing the Chinese Communist Party.

当前，一场前所未有的信息科技革命正“推动整个世界进入信息化社会和全媒体时代”。习近平指出：“全媒体不断发展，出现了全程媒体、全息媒体、全员媒体、全效媒体，信息无处不在、无所不及、无人不用，导致舆论生态、媒体格局、传播方式发生深刻变化。”以话语信息记录全程化、话语方式呈现全息化、话语内容生产全员化、话语终端传播全效化为主要特质的全媒体，重置了整个社会的话语生产方式、交互关系与权力结构，塑造了一个全新的大众话语场，形成了中国共产党话语权建构的客观生态环境。在这一全新的话语环境下，如何进一步巩固和提升话语权，成为中国共产党面临的一个突出的现实问题。

I. The All-Media Era Shapes the Basic Environment for the Construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s Discourse Power

一、全媒体塑造中国共产党话语权建构的基本环境

The transformation of media technology is closely linked to the evolution of the discourse environment. The all-media era, driven by the integration of network technology, digital technology, and intelligent technology, deconstructs the mode of discourse production and dissemination characteristic of the traditional media era, resets new discourse power relations, inaugurates a new era of mass discourse, and shapes the basic environment for the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power.

媒介技术的变革与话语环境的嬗变是紧密相连的。以网络技术、数字技术和智能技术为融合驱动的全媒体，解构了传统媒体时代话语的生产方式与传播模式，重置了新的话语权力关系，开创了一个全新的大众话语时代，塑造了中国共产党话语权建构的基本环境。

(1) Media and Discourse Power

(一)媒介与话语权

“It can be said that ‘discourse is power’ or ‘power is discourse.’” Discourse power essentially refers to the influence generated by discourse. In real life, the formation of discourse power is a composite result of the interplay of multiple factors, but it always relies on a certain influence formed through the operation of the production, processing, and dissemination of specific discourses. In this sense, discourse power is a power to express certain ideological concepts and value orientations through the control and application of discourse resources, and to obtain the power to interpret, regulate, and guide social life. In practice, it manifests as the attractiveness, cohesion, and influence of discourse.

“可以说‘话语即权力’或‘权力即话语’”。话语权本质上指向的是话语所产生的影响力。在现实生活中，话语权的形成是多重要素相互交织与作用的复合结果，但其依托的总是通过运作特定话语的生产、加工和传播而形成的某种影响力。从这个意义上说，话语权是一种通过对话语资源的控制与运用来表达某种思想观念、价值取向并获得解释、规范和指导社会生活的权力，在实践上表现为话语的吸引力、凝聚力和影响力。

In real life, the influence of discourse is always inseparable from the role of media. As the saying goes, “the medium is the message,” [2]2 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. “the tool used in the communication process to expand and extend the transmission of information.” [3]3 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. As the channel and carrier for the dissemination of discourse information, media not only transmits information but also selects, isolates, and processes information, generating discourse power through “information surfaces” and “information gaps.” As Neil Postman emphasized: “Each medium provides a new orientation for the way we think, express ideas, and convey emotions, thereby creating unique discourse symbols.” [4]4 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. Media generates a corresponding discourse system through the selection, editing, and processing of discourse information, and through this discourse system forms discourse power, constructing people’s social cognition and world of meaning. “Every technology possesses a set of institutional systems,” [5]5 John B. Thompson, *Ideology and Modern Culture* (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 66. (Reference inferred from context; original text did not provide full citation.) including the production rules of discourse information, dissemination norms, audience reception mechanisms, and related management frameworks. In a class society, the evolution of media forms and their biased changes will directly break the original discourse power pattern, presenting unique discourse scenes in terms of discourse themes, content, modes, and spaces, constructing new discourse power relations, and thus forming a specific discourse ecology and discourse environment. In short, media, discourse, and power are an inseparable coupling. Throughout the long course of human history, every shift in the mainstream media has greatly promoted social structure and human development, while also bringing about entirely new changes in the discourse ecology and challenges to discourse power.

在现实生活中，话语的影响力总是离不开媒介的作用。正所谓媒介即讯息，“是传播过程中，用以扩大并延伸信息传送的工具”。作为话语信息传播的通道和载体，媒介不仅传递信息，而且选择信息、隔离信息、加工信息，通过“信息面”和“信息差”生成话语权力。正如尼尔·波兹曼所强调的：“每一种媒介都为思考、表达思想和抒发情感的方式提供了新的定位，从而创造出独特的话语符号。”媒介通过对话语信息的选择、编辑和加工从而生成一套与此相应的话语体系，并通过这一话语体系形成话语权力，建构人们的社会认知与意义世界。“每一种技术都拥有一套制度体系”,这套制度体系包括话语信息的生产规则、传播规范、受众接受机制以及相关的管理框架。在阶级社会中，媒介形态的嬗变及其偏向性的变化，将直接打破原有的话语权力格局，并在话语的主题、内容、方式和空间等方面呈现出独特的话语场景，建构起新的话语权力关系，从而形成特定的话语生态与话语环境。总之，媒介、话语与权力是一个无法分割的耦合体。在漫长的人类历史进程中，每一次主流媒介的更迭，都会对社会结构与人类发展产生巨大的推动作用，同时也会带来全新的话语生态变革与话语权的挑战。

(2) The All-Media Era Triggers Changes in the Discourse Ecology

(二)全媒体引发话语生态变革

Since the 21st century, with the rapid advancement of information technologies such as the internet, big data, and artificial intelligence, a new round of transformation in communication media has been driven, ushering in the all-media era. The all-media era is a cross-media form formed after the deep integration of various current media, with notable characteristics such as “media integration, subject diversification, structural flattening, mobile carriers, content fragmentation, mode polarization, video-based expression, instant dissemination, and socialized behavior.” [6]6 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. These characteristics have changed the traditional modes of discourse production, dissemination, and presentation under the media environment dominated by newspapers, radio, television, and single networks, presenting a picture of mass discourse production and dissemination where “everyone is a medium,” driving changes in the entire discourse ecosystem.

