Lenin’s Theory of a New-Type Proletarian Party and Its Contemporary Value

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out in the report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC that Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology for building the Party and the country and for its rejuvenation. “Possessing the scientific theoretical guidance of Marxism is the fundamental reason why our Party has firm faith and grasps historical initiative.” The theory of the proletarian party of Marx and Engels is the scientific guide for the proletariat and its party. However, after Engels’s death, Bernstein’s revisionist ideology spread, putting forward the argument that Marxism was “outdated,” advocating reformism; opposing the Marxist theory of class struggle and the theory of proletarian revolution; and preaching class conciliation and class cooperation, which caused great ideological confusion, organizational laxity, and wavering of positions within the proletarian party, seriously impeding the development of the proletarian revolutionary movement. Within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, the Economists [1]1 The Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held in 1903 in Brussels and London. It marked the split between the Bolsheviks (led by Lenin) and the Mensheviks. also emerged. They attacked and denied the theories of Marx and Engels, believing in Bernstein’s revisionism; they adopted an opportunist position on issues of party organization and strategy, advocating peaceful “democratic” methods of struggle; they opposed economic struggle to political struggle; they denied the leading role of the party and worshipped the spontaneity of the workers’ movement; and they opposed the establishment of a strictly centralized organization, defending the so-called “broad democracy” principle. These erroneous propositions became obstacles to adhering to Marxist theory, raising proletarian consciousness, and promoting the development of the proletarian revolutionary movement. Lenin combined the theory of party building of Marx and Engels with the new conditions of the times and the actual situation in Russia, defending, upholding, and developing Marxism. Lenin put forward theoretical propositions such as taking Marxism as the guide, establishing a new-type organization of revolutionaries, the core role of the leader and leading group, the party’s inoculation of socialist consciousness into the working class, adherence to the party program, and adherence to the party constitution and the principle of democratic centralism. This theory is also the basic principle and scientific theory that the contemporary world proletarian party needs to adhere to, and it has important contemporary value. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Our Party was established in accordance with the Marxist principles of party building.” Reviewing the development process of the international communist movement, we can see that whether we can correctly evaluate and always adhere to the theory of the new-type proletarian party and whether we can always adhere to the leadership of the proletarian party is related to the future and destiny of the socialist country. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has emphasized adhering to the Marxist-Leninist principles of party building and strictly governing the Party comprehensively, providing ideological guidance for the CPC under conditions of long-term governance, in the New Era, to respond to various risks and challenges, ensure that the Party always walks in the forefront of the times, and maintain its long-term governing power.

习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中提出，马克思主义是我们立党立国、兴党兴国的根本指导思想。“拥有马克思主义科学理论指导是我们党坚定信仰信念、把握历史主动的根本所在。”马克思、恩格斯的无产阶级政党理论是无产阶级及其政党的科学指南。但是，在恩格斯逝世后，伯恩施坦修正主义思潮泛滥，提出马克思主义“过时”论，鼓吹改良主义；反对马克思主义的阶级斗争学说和无产阶级革命理论；宣扬阶级调和、阶级合作，在无产阶级政党内造成了极大的思想混乱、组织涣散和立场动摇，严重阻碍了无产阶级革命运动的发展。俄国社会民主工党内也出现了“经济派”。他们攻击和否定马克思、恩格斯的理论，信奉伯恩施坦修正主义；在党的组织和策略问题上持机会主义立场，鼓吹和平的“民主化”斗争方式；把经济斗争同政治斗争对立；否定政党的领导作用，崇拜工人运动的自发性；反对建立严格集中的组织，维护所谓“广泛民主”原则。这些错误主张成为坚持马克思主义理论，提高无产阶级觉悟，推动无产阶级革命运动发展的障碍。列宁将马克思、恩格斯的建党学说同新的时代条件和俄国实际相结合，捍卫、坚持和发展马克思主义。列宁提出要以马克思主义为指导，建立新型的革命家组织，领袖及领导集团要发挥核心作用，党要向工人阶级灌输社会主义意识，坚持党的纲领，坚持党的章程和民主集中制原则等理论主张。这一理论也是当代世界无产阶级政党需要坚持的基本原则和科学理论，具有重要的当代价值。习近平总书记指出：“我们党是按照马克思主义建党原则建立起来的”。回顾国际共产主义运动的发展历程可以看到，能否正确评价和始终坚持新型无产阶级政党理论，能否始终坚持无产阶级政党的领导，关系社会主义国家的前途命运。党的十八大以来，习近平总书记强调坚持马克思列宁主义建党原则，从严管党治党，为中国共产党在长期执政的条件下，在新时代应对各种风险和挑战，确保党始终走在时代前列，永葆长期执政之力，提供了思想指导。