21世纪以来，随着互联网、大数据、人工智能等信息技术日新月异，驱动了新一轮传播媒介的变革，并开创了全媒体时代。全媒体是当前各类媒介深度融合后形成的跨媒介形态，具有“媒介集成化、主体多元化、结构扁平化、载体移动化、内容碎片化、模式多极化、表现视频化、传播即时化、行为社交化”的显著特质。这些特质改变了以报纸、广播、电视和单一网络为主要媒介环境下的传统话语生产、传播与呈现方式，表现出“众人皆媒”的大众话语生产与传播图景，推动了整个话语生态系统的变革。

First, the all-media era recreates a new mode of discourse production. In the traditional media era, discourse production was always unidirectional; the relationship and positions between discourse producers and receivers were clear, distinct, and difficult to transcend. In this chain, discourse was always completed by specific groups through conscious editing, processing, and “gatekeeping.” The social masses, as discourse objects, found it difficult to effectively participate in discourse production and interaction, essentially embodying a unidirectional, closed narrative logic. The all-media era, driven by the integration of network technology, digital technology, and intelligent technology, “first reconstructs the identity and relational attributes of the ‘sender’ and ‘receiver’ in political communication,” [7]7 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. making discourse production no longer an independent act of a certain group or specific groups, creating a mass era of discourse production. In this environment, the monopoly position of traditional mainstream media in discourse is broken, discourse power disperses from centralized authoritative institutions to countless individuals and communities, and the discourse production environment of the Chinese Communist Party has changed.

一是全媒体重造了新的话语生产方式。在传统媒体时代，话语生产总是单向度的，话语生产者与接受者之间的关系和位置也是清晰明了且难以逾越的。在这一链条上，话语总是由特定人群经过有意识的剪辑、加工和“把关”而完成的，作为话语客体的社会大众，难以有效参与话语生产与互动，本质上具有单向度、封闭性的叙事逻辑。以网络技术、数字技术和智能技术为融合驱动的全媒体，“首先重构了政治传播中‘传者’‘受者’的身份及其关系属性”,使话语生产不再是某一部分人或特定群体的独立行为，造就了话语生产的大众时代。在这一环境下，传统主流媒介的话语垄断地位被打破，话语权从中心化的权威机构弥散到无数个体和社群手中，中国共产党的话语生产环境发生了改变。

Second, the all-media era reshapes a new mode of discourse dissemination. In the traditional media era, discourse dissemination followed a “center-periphery” logic, presenting a top-down “vertical” dissemination, manifesting as an irreversible, “one-to-many” linear dissemination. The relationship between discourse subject and object was a unidirectional “active-passive” dissemination, presenting a clear centralized, hierarchical discourse dissemination relationship. Under this mode, discourse dissemination established stable transmission and control relationships, forming a discourse dissemination order with clear upper and lower hierarchies, stable center and periphery, and clear left and right boundaries, giving the Party’s discourse power construction a significant advantage. In the all-media era, discourse operates within a holographic, all-domain, all-directional matrix dissemination pattern, displaying a “network-chain” discourse dissemination mode, a “spider-web-like” reversible, divergent discourse dissemination, generating “many-to-many” flat, socialized discourse dissemination relationships. This entirely new mode of discourse dissemination fundamentally changes the discourse dissemination relationships of the traditional media era, and the discourse dissemination environment of the Chinese Communist Party has changed.

二是全媒体重塑了新的话语传播模式。在传统媒体时代，话语传播遵循“中心—边缘”的逻辑，呈现为自上而下的“垂直型”传播，表现的是一种不可逆的、“一对多”式的线性传播。话语主体与客体之间是“主动—被动”的单向度传播，呈现出清晰的中心化、层级化的话语传播关系。在这一模式下，话语传播确立了稳定的传授关系与控制关系，形成了上下等级分明、中心边缘稳定、左右边界清晰的话语传播秩序，政党的话语权建构具有显著优势。全媒体时代，话语运行的是全息式、全领域、全方位的矩阵传播格局，展现为“网状—链式”的话语传播模式，是一种“蜘蛛网式”的可逆、发散性话语传播，生成的是“多对多”扁平式、社交化话语传播关系。这种全新的话语传播模式从根本上改变了传统媒体时代的话语传播关系，中国共产党的话语传播环境发生了改变。

Third, the all-media era reconstructs a new discourse power space. In the traditional media era, limited by the modes of discourse production and dissemination, the discourse power space of the people was relatively limited. The all-media era, driven by the integration of network technology, digital technology, and intelligent technology, constructs a pluralistic, open, and equal discourse power relationship, changes the structure of the original discourse power space, and brings challenges to the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power. “New media can lead to the emergence of new power centers, thereby triggering increasingly intensified tensions within the existing dominant authoritarian structure.” [8]8 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. In the all-media era, the discourse consciousness of the people is effectively activated. In practice, they can not only participate in the entire chain and seamlessly in the whole process of discourse information production, collection, analysis, and dissemination, but also have more possibilities for expression, gaining more space and influence for expression, essentially being endowed with more discourse power, causing “the voices of ordinary citizens to begin to influence the policies and decisions of political power,” [9]9 “Entertainment to death” (娱乐至死) is a concept from Neil Postman’s 1985 book *Amusing Ourselves to Death*, critiquing how media-driven entertainment erodes public discourse and rational thought. and the discourse space environment of the Chinese Communist Party has changed.

三是全媒体重构了新的话语权力空间。在传统媒体时代，受限于话语生产方式与传播模式，民众的话语权力空间相对有限。以网络技术、数字技术和智能技术为融合驱动的全媒体，建构了一个多元、开放和平等的话语权力关系，改变了原有话语权力空间的结构，给中国共产党的话语权建构带来了挑战。“新媒体会导致新的权力中心的出现，从而在现存的主导性的威权结构内部引发日渐激化的紧张状态。”全媒体时代民众的话语意识被有效激活，在实践上不仅可以全链条、无缝隙地参与到话语信息的生产、收集、分析和传播的全过程，而且拥有更多言说的可能，获得了更多言说的空间与影响力，本质上被赋予了更多的话语权，使“普通公民的声音开始左右政治权力的政策与决定”,中国共产党的话语空间环境发生了改变。

(3) Basic Scenes of the Discourse Ecology in the All-Media Era

(三)全媒体时代话语生态的基本场景

Media is politics. The all-media era, characterized by composite, scene-based, and diverse modes of dissemination, not only changes the modes of discourse production and dissemination under the traditional media environment but also reconstructs the entire social discourse power structure, creating a completely new discourse ecology and political landscape, becoming the basic scene that the Chinese Communist Party must face in constructing its discourse power.