I. Lenin Elucidates the Necessity and Urgency of Creating a New-Type Proletarian Party

一、列宁阐明创建新型无产阶级政党的必要性和迫切性

After the founding congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in the spring of 1898, due to the brutal persecution of the tsarist government, the members of the Central Committee elected by the congress were arrested, and the local revolutionary organizations were not actually linked together. The reality at that time was that the workers’ movement was developing day by day, and the peasant movement and the student movement were also developing, but the Party was in a backward state in ideology, practice, and organization and could not lead the revolutionary movement of the masses. Lenin saw through the revolutionary situation, elucidated the necessity and urgency of creating a new-type proletarian party, and proposed that the Russian Social Democrats must unite and devote all their efforts to building a unified and consolidated new-type proletarian party. Under Lenin’s leadership, the Social Democrats adapted to the revolutionary situation, opposed erroneous ideological trends within the Party, and focused on establishing a new-type proletarian party with ideological unity and strict organization, pushing forward the development of the Russian revolutionary movement.

俄国社会民主工党在1898年春天召开成立大会之后，由于沙皇政府的残酷迫害，大会选出的中央委员会成员被逮捕，各地方的革命组织并没有真正联系起来。当时的现实是，工人运动日益发展，农民运动、学生运动也开展起来，党却在思想、实践、组织方面处于落后状态，不能领导群众的革命运动。列宁洞察革命形势，阐明创建新型无产阶级政党的必要性和迫切性，提出俄国社会民主党人必须团结起来，全力以赴地建立一个统一的、巩固的新型无产阶级政党。在列宁的领导下，社会民主党人适应革命形势，反对党内错误思潮，着于建立思想统一、组织严密的新型无产阶级政党，推动俄国革命运动向前发展。

First, the practical need for the development of the Russian workers’ movement. From the beginning of the 1890s, the revived workers’ movement showed a depth and breadth different from before. In the spring of 1901, the workers’ struggle shifted from economic strikes to political strikes and demonstrations. In May of the same year, the strike of the workers of the Obukhov Steel Plant in St. Petersburg developed into a struggle between workers and the police and troops, shaking the whole country. Spontaneous movements of peasants occurred frequently and spread to many areas. Students, especially university students, set off a revolutionary trend. The liberal bourgeoisie also began to oppose autocratic rule. The Russian struggle against tsarist autocracy developed to a new stage. However, strikes, demonstrations, and peasant uprisings were all suppressed by the tsar’s army, and the development of the revolutionary struggle was extremely difficult.

第一，俄国工人运动发展的现实需要。从19世纪90年代开始，重新高涨起来的工人运动显现了不同以往的深度和广度。1901年春，工人的斗争从经济罢工转为政治罢工和游行示威。同年5月，彼得堡的奥布霍夫钢铁厂工人的罢工发展为工人同军警的搏斗，震动了全国。农民的自发运动频繁发生并扩展到许多地区。学生特别是大学生掀起了革命风潮。自由派资产阶级也开始反对专制统治。俄国反对沙皇专制的斗争发展到了一个新的阶段。但是，罢工、游行示威和农民起义都被沙皇动用军队镇压下去了，革命斗争的发展异常艰难。

Lenin proposed that an organized struggle must be carried out, and the most urgent practical task for the Russian revolution was to establish an organization of revolutionaries, that is, to create a new-type proletarian party. “An organization that can merge various manifestations of political opposition, protest, and indignation into a general offensive, an organization composed of professional revolutionaries and led by the genuine political leaders of the entire people.” Only a new-type proletarian party can give the political struggle strength, stability, and continuity. During this period, although strikes were still at the spontaneous stage, the workers had already taken action, but the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party could not yet serve as a strong core to properly deploy all the forces of the awakened workers; the Party lagged behind the development of the revolutionary movement. The task of the Social Democrats was to closely combine economic struggle and political struggle into a unified class struggle of the socialist workers’ masses, organize the workers, and develop them into the struggle of a definite party to achieve definite political and socialist ideals. “The Social Democratic Party leads the working class in struggle not only to fight for favorable conditions for selling labor power but also to eliminate the social system that forces the poor to sell themselves to the rich.”[3]3 "New Era" (新时代) refers to the period since the 18th National Congress, characterized by new goals and tasks under Xi Jinping's leadership.54 The Social Democrats should adapt to the development of the revolutionary movement and lead the proletariat to seize political power and establish socialism. However, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was in a state of vacillation and chaos. The revolutionary movement required a higher form and organization, and urgently demanded that the Party consolidate itself and establish a strong revolutionary organization.