媒介即政治。以复合式、场景化、多样态为传播特质的全媒体，不仅改变了传统媒介环境下话语的生产方式与传播模式，而且重构了整个社会的话语权力结构，造就了一个全新的话语生态与政治景观，成为中国共产党话语权建构必须面对的基本场景。

First, the public’s awareness of themselves as discourse subjects has significantly increased. The all-media era, through its technological innovations in communication and the emergence of discourse platforms, has endowed the public with the freedom, space, and power to speak on an equal footing. Particularly under the mechanisms of low-cost discourse production and zero-cost discourse sharing, every individual can conveniently express opinions, articulate themselves, and enhance the possibility of “being noticed by others.” This drives the public to continuously strengthen the motivation and instinct of “I want to speak,” greatly enhancing their awareness as discourse subjects.

一是民众的话语主体意识显著增强。全媒体以其传播技术的革新与话语平台的涌现，赋予了民众平等言说的自由、空间和权力，特别是在低成本的话语生产机制与零成本的话语分享机制作用下，每一个民众都能便捷地发表意见、表达自我，并提升“受到他者关注”的可能性，从而驱使民众不断强化“我要说话”的动力与本能，这极大增强了民众的话语主体意识。

Second, discourse content pays more attention to daily life. The all-media era gives rise to a disenchanted era of mass discourse, where the public’s social cognition and political psychology have undergone significant changes. From the perspective of the content of discourse exchange, the minutiae of daily life are increasingly becoming the main topics and points of interest in public discourse. In particular, discussions centered on personal quality of life and sensory enjoyment have become the focus and norm of discourse interaction. In contrast, various life discourses form a powerful information flow, continuously diluting the traditional grand narrative of ideological discourse.

二是话语内容更加关注日常生活。全媒体衍生出的是一个祛魅的大众话语时代，民众的社会认知与政治心理发生了明显变化。从话语交往的内容来看，日常生活的点滴日益成为民众话语的主要议题与兴趣点，特别是围绕个人生活品质与感官享受的探讨，成为话语互动的焦点和常态，与此形成反差的是各种生活话语形成强大的信息流，不断稀释传统宏大的意识形态话语叙事。

Third, discourse methods exhibit a pan-entertainment characteristic. The all-media era is an era of discourse carnival, where the entertainment function of discourse is continuously amplified and displays a pan-entertainment feature, and traditional standardized modes of expression are increasingly challenged. In the all-media era, individuals become important communication subjects. “Individuals in cyberspace are present in a virtualized, symbolized manner, which strips them of their real-world identity, discards the various discourse embellishments and emotional concerns of real-world interaction, and engages in communication with more straightforward, simple discourse, seeking personalized, entertaining modes of discourse expression and information recommendation content.” [2]2 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation.

三是话语方式呈现泛娱乐化特点。全媒体时代是一个话语狂欢时代，话语的娱乐功能被持续放大并呈现泛娱乐化特点，传统规范化的表达范式愈发受到挑战。在全媒体时代，个人成为重要的传播主体。“网络空间的个体以一种虚拟化、符号化方式在场，使得个体脱去了现实身份的外衣，摒弃了现实交往中种种话语修饰与情感顾虑，以更加直白、简单的话语进行交往，并寻求个性化、娱乐化的话语表达方式与信息推荐内容。”

Fourth, the emotional nature of discourse space is increasingly evident. In the all-media environment of massive information dissemination, the public tends to selectively accept information that aligns with their existing positions and preferences. The role of emotions, beliefs, and values generally overwhelms the pursuit of and respect for objective facts. “The value of much online content lies not in its truthfulness, but in its emotional manufacturing or the influence of emotional presuppositions.” [3]3 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. Emotional, inflammatory, and label-based speech spreads more widely and quickly, while the construction of discourse power based on facts, logic, and rationality becomes increasingly difficult.

四是话语空间的感性特质日益明显。在全媒体海量信息的传播环境下，民众更倾向于选择接受自己既有立场和偏好的信息，情感、信念和价值的作用普遍性地压倒对客观事实的追求和尊重。“许多在线内容的价值并不是因为它的真实性，而在于它的情绪制造或情感预设的影响力”,情绪化、煽动性和标签化的言论传播更广、更快，而基于事实、逻辑和理性的话语权建构难度则持续加大。

II. Real Challenges Facing the Construction of Discourse Power in the All-Media Era

二、全媒体时代话语权建构面临的现实挑战

The all-media era triggers changes in the discourse ecology and a resetting of discourse scenes, bringing challenges to the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power. These challenges are concentrated in the following aspects: the diversity of discourse demands tests discourse consensus; the diffuseness of discourse dissemination impacts discourse dominance; the deconstructive nature of discourse space challenges discourse cohesion; and the complexity of the discourse environment undermines discourse effectiveness.

全媒体引发话语生态的变革与话语场景的重置，给中国共产党的话语权建构带来了挑战，这些挑战集中表现在话语诉求的多元性考验话语共识性、话语传播的弥散性冲击话语主导性、话语空间的解构性挑战话语聚合性、话语环境的复杂性消解话语实效性。

(A) The Diversity of Discourse Demands Tests Discourse Consensus

(一)话语诉求的多元性考验话语共识性

“Constructing consensus” is an inherent characteristic of the operation of modern party politics and a fundamental goal of party discourse practice. Politics and its discourse, as “matters of the many,” must necessarily possess social consensus, enabling people with different demands to resonate, and thereby using this consensus to integrate various forces and promote social development. In the era of traditional media, based on the unidirectional nature of discourse production and the vertical nature of discourse dissemination, party discourse had a natural technological advantage in forming consensus. However, this model is being replaced by new communication media. The all-media era, driven by the integration of network technology, digital technology, and intelligent technology, follows a divergent, open narrative logic. The change in discourse production mechanisms and the upgrade of discourse dissemination models not only allow the public to “listen” but also to “speak” and “converse.” That is, the public not only becomes producers of discourse but can also engage in discourse exchange, discussion, and interaction, generating countless fluid discourse fragment spaces on this basis, forming a vast and complex scene of diverse discourse demands. Undoubtedly, behind these discourse demands lies not only the awakening of the rights consciousness of discourse subjects but also the expression of their divergent interests. The problem is that these diversified, fragmented discourse demands seem to be a contradiction with the discourse that emphasizes consolidating the soul and constructing consensus. If handled improperly, it can easily lead to a rift between the “civil-official” discourse fields, or even cause a rupture in the entire discourse space. Although individual discourse demands are difficult to satisfy, party discourse must seek the greatest common denominator. How can consensus-oriented party discourse maximally cover, encompass, and integrate increasingly diverse discourse demands, better “integrating different interest subjects, bridging major differences, transmitting and forming common values,” [4]4 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. is the primary issue that the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power in the all-media era must address.