列宁提出必须进行有组织的斗争，俄国革命首要的最迫切的实际任务是要建立一个革命家组织，即创建新型的无产阶级政党。“一个能把政治上的反政府态度、抗议和义愤的各种各样的表现都汇合成一个总攻击的组织，一个由职业革命家组成而由全体人民的真正的政治领袖们领导的组织。”只有新型的无产阶级政党才能使政治斗争具有力量、具有稳定性和继承性。在这个时期，虽然罢工还处在自发阶段，但是工人已经行动起来了，而俄国社会民主工党还不能作为一个坚强的核心，合理部署觉醒工人的全部力量，党落后于革命运动的发展。社会民主党人的任务是要使经济斗争和政治斗争紧密结合成统一的社会主义工人群众的阶级斗争，把工人组织起来，发展成为一定的政党争取实现一定的政治理想和社会主义理想的斗争。“社会民主党领导工人阶级进行斗争不仅是要争取出卖劳动力的有利条件，而且是要消灭那种迫使穷人卖身给富人的社会制度。”[3]54社会民主党人应当适应革命运动的发展，带领无产阶级去夺取政权和建立社会主义。但是，俄国社会民主工党却处于动摇、混乱状态。革命运动要求更高级的形态和组织，迫切要求党巩固起来，建立坚强的革命组织。

Second, the Party urgently needed to end ideological confusion and vacillation. Since the end of 1897, within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, economism had appeared, revealing ideological confusion and vacillation towards revolution. The opening article of the first issue of the Economists’ newspaper Rabochaya Mysl published in October 1897 and the Credo published in 1899 by the Economists Prokopovich, Kuskova, and others both expressed the spirit of economism. In the autumn of 1899, while in exile, Lenin successively received the Credo, Bernstein’s The Premises of Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy, and the Declaration of the Kiev Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. He was very indignant and immediately drafted the “Protest of the Russian Social Democrats” to criticize the Economists for following Bernstein’s erroneous behavior and to expose their attempt to turn the revolutionary workers’ party into a reformist party. Lenin realized that the influence of the Economists must be eliminated to ensure the correct development of the workers’ movement and the Party. Lenin revealed the ideological essence of the Economists. In terms of principles, the Economists attacked the theories of Marx and Engels as “incomplete” and “outdated.” They transplanted Bernstein’s opportunist views to Russia and reduced revolutionary Marxism to a vulgar reformist ideology. In terms of politics, the Economists tried to narrow and disperse political agitation and political struggle, separating economic struggle from political struggle, and only demanded that workers carry out partial struggles for improving the living conditions of all workers. In terms of strategy, the Economists were extremely unstable, opposing terrorist means; believing in Bernstein’s revisionism, they took peaceful “democratization” as the only form of activity for the proletariat. In terms of organization, the Economists were obsessed with the “handicraft method” in organizational work and opposed the establishment of an organization of revolutionaries.

第二，党迫切需要结束思想混乱和动摇。从1897年底以来，在俄国社会民主工党内出现了经济主义思潮，显露了思想方面的混乱、对革命的动摇。1897年10月经济派的《工人思想报》创刊号的发刊词和1899年普罗柯波维奇、库斯柯娃等经济派分子发表的《信条》都表达了经济主义的精神。1899年秋，列宁在流放地先后收到了《信条》、伯恩施坦的《社会主义的前提和社会民主党的任务》，以及俄国社会民主工党基辅委员会的《宣言书》。他十分愤慨，立即起草《俄国社会民主党人抗议书》批判经济派分子追随伯恩施坦的错误行为，揭露他们把革命的工人政党变为改良主义政党的企图。列宁认识到，必须清除经济派的影响，才能保证工人运动和党的正确发展。列宁揭露了经济派的思想实质。在原则方面，经济派攻击马克思、恩格斯的学说“不完备”和“过时”了，他们把伯恩施坦的机会主义观点搬到俄国来，把革命的马克思主义降为一种庸俗的改良主义思潮。在政治方面，经济派力图缩小和分散政治鼓动和政治斗争，将经济斗争和政治斗争分开，只要求工人进行局部的、争取改善全体工人生活状况的斗争。在策略方面，经济派表现得极不稳定，反对恐怖手段；信奉伯恩施坦修正主义，把和平的“民主化”作为无产阶级唯一的活动方式。在组织方面，经济派迷恋组织工作中的“手工业方式”、反对建立革命家组织。

Lenin proposed that the political struggle of the proletariat must be placed in the first place and the economic struggle should be combined with the political struggle. Only by taking the leadership of the general democratic movement into its own hands could the Social Democratic Party overthrow the autocratic system. “The conclusion of socialists and every class-conscious worker is that the workers’ party must also use all its strength to establish a ‘tight organization,’ cultivate ‘clever and capable revolutionary activists’ from among the advanced workers and socialists, so that the workers’ party truly becomes the advanced fighter for democracy and attracts all opposition elements to the side of the workers’ party.” The Russian Social Democrats should unite, eliminate the widespread differences of opinion and ideological confusion, and achieve consolidated ideological unity.

列宁提出，要将无产阶级的政治斗争提到首位，并将经济斗争和政治斗争结合起来。社会民主党把一般民主运动的领导权掌握在自己手中，才能推翻专制制度。“社会党人和每个觉悟工人的结论是，工人政党也必须用一切力量来建立‘严密的机构’，从先进工人和社会党人中培养出‘机灵能干的革命活动家’，从而使工人政党真正成为争取民主的先进战士，并把一切反对派分子吸引到工人政党方面来。”俄国社会民主党人应该团结起来，排除普遍存在的意见分歧和思想混乱，取得巩固的思想统一。

Third, the Party must end the state of organizational laxity. After taking the big step of being founded, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party returned to the former state of scattered activity of local organizations. The vigorous development of the revolutionary movement faced an urgent problem – the organizational problem. The workers’ strike movement exposed shortcomings in the organization. With the general activation of the workers’ movement, the open mass struggle of the workers greatly developed, but it also suffered intensified persecution by the tsarist government; socialists in various places were constantly arrested, communication stations were detected, books and newspapers were confiscated, and printing houses were closed. Local groups were often wiped out at one stroke, and the masses of workers lost their leaders. At that time, young students generally inclined towards Marxism; they carried out extensive revolutionary propaganda through various groups, but they lacked leaders and organizers skilled in directing the movement and could not get strong support from revolutionary organizations. Lenin called the organizational form of the Party in this period the “handicraft method.” The Russian workers’ movement urgently needed to overcome the narrowness of local work and the “handicraft” nature of organizational work; the Social Democrats must keep up with and lead the further development of the revolution. Lenin put forward the task and plan of uniting all the forces of the ever-awakening proletariat and all the forces of the Russian revolutionaries into one party, and building the Party into a centralized and unified organization. “The Russian Social Democrats must unite and devote all their efforts to building a unified and consolidated Party that will fight under the banner of the revolutionary Social Democratic program, maintain the continuity of the movement, and always uphold its organization.”

第三，党必须结束组织涣散状况。俄国社会民主工党在迈出了成立这一大步后，又重新回到过去各地方组织分散活动的状态。革命运动的蓬勃发展面临一个迫切问题——组织问题。工人的罢工运动暴露了组织方面的缺点。随着工人运动的普遍活跃，工人公开的群众性斗争大大发展，也遭到了沙皇政府的加紧迫害，各地的社会党人不断被捕、交通联络站被侦破、书报被没收、印刷所被封闭。地方小组往往被一网打尽，工人群众失去了领导者。当时的青年学生也普遍倾心于马克思主义，他们通过各种小组开展了广泛的革命宣传，但是，他们缺少善于领导运动的领导者和组织者，也得不到革命组织的有力支持。列宁将这一时期党的组织形式称为“手工业方式”。俄国工人运动迫切需要克服地方工作的狭隘性和组织工作中的“手工业”性，社会民主党人必须跟上并领导革命的进一步发展。列宁提出把日益觉醒的无产阶级的一切力量和俄国革命者的一切力量联合成一个党，把党建成集中统一的组织的任务和计划。“俄国社会民主党人必须团结起来，全力以赴地建立一个统一的和巩固的党，这个党要在革命的社会民主主义纲领的旗帜下进行斗争，要保持运动的继承性和经常维护它的组织性。”