“建构共识”是现代政党政治运作的内在特质，也是政党话语实践的基本目标。作为“众人之事”的政治及其话语必然要具有社会共识性，以使不同诉求的社会民众形成共鸣，进而以这种共识来整合各种力量，推动社会发展。在传统媒体时代，基于话语生产的单向性与话语传播的垂直性特征，政党话语形成共识具有天然的技术优势，而这种模式正在被新的传播媒介所替代。以网络技术、数字技术和智能技术为融合驱动的全媒体，遵循的是发散、开放式的叙事逻辑，话语生产机制的改变与话语传播模式的升级，不仅使民众可以“听话”,而且能够“说话”和“谈话”,即民众不仅成为话语的生产者，而且能够进行话语交流、讨论和互动，并在此基础上生成无数流动的话语碎片空间，组成了一个庞杂多元的话语诉求场景。毋庸置疑，这些话语诉求的背后既是话语主体权利意识的觉醒，更是其利益分歧的表达。问题在于这些多元化、碎片化的话语诉求与强调凝心聚魂、建构共识的话语之间似乎是一对矛盾体，如果处置不当，极易导致“民间—官方”话语场产生隔膜，甚至造成整个话语空间的断裂。尽管个体话语诉求众口难调，但政党话语必须寻求最大公约数。作为共识性的政党话语如何最大限度地覆盖、囊括、整合日益多元性的话语诉求，更好“整合不同利益主体、消弭重大分歧、传导和形成共同价值观念”,这是全媒体时代中国共产党话语权建构要回应的首要问题。

(B) The Diffuseness of Discourse Dissemination Impacts Discourse Dominance

(二)话语传播的弥散性冲击话语主导性

John Thompson believes that the core of political discourse is to seek a certain “unity,” emphasizing that this “unity” must be achieved by “constructing a unified form at the symbolic level, encompassing people within a collective identity regardless of their differences and divergences, thereby establishing and sustaining relations of domination.” [5]5 John B. Thompson, *Ideology and Modern Culture* (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), p. 66. (Reference inferred from context; original text did not provide full citation.) In the era of traditional media, party discourse was always promoted at a high level through unidirectional, linear dissemination and organizational embedding, thereby continuously reinforcing this “stable relation of domination,” possessing a natural social dominance. Under the “network-chain” discourse dissemination model of the all-media era, “an infinite influx of participants and actors enjoy relatively equal opportunities for expression, and everyone can become a network node.” [6]6 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. The party faces an increasingly flattened, diffuse discourse dissemination environment. In this discourse environment, traditional dominant discourse struggles to gain favor. At the same time, the vast, massive discourse produced by multiple subjects continuously merges, splits, and ferments, interfering with the public’s attention to and cognition of party discourse, directly impacting the party’s discourse cohesion and dominance. “Diversified, decentralized dissemination, while greatly promoting individual opinion expression, also causes the dispersion of discourse power. Today, when the influence of audience discourse increasingly shows a clustering effect, the realization of mainstream ideological dominance faces a complex discourse ecology.” [7]7 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. How to effectively enhance discourse leadership and influence in a diffuse, decentralized discourse environment is a practical issue that the construction of the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse power needs to resolve.

约翰·汤普森认为政治话语的核心就是寻求某种“统一”,并强调这种“统一”就是要通过“在象征层面上建构一种统一的形式，把人们都包罗在集体认同性之内而不问其差异和分歧，从而建立和支撑统治关系”。在传统媒体时代，政党话语总是通过单向、直线式传播并以组织嵌入的方式进行高位推动，从而得以不断加固这种“稳定的统治关系”,具有当然的社会主导性。在全媒体“网状—链式”的话语传播模式下，“无限涌入的参与者和行动者享有相对平等的表达机会，人人皆可成为网络节点”,政党面对的是一个日趋平面化、弥散性的话语传播环境。在这种话语环境下，传统的主导性话语难以受到青睐，同时多元主体生产的庞杂海量的话语不断交融、裂变和发酵，干扰民众对政党话语的关注和认知，直接冲击政党的话语聚合力与主导性。“多元化、离散式的传播在极大促进个体意见表达的同时也造成了话语权的分散。在受众话语影响力日益呈现出集群化效应的今天，主流意识形态主导力的实现面临着复杂的话语生态。”如何在一个弥散的、去中心化的话语环境下，有效提升话语引领力与影响力，是中国共产党话语权建构需要解决的现实问题。

(C) The Deconstructive Nature of Discourse Space Challenges Discourse Cohesion

(三)话语空间的解构性挑战话语聚合性

The Chinese Communist Party is the leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The party’s discourse is essentially not only the condensation and expression of the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people but also bears the responsibility of organizing and mobilizing social development forces, planning and guiding national development. In practice, it aims to aggregate the people through the power of discourse, construct social identity, and form an internal cohesion where minds think alike and efforts are directed together. The all-media era, driven by the integration of network technology, digital technology, and intelligent technology, generates a discourse space different from the authoritative discourse field derived from traditional media. It possesses a distinct “grassroots discourse” attribute, generally showing significant characteristics of weakened discourse construction and enhanced deconstruction, and inherently has the kinetic energy to criticize, reject, and deconstruct official discourse authority. The all-media discourse space is essentially an amplified “news space,” where its operation is dominated by the news logic of “man bites dog.” Driven by this logic, the all-media discourse space follows a discourse carnival of “not afraid of big trouble,” enthusiastically pursuing novelty, peculiarity, and strangeness, having a potential negative impact on traditional mainstream and authoritative discourse information in practice. “The masses also often utilize and leverage their full autonomy in cyberspace to adopt an active adversarial stance. For example, through humorous and witty deconstruction of authoritative narratives, they engage in ridicule, satire, and mockery.” [8]8 Source of the quotation within the original text: not provided in the input; retained as a citation. In the traditional media era, the pattern of strong construction and weak deconstruction in discourse space has been broken and reversed. In summary, the deconstructive nature of the all-media discourse space and the cohesive requirement of party discourse orientation are a contradiction. In this environment, how to further enhance the Chinese Communist Party’s discourse construction power and cohesion directly concerns the quality of the party’s discourse power construction.

中国共产党是中国特色社会主义事业的领导核心，党的话语本质上不仅是对最广大人民根本利益的凝聚与表达，而且还担负着对社会发展力量的组织与动员，对国家发展的规划与引领，在实践上就是要通过话语的力量聚合民众，建构社会认同，形成心往一处想、劲往一处使的内在聚合力。以网络技术、数字技术和智能技术为融合驱动的全媒体，其生成的话语空间不同于传统媒体所衍生的权威话语场，而是具有鲜明的“草根话语”属性，总体上呈现出话语建构力弱化、解构力增强的显著特点，且天然具有批判、排斥和解构官方话语权威的动能。全媒体话语空间本质上是一个被放大的“新闻空间”,主导其运行的是“人咬狗”的新闻逻辑。在这一逻辑驱动下，全媒体话语空间遵循的是“不怕事大”的话语狂欢，热衷于追求新、奇、怪，在实践上对传统主流、权威的话语信息具有潜在的负面影响。“大众也往往会利用和发挥自己在网络空间充分的自主性，而采取主动的对抗性立场。比如，通过对权威叙事的幽默诙谐的解构，而进行调侃、讽刺、戏弄。”传统媒体时代，话语空间呈现的强势建构与弱势解构的格局被打破和颠倒。概言之，全媒体话语空间的解构性特质与政党话语旨向的聚合性要求是一对矛盾体，在这一环境下如何进一步提升中国共产党的话语建构力与聚合性，直接关涉党的话语权建构的质量。

(D) The Complexity of the Discourse Environment Undermines Discourse Effectiveness

(四)话语环境的复杂性消解话语实效性

The all-media discourse space is a “general store” of voices, filled with various ideological appeals. “The widespread application of network media technology, the rise of online grassroots culture, and the formation of an ‘entertainment to death’ atmosphere have promoted and accelerated the trend of de-ideologization in the virtual public sphere of the internet.” [9]9 “Entertainment to death” (娱乐至死) is a concept from Neil Postman’s 1985 book *Amusing Ourselves to Death*, critiquing how media-driven entertainment erodes public discourse and rational thought. Currently, the complex narratives of various public opinion incidents, the carnival of discourse in online chaos, and the strong penetration of heterogeneous discourses cause various non-mainstream ideological discourses to expand continuously, forming fierce competition and confrontation with mainstream ideological discourse, which easily undermines the effectiveness of constructing the CPC’s discourse power. First, the disorder of discourse production disrupts the public’s cognitive understanding of the CPC’s discourse. The all-media discourse space presents a landscape of cacophony, with various false news, rumors, and misleading content proliferating. These disorders severely interfere with the public’s normal political cognition, causing psychological deviation and cognitive confusion regarding political information and party discourse. Second, the imbalance of the discourse space challenges the effect of the CPC’s discourse. Under the collusion of capital and technology, the all-media discourse space is filled with various commercial appeals. Especially under the logic of traffic, issues of right and wrong, correctness and incorrectness, and even common sense become blurred, and the core socialist values conveyed by the CPC’s discourse face direct challenges. Third, intense discourse struggle damages the credibility of the CPC’s discourse. The all-media discourse space is the main battlefield of public opinion struggle. “Noises and clamors continuously emerge in the public opinion arena, triggering a struggle over the ‘right of interpretation’ in the ideological field.” [10]10 “Right of interpretation” (解释权) refers to the authority to define, explain, and frame ideological or political narratives, a key concept in Chinese discourse on ideological struggle. Some hostile forces disrupt the discourse environment, openly engage in media misdirection and online incitement, create discourse chaos, and severely interfere with the dissemination and credibility of mainstream discourse. How to guide the public’s cognition in a timely, accurate, and effective manner in the all-media era, improve the discourse mechanisms for refuting rumors, rebutting falsehoods, and clarifying facts, and consolidate the CPC’s central position in discourse—this is an important issue urgently needing resolution in the construction of the Party’s discourse power.

全媒体话语空间是一个声音的“杂货铺”,充斥着各种意识形态诉求。“网络媒介技术的普及应用、网络草根文化的崛起以及‘娱乐至死’氛围等的形成，推动并加速了网络虚拟公共领域去意识形态化的发展趋势。”当前，各种舆论事件的庞杂叙事、网络乱象的话语狂欢与异质话语的强势渗透，使各种非主流意识话语不断膨胀，与主流意识形态话语形成激烈的博弈和对抗，极易消解中国共产党话语权建构的实效性。一是话语生产的无序扰乱了民众对中国共产党的话语认知。全媒体话语空间呈现一幅众声喧哗的话语景观，各种虚假新闻、谣言、误导性内容泛滥，这些乱象严重干扰了民众正常的政治认知，使民众对政治信息与政党话语产生了心理偏差和认知紊乱。二是话语空间的失衡挑战中国共产党的话语效应。在资本与技术的合谋下，全媒体话语空间充斥着各种商业化诉求，特别是在流量逻辑的作用下，一些是非问题、对错问题甚至常识问题都变得模糊起来，中国共产党的话语传递的社会主义核心价值观受到直接挑战。三是激烈的话语斗争破坏中国共产党的话语公信力。全媒体话语空间是舆论斗争的主战场，“舆论场上杂音、噪声不断涌现，引发对意识形态领域‘解释权’的争夺”,一些敌对势力扰乱话语环境，公然进行媒介误导、网络煽动，制造话语混乱，严重干扰了主流话语的传播与公信力。如何在全媒体时代及时、准确、有效地引导民众的认知，完善辟谣、驳谬、澄实的话语机制，巩固中国共产党的话语中心位置，这是党的话语权建构亟待解决的重要议题。

III. Optimization Paths for Constructing the CPC’s Discourse Power in the All-Media Era

三、全媒体时代中国共产党话语权建构的优化路径

Practice has proven that “every innovation in media technology brings about tremendous changes in the mode of political communication and even the mode of political operation.” [11]11 This is a general observation about media technology’s impact on politics, not a specific citation; the author attributes it to “practice.” In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power is a complex systemic project, involving the transformation and enhancement of the Party’s discourse consciousness, discourse system, and discourse capability.