Lenin clarified that the Social Democrats’ “organization” is fundamentally different from that of the Economists. The Social Democrats “should organize not only mutual aid societies, strike funds, and workers’ circles, but also a political party, organizing to wage a resolute struggle against the autocratic government and the entire capitalist society. Without being organized in this way, the proletariat cannot engage in conscious class struggle; without being organized in this way, the workers’ movement will be weak and feeble; with only savings funds, workers’ circles, and mutual aid societies, the working class will never be able to fulfill the great historical task it shoulders: to free itself and the entire Russian people from political and economic slavery.” Lenin also opposed political conspiratorial organizations, pointing out that the activities of local party organizations are the basis of the whole party’s activities; while promoting the unified and centralized development of the Party, local activities of the Party maintain complete freedom.

列宁阐明，社会民主党人的“组织起来”与经济派根本不同。社会民主党人“不但要组织互助会、罢工储金会和工人小组，而且要组织政党，组织起来同专制政府和整个资本主义社会进行坚决的斗争。不这样组织起来，无产阶级就不能去进行自觉的阶级斗争，不这样组织起来，工人运动就会软弱无力，只靠一些储金会、工人小组和互助会，工人阶级永远不能完成自己所肩负的伟大历史任务：使自己和全体俄国人民摆脱政治上和经济上的奴隶地位。”列宁还反对政治密谋性组织，指出党的地方组织的活动是党的全部活动的基础，在推动党的统一集中发展的同时，党的地方性活动保持完全自由。

II. Lenin’s Basic Theory on the New-Type Proletarian Party

二、列宁关于新型无产阶级政党的基本理论

In the process of criticizing erroneous propositions and promoting revolutionary practice, Lenin elaborated on the guiding ideology of the Party, the party organization and its principles, the leader and the leading group, the party program, and the principle of democratic centralism, forming a scientific and rich theory of the new-type proletarian party. Under Lenin’s leadership, the Party overcame the influence of erroneous ideas such as Bernstein’s revisionism, economism, and the Menshevik opportunism, adhered to the Party’s principles, strengthened the Party’s stance, strengthened Party building, and after arduous revolutionary struggle, achieved the great victory of the October Revolution, opening a new chapter in socialist construction.

列宁在批判错误主张，推动革命实践的过程中，阐发了关于党的指导思想、党的组织及原则、领袖和领导集团、党的纲领以及民主集中制原则等理论，形成了科学的、丰富的新型无产阶级政党的理论。在列宁的领导下，党克服了伯恩施坦修正主义、经济主义以及孟什维克机会主义等错误思想的影响，坚持党的原则、坚定党的立场，加强党的建设，经过艰辛的革命奋斗，取得了十月革命的伟大胜利，开辟了社会主义建设的新篇章。

First, taking Marxism as the guiding ideology. At the end of 1897, in “The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrats,” Lenin put forward that “without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.” In “What Is to Be Done?”, Lenin again clarified this thesis, emphasizing the scientific nature of the doctrines of Marx and Engels and their guiding role for the Social Democrats. In the article “Our Program” written for Rabochaya Gazeta, Lenin proposed to base on Marx’s theory, because “it explains that the real task of the revolutionary social party is not to fabricate various plans for reforming society, not to persuade the capitalists and their hangers-on to improve the workers’ condition, not to hatch conspiracies, but to organize the class struggle of the proletariat, to lead this struggle, and the ultimate goal of the struggle is the seizure of political power by the proletariat and the organization of socialist society.” Lenin emphasized the significance of Marxist theory, exposing and criticizing the ideological confusion and vacillation caused by the prevalent Bernstein’s revisionism and the Economists. Lenin opposed the arguments that preached that Marxism was “incomplete,” “outdated,” and that the doctrines of Marx and Engels were “dogma.” Lenin criticized the Economists, exposing that the so-called “freedom of criticism” was essentially an act of abandoning the theoretical principles of Marxism under the banner of opposing dogmatism. The essence of the Economists’ so-called “opposition to dogmatism” was to replace Marxism with revisionism, to negate revolutionary theory, and to disarm the working class in the struggle against the bourgeoisie. At the same time, Lenin demanded that in the process of applying Marxist theory, it must be both defended and developed. Marxist theory is not dogma; socialists should constantly advance this science. The new-type proletarian party should not mechanically copy a certain viewpoint or conclusion of Marxism regardless of national conditions. These instructions effectively countered the erosion of erroneous ideas such as Russian economism at that time.