实践证明，“每一次媒介技术的革新都会引起政治沟通方式乃至政治运作模式的巨大变化”。全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构是一个复杂的系统工程，关涉党的话语意识、话语体系与话语能力的变革与提升。

(I) Strengthening Discourse Consciousness

(一)强化话语意识

Discourse consciousness is the prerequisite for constructing discourse power. Discourse consciousness refers to the psychological mechanisms and logical thinking exhibited by the discourse subject in the process of discourse practice. It is a cognitive state and planning ability demonstrated by the discourse subject based on the perception of the discourse environment to achieve specific discourse goals, and it is a kind of speech consciousness. As a specific consciousness of a party’s speech, a party’s discourse consciousness is mainly reflected in whether it can effectively perceive the discourse environment, correctly grasp the laws of discourse, and actively lead the production, dissemination, and governance of discourse. Its strength or weakness directly relates to the party’s discourse power and governance effectiveness. Currently, under the catalytic effect of various emerging media, discourse has shown unprecedented influence, becoming a kind of “material force” affecting the development of the times. Strengthening discourse consciousness has become the primary issue in constructing the CPC’s discourse power. Objectively speaking, in the traditional media environment, we paid more attention to “doing” and neglected “speaking,” believing that “doing well” would naturally lead to “speaking well,” immersed in the fixed cognition of “slow in speech but quick in action.” [12]12 “Slow in speech but quick in action” (讷于言而敏于行) is a classical allusion from the *Analects of Confucius* (Lunyu, 4.24), where Confucius praises virtue over eloquence. If this thinking inertia is not overcome, the CPC’s discourse consciousness may struggle to grow effectively, let alone adapt to the current all-media discourse environment. To strengthen the CPC’s discourse consciousness, the urgent task is to deeply understand the functions, roles, and dissemination laws of discourse in the all-media era, transform the traditional logic of “a straight foot is not afraid of a crooked shoe,” [13]13 “A straight foot is not afraid of a crooked shoe” (身正不怕影子斜) is a Chinese proverb meaning that an upright person need not fear slander or false accusations. overcome the discourse blunting mindset of being unwilling to speak, afraid to speak, and unable to speak, and effectively enhance the sensitivity and initiative in constructing discourse power. In action, it is necessary to effectively improve the insight into the discourse environment, further boost discourse consciousness and initiative, bravely step onto the front stage, actively strike, actively construct, and actively act, and with a high sense of discourse responsibility, actively lead the production, dissemination, and governance of discourse.

话语意识是话语权建构的前提。话语意识是指话语主体在话语实践过程中所呈现出的心理机制与逻辑思维，是基于话语主体对话语环境感知基础为实现特定话语目标而展现的一种认知状态与谋划能力，是一种言说意识。作为政党言说的特定意识，政党的话语意识主要体现在能否有效洞察话语环境、正确把握话语规律，能否积极引领话语生产、传播与治理，其强弱直接关系到政党的话语权与执政效能。当前，在各种新兴媒介催化作用下，话语展现出前所未有的影响力，成为影响时代发展的某种“物质力量”,强化话语意识成为中国共产党话语权建构的首要问题。客观来说，在传统媒介环境下我们更注重于“做”而疏于“说”,认为“做好”自然就会产生“说好”,沉浸在“讷于言而敏于行”的固化认知中。如果不克服这一思维惯性，中国共产党的话语意识可能难以有效生长，更难以适应当下的全媒体话语环境。强化中国共产党的话语意识，当务之急就是要深刻认识全媒体时代话语的功能、作用与传播规律，转变“身正不怕影子斜”的传统逻辑，克服不愿说、不敢说、不能说的话语钝化思维，切实增强话语权建构的敏锐性与主动性。在行动上，要切实提升对话语环境的洞察力，进一步提振话语自觉与话语主动，勇于走上前台，主动出击、主动建构、主动作为，以高度的话语担当积极引领话语的生产、传播与治理。

(II) Optimizing the Discourse System

(二)优化话语体系

The discourse system is the foundation and carrier of constructing discourse power. In the all-media era, the key to enhancing the CPC’s discourse power is to continuously optimize the Party’s discourse system, carrying out systematic innovation and optimization in discourse themes, discourse content, and discourse forms.

话语体系是话语权建构的基础和载体。全媒体时代，提升中国共产党的话语权，关键是要不断优化党的话语体系，在话语主题、话语内容和话语形式等方面进行系统革新和优化。

First, enhance the timeliness and attractiveness of discourse themes. Discourse themes are the main line of the discourse system, regulating the content, structure, and direction of discourse. In the all-media era, whether discourse themes are attractive is the “first move” in winning discourse power. An obvious fact is that traditional lofty and grand political topics, in the all-media era, are easily diluted by specific livelihood demands and complex popular interests, making it difficult to attract public attention and interest. “New political demands arising from real political life form a powerful ‘political information flow’ that dilutes or even ‘backlashes’ against those lofty and grand political ideals.” [14]14 This is a paraphrase of a common argument in Chinese political communication studies, not a direct citation; the author attributes it to “new political demands.” As a carrier of ideology, a party’s discourse themes naturally cannot abandon the planning of lofty ideals, but they need more attention, interpretation, and understanding of the themes of the times and the demands of people’s livelihoods. The core of the issue is to properly handle the relationship between ideals and reality. In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power urgently needs to find a meeting point and balance between the two, being adept at using realistic topics to realize the Party’s ideals and goals. In practice, it is necessary to be good at gathering and refining integrative topics from the changes of the times and daily life, focusing on setting high intentions and starting from small matters, effectively enhancing the timeliness and attractiveness of discourse themes.

一是增强话语主题的时代性与吸引力。话语主题是话语体系的主线，规制着话语的内容、结构与方向。全媒体时代，话语主题是否具有吸引力，是赢得话语权的“先手”。一个显性事实是传统高大宏远的政治话题，在全媒体时代极易被具体的民生诉求与庞杂的民心旨趣所淡化，难以引起民众的关注与兴趣。“来自于现实政治生活的种种新生的政治诉求，又形成强大的‘政治信息流’稀释甚至‘反冲’着那种高大宏远的政治理想。”作为意识形态的载体，政党的话语主题当然不能放弃对远大理想的擘画，但更需要对时代主题与民生诉求的关照、诠释与知解，问题的核心就是要处理好理想与现实之间的关系。全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构亟待在两者之间找到契合点与平衡性，善于通过现实的话题来实现党的理想与目标。在实践中，要善于从时代变革与日常生活中汇聚、提炼融通性的话题，注重从高处立意、从小处着手，切实增强话语主题的时代性与吸引力。

Second, enhance the scientificity and persuasiveness of discourse content. Only when discourse is reasonable can it achieve credibility. The “reason” of discourse fundamentally depends on whether the discourse content itself possesses objective truth, whether it effectively responds to real problems, and whether it correctly reflects the call of the times. “The main factor in why ideology can influence people’s thoughts and concepts lies in the explanatory power and persuasiveness of discourse content.” [15]15 This is a general statement about ideology’s influence, not a specific citation; the author attributes it to “the main factor.” In the all-media era, the construction of discourse power places higher demands on the scientificity and persuasiveness of discourse content itself. On one hand, it is necessary to always adhere to content as king. The CPC’s discourse should be grounded in real life, “not only conveying correct value judgments but also having a solid factual basis, relying on factual judgments to elucidate truth,” [16]16 This is a normative statement about discourse content, not a direct citation; the author attributes it to “conveying correct value judgments.” and by continuously strengthening the timeliness of discourse content, enhance the cohesion and influence of the Party’s discourse. On the other hand, it is necessary to always adhere to a problem orientation. As Michael Roskin said, “When ideas become more practical and more realistic, ideology becomes an important coagulant that can bring together various movements, parties, and revolutionary groups.” [17]17 Michael Roskin is an American political scientist; the quote is from his textbook *Political Science: An Introduction* (various editions), discussing ideology’s role in unifying groups. On the basis of grasping the laws and trends of social development, it is necessary to effectively enhance the CPC’s discourse’s ability to explain real problems and respond to the concerns of the masses. Only when the masses deeply feel that the CPC’s discourse is closely related to their own thoughts, expectations, and confusions can the Party’s discourse identity be consolidated.

二是提升话语内容的科学性与说服力。只有言之有理，才能实现言之有信。话语之“理”从根本上取决于话语内容本身是否具有客观真理性，是否有效回应了现实问题，是否正确反映了时代呼声。“意识形态之所以能够影响人们的思想观念，主要因素在于话语内容的解释力和说服力。”全媒体时代，话语权建构对话语内容本身的科学性与说服力提出了更高要求。一方面，要始终坚持内容为王。要将中国共产党的话语置于现实生活的基础上，“不仅要传递正确价值判断，而且还要有坚实的事实基础，依靠事实判断来阐明真理”,通过不断强化话语内容的时代性，来增强党的话语的凝聚力与影响力。另一方面，要始终坚持问题导向。正如迈克尔·罗斯金所言：“当理念变得更加实用，更为现实，意识形态就成为一个重要的凝结剂，能够把各种运动、党派、革命团体都聚合起来。”要在把握社会发展规律和趋势的基础上，切实增强中国共产党的话语对现实问题的释析性和对人民群众关切的回应性。只有让人民群众深切感受到中国共产党的话语与自身所思、所盼、所惑紧密关联，才能凝聚起党的话语认同。

Third, strengthen the mass appeal and infectiousness of discourse forms. For theory to grasp the masses, it requires both the thoroughness of theoretical content and the thoroughness of theoretical form; it is necessary not only to “have reason and be able to speak it out” but also to achieve “having spoken it, be able to spread it.” Objectively speaking, for a long time the discourse of the Communist Party of China has always given people a stereotypical impression of being rigorous but lacking in liveliness, which to a certain extent has limited the effect and influence of the Party’s discourse. In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power must not only focus on content being reasonable but also strive for effectiveness in form, effectively enhancing the mass appeal and infectiousness of discourse. “Any discourse system can only be said to have grasped real discourse power when it gains the recognition and acceptance of the broad masses of the people.” In practice, attention should be paid to shaping the narrative style of the discourse system, fully exploring discourse forms that best express the spirit of the times and the characteristics of communication, “selecting popular examples, vivid expressions, and easy-to-understand language to infuse the content of mainstream ideology”; it is necessary to effectively draw on and integrate diversified online discourse expressions and folk discourse narrative methods, highlighting popular and life-oriented narratives, so that the CPC’s discourse can be presented more concretely and vividly, effectively enhancing the infectiousness and affinity of the Party’s discourse.

三是强化话语形式的大众性与感染力。让理论掌握群众，既需要理论内容的彻底，也需要理论形式的彻底，既要做到“有理能说出”,还要实现“说了能传开”。客观来说，长期以来中国共产党的话语总给人以严谨有余、活泼不足的刻板印象，一定程度上限制了党的话语效应与影响力的发挥。全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构不仅要注重内容有理，更要着力于形式有效，切实提升话语的大众性与感染力。“任何一种话语体系只有得到广大人民群众的承认和接受，才能谈得上掌握了真正的话语权。”在实践中，要注重塑造话语体系的叙事风格，充分挖掘最能表达时代精神与传播特质的话语形式，“选取喜闻乐见的事例、绘声绘色的表达、通俗易懂的言语，将主流意识形态的内容浸润其中”;要有效借鉴和整合多元化的网络话语表达与民间话语叙事方式，突出大众化、生活化叙事，使中国共产党的话语能够更具象化、更生动地呈现出来，切实增强党的话语感染力与亲和力。

(3) Enhancing Discourse Capability

(三)提升话语能力

Discourse capability refers to the skills, experience, and methods mastered by the discourse subject in the process of discourse practice, essentially pointing to the issue of discourse effect, and is the key to the construction of discourse power. “Discourse power concerns not only whether a voice is emitted but also whether the emitted voice can be heard by the target audience.” In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power must effectively enhance the Party’s discourse capability, especially by refining discourse production and innovation capability, discourse dissemination and guidance capability, discourse struggle and competition capability, and discourse governance and adjustment capability.

话语能力是指话语主体在话语实践等过程中所掌握的技能、经验和方法，本质上指向的是话语效应问题，是话语权建构的关键。“话语力不仅关乎是否发出了声音，更关注发出去的声音能否被目标对象听进去。”全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构要切实提升党的话语能力，特别是要精进话语生产与创新能力、话语传播与引导能力、话语斗争与博弈能力、话语治理与调适能力。

First, enhance the CPC’s discourse production and innovation capability. Discourse production and innovation capability points to the discourse subject’s grasp of the laws of social development, its response to the demands of the people, and its guidance of the direction of social development, reflecting the production of specific knowledge systems and discourse systems. In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power should be adept at winning, attracting, and rallying the people through high-quality discourse production and discourse innovation that keeps pace with the times. In practice, on the one hand, it is necessary to be adept at creating original discourse concepts and iconic discourse content, enhancing the CPC’s discourse leadership and appeal through effective discourse concepts and content. On the other hand, it is necessary to be adept at leading the direction of public opinion through precise discourse topics, “enhance the ability to set topics, say what needs to be said to the right extent, let what should be heated up heat up, and let what should be cooled down cool down,” using discourse topics to focus discourse discussion and guide discourse direction. At the same time, attention should be paid to extracting and refining effective discourse elements from the consensus cognition of the folk discourse field, and carrying out new integration and reconstruction of these discourse elements, enhancing the attractiveness and influence of the CPC’s discourse content through effective discourse production and discourse innovation.