第一，以马克思主义为指导思想。1897年年底，列宁在《俄国社会民主党人的任务》中提出“没有革命的理论，就不会有革命的运动”。在《怎么办？》中，列宁再一次阐明了这一论点，强调了马克思和恩格斯学说的科学性及其对社会民主党人的指导作用。列宁在为《工人报》写的文章《我们的纲领》中提出，以马克思的理论为依据，因为“它说明了革命的社会党的真正任务不是臆造种种改造社会的计划，不是劝导资本家及其走狗改善工人的处境，不是策划密谋，而是组织无产阶级的阶级斗争，领导这一斗争，而斗争的最终目的是由无产阶级夺取政权并组织社会主义社会。”列宁强调马克思主义理论的意义，揭露和批判当时盛行的伯恩施坦修正主义、经济派造成的思想混乱和动摇。列宁反对宣扬“马克思主义不完备”“过时了”以及马克思和恩格斯的学说是“教条”的论调。列宁批判经济派，揭露了所谓“批评自由”实质就是打着反对教条主义的旗号抛弃马克思主义理论原则。经济派所谓“反对教条主义”的实质就是用修正主义代替马克思主义，否定革命理论，是在反对资产阶级的斗争中解除工人阶级的武装。同时，列宁要求在运用马克思主义理论的过程中，既要捍卫又要发展。马克思主义的理论并不是教条，社会党人应当不断推进这门科学。新型无产阶级政党不要不顾国情照抄照搬马克思主义的某个观点、论断。这些指导有力地抵制了当时俄国经济主义等错误思想的侵蚀。

Second, establishing a new-type organization of revolutionaries. Lenin proposed: “Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will turn Russia upside down!” In Russia, the spontaneously awakened masses lacked the leadership of a unified, stable, durable, and combat-ready leading organization. The Party is the leader and organizer of the proletariat and the representative of the proletarian revolutionary movement and its fundamental goals. Under the leadership of the Party, the ideological unity formed according to Marxist principles is consolidated by the material unity of organization; only by organizing the workers into a great army can the proletariat become an invincible force. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, in terms of organization, had discredited the prestige of Russian revolutionaries with the “handicraft method.” “If we start from solidly building a strong organization of revolutionaries, we can ensure the stability of the whole movement and achieve both the Social Democratic goal and the purely trade unionist goal. But if we start from establishing a broad workers’ organization that seems most ‘accessible’ to the masses (in fact, easiest for the gendarmes to destroy and easiest for the police to arrest revolutionaries), we will achieve neither goal and cannot escape the handicraft method.” Therefore, the main task of the Party was to elevate handicraftsmen into revolutionaries and workers into revolutionaries.

第二，建立新型的革命家组织。列宁提出，“给我们一个革命家组织，我们就能把俄国翻转过来！”在俄国，自发觉醒起来的群众缺乏统一的、稳定的、持久的、有战斗力的领导者组织的领导。而党是无产阶级的领导者和组织者，是无产阶级革命运动及其根本目的的代表。在党的领导下，根据马克思主义原则形成的思想一致，以组织这种物质统一的形式来巩固，将劳动者组建成为一支大军，无产阶级才能成为不可战胜的力量。俄国社会民主工党在组织方面，以“手工业方式”败坏了俄国革命家的威信。“我们如果从扎扎实实建立坚强的革命家组织开始，我们就能保证整个运动的稳定性，就既能实现社会民主主义的目的，又能实现纯粹工联主义的目的。而我们如果从建立那种好像是群众最‘容易接受的’（其实是使宪兵最容易破坏的，使革命家最容易被警察逮捕的）广泛的工人组织开始，那我们就两种目的都实现不了，就摆脱不了手工业方式”。因此，党的主要任务是要把手工业者提升为革命家，把工人提升为革命家。

Lenin stressed that the Party, as the vanguard, must not be confused with the whole class. At the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1903, Lenin proposed: “A person may be considered a member of the Party if he accepts the Party program, supports the Party financially, and personally participates in one of the Party’s organizations.” A party member must participate in a party organization; this is an important guarantee for making the Party an organized combat force. Martov proposed: “A person may be considered a member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party if he accepts the Party program, supports the Party financially, and regularly assists the Party personally under the leadership of one of the Party’s organizations.” Lenin believed that Martov’s formulation, by not making participation in a party organization a necessary condition, would inevitably lead to the confusion of advanced elements with backward elements and directly cause the laxity and confusion of the Party organization. Only by participating in a party organization can party members better accept the supervision and leadership of the Party and make the Party an organized whole.

列宁强调不能把作为先进部队的党同整个阶级混淆起来。在1903年俄国社会民主工党第二次代表大会上，列宁提出，“凡承认党纲、在物质上支持党并亲自参加党的一个组织的人，可以作为党员。”党员必须参加一个党的组织，这是使党成为有组织部队的重要保障。马尔托夫则提出，“凡承认党纲、在物质上支持党并在党的一个组织领导下经常亲自协助党的人，可以作为俄国社会民主工党党员。”列宁认为，马尔托夫的条文，不把党员参加一个党组织作为必要条件势必造成先进分子与落后分子相混淆的状况，将直接导致党组织的涣散和混乱。党员只有参加党的组织，才能更好地接受党的监督和领导，使党成为有组织的整体。

Third, the leader and the leading group play a core role. Based on the development of political thought and the accumulation of political experience in Russia and other countries of the world (including Germany), Lenin emphasized the role of the leader and the leading group. Lenin believed that a militant revolutionary party needs a strong and authoritative leadership. The basic reason for the crisis in the Russian Social Democratic movement was the lack of thinkers with a high level of theoretical cultivation, the lack of leaders with revolutionary tenacity and organizational talent, and the lack of leaders with a broad political vision who could build a militant party on a new revolutionary basis. Lenin expounded the relationship among the masses, professional revolutionaries, and the Social Democratic Party. The development of the revolutionary movement requires professional revolutionaries who devote themselves exclusively to the activities of the Social Democratic Party. At the same time, the organization of revolutionaries and professional revolutionaries must maintain close ties with the working class and with the millions of masses, and win their trust and support.

第三，领袖及领导集团发挥核心作用。列宁基于俄国、世界其他国家（包括德国）的政治思想的发展和政治经验的积累，强调了领袖及领导集团的作用。列宁认为，战斗的革命政党需要坚强的有威信的领导。俄国社会民主主义运动出现危机的基本原因在于缺少具有很高理论修养的思想家，缺少有革命毅力和组织才能的领导者，缺少有广阔政治眼界且能够在新的革命基础上建立战斗的政党的领导者。列宁阐述了群众、职业革命家和社会民主党之间的关系。革命运动的发展需要有专门献身于社会民主党的活动的职业革命家。同时，革命家组织、职业革命家必须与工人阶级、与千百万群众保持密切联系，得到群众的信任和支持。

Lenin clarified that the Party’s secret organization is fundamentally different from a conspiratorial organization. In the early period of Party building, the Party’s forces were still relatively weak, and under the tsarist autocracy, in order to preserve its revolutionary forces, it was forced into a secret state. At the same time, in order to establish a strong leading core, it was necessary to concentrate the Party’s central leadership in the hands of a small number of professional revolutionaries, but this was not a conspiratorial organization of a few people. The organization of revolutionaries can concentrate the most secretive functions and expand the scope and content of revolutionary activity. Lenin affirmed the role of those not fixed in form and secretive organizations, including trade unions, workers’ self-study circles, secret book and periodical reading circles, socialist circles, and democratic circles, while pointing out that these organizations perform different functions and have boundaries with the organization of revolutionaries; they should not be confused.

列宁阐明党的秘密组织与密谋组织根本不同。建党初期，党的力量还比较弱小，在沙皇专制制度下，为了保存自身的革命力量而被迫处于秘密状态。同时，为了建立强有力的领导核心，需要把党的中央领导权集中在少数职业革命家手里，但这不是少数人的密谋组织。革命家组织能够把最秘密的职能集中起来，扩大革命的活动范围和内容。列宁肯定了那些形式不固定、秘