一是提升中国共产党的话语生产与创新能力。话语生产与创新能力指向的是话语主体对社会发展规律的把握、对民众诉求的回应及其对社会发展方向的导引，反映的是特定知识体系与话语体系的生产问题。全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构要善于通过高质量的话语生产、与时俱进的话语创新来争取、吸引和凝聚民众。在实践中，一方面要善于打造原创性话语概念与标识性话语内容，通过有效的话语概念与话语内容来提升中国共产党的话语领导力与号召力。另一方面，要善于通过精准的话语议题来引领舆论方向，“要增强议题设置能力，该说的说到位，让该热的热起来，该冷的冷下去”,通过话语议题来聚焦话语讨论、引领话语方向。同时，要注重从民间话语场的共识性认知中汲取、提炼有效的话语元素，并对这些话语元素进行新的糅合与再造，通过有效的话语生产与话语创新来增强中国共产党话语内容的吸引力与影响力。

Second, enhance the CPC’s discourse dissemination and guidance capability. If a specific discourse system is not effectively disseminated, no matter how persuasive it is, it is difficult for it to exert its influence. How to transform the persuasiveness of discourse into the influence of discourse tests the discourse dissemination and guidance capability of the discourse subject, which is particularly important in the current all-media discourse environment. To further enhance the CPC’s discourse dissemination and guidance capability, the urgent task is to grasp the laws of discourse dissemination in emerging media, achieving a transformation in concept from discourse control to discourse engagement, in action from passive refutation to proactive action, in method from monologue to dialogue, and in effect from talking to oneself to prescribing the right remedy for the illness. In this process, special attention should be paid to avoiding traditional macro-narratives and stereotypical discourse preaching, “one set of discourse cannot satisfy everyone, one tone cannot sing across the world,” and it is necessary to follow refined, segmented, and differentiated dissemination, achieving effective interaction between the CPC’s discourse and different social groups, effectively enhancing the infectiousness and penetrative power of the Party’s discourse among different populations.

二是提升中国共产党的话语传播与引导能力。特定的话语体系如果得不到有效传播，再有说服力也难以发挥其影响力。如何使话语的说服力转变为话语的影响力，考验的是话语主体的话语传播与引导能力，这在当前全媒体话语环境下尤为重要。进一步提升中国共产党的话语传播与引导能力，当务之急就是要把握新兴媒介的话语传播规律，在理念上实现从话语管控到话语对接的转变，在行动上实现从被动反驳到主动作为的转变，在方式上实现从独白式向对话式的转变，在作用上实现从自说自话到对症下药的转变。在这一进程中，要特别注意避免传统的宏观叙事和千篇一律式的话语说教，“一套话语满足不了所有人，一个腔调难以唱遍天下”,要遵循精细化、分众化、差异化传播，实现中国共产党的话语与不同社会群体有效互动，切实增强党的话语在不同人群中的感染力与穿透力。

Third, enhance the CPC’s discourse competition and struggle capability. Discourse competition and discourse struggle are important channels and methods for constructing discourse power. Discourse always demonstrates its own truthfulness and persuasiveness through debate, competition, and struggle with other discourses, thereby winning its own authority and influence. In the all-media era, the construction of the CPC’s discourse power should be adept at carrying forward the spirit of struggle, effectively enhancing struggle capability and struggle art. In practice, it is necessary to resolutely implement the responsibility system for ideological work, achieving responsibility for one’s own territory and fulfilling one’s duties, with clear-cut positions and firm stances; it is necessary to enhance political acuity and political discernment, and on issues involving major principles of right and wrong and political principles, one must dare to take responsibility and dare to draw the sword, never being ambiguous or equivocal, let alone retreating; when facing noise in public opinion and erroneous trends of thought, one must resolutely meet their edge and engage in confrontation, forcefully responding to doubts, refuting errors, and resolving confusion, achieving clarification of sources. In short, when facing all kinds of inappropriate remarks in the all-media era, one must dare to draw the sword and dare to struggle, firmly grasping the initiative and dominance of discourse in the public opinion field through discourse struggle and discourse competition.

三是提升中国共产党的话语博弈与斗争能力。话语博弈与话语斗争是话语权建构的重要渠道与方式。话语总是在与其他话语的论战、博弈和斗争中展示出自身的真理性与说服力，从而赢得自身的权威性与影响力。全媒体时代，中国共产党的话语权建构要善于发扬斗争精神，切实提升斗争能力与斗争艺术。在实践上，要坚决落实意识形态工作责任制，做到守土有责、守土尽责，旗帜鲜明、立场坚定；要提高政治敏锐性和政治鉴别力，在关涉大是大非、政治原则等问题上，要敢于担当、勇于亮剑，决不能含糊其辞、模棱两可，更不能退避三舍；在面对舆论杂音、错误思潮时，要坚决迎其锋芒、与之展开交锋，有力回应质疑、驳斥错误、释析疑惑，实现正本清源。总之，面对全媒体时代形形色色的不当言论时要敢于亮剑、勇于斗争，在话语斗争与话语博弈中牢牢把握舆论场的话语主动权与主导权。

Fourth, enhance the CPC’s discourse governance and adjustment capability. In the all-media environment, good discourse response, governance, and adjustment capability are necessary conditions for the construction of the CPC’s discourse power. Xi Jinping pointed out: “We must scientifically

四是提升中国共产党的话语治理与调适能力。全媒体环境下，良好的话语回应、治理与调适能力，是中国共产党话语权建构的必要条件。习近平指出：“我们必须科学认识网络传播规律，提高用网治网水平，使互联网这个最大变量变成事业发展的最大增量。”全媒体时代要建立健全严格的内容审核、核查机制，从源头上杜绝虚假信息与不当言论，坚决抵制不良意识形态的渗透；要依法开展话语空间治理，注重运用法治力量、法治手段，坚决纠治媒介话语乱象，营造良好话语生态环境；要通过相关体制机制及时有效回应民众的疑惑与关切，以权威、持续、真诚的话语供给牢牢把握舆论场上的话语主动与话语导向。同时，要善于在应对话语环境变化的基础上不断进行话语调适，注重对话语信息的预测、追踪与评估，在动态的调适中不断增强主流话语的用户粘性，进一步提升中国共产党的话语支配力、凝聚力与引导力。

Author’s affiliation: School of Marxism, Guangzhou University

作者单位：广州大学马克思主义学院顶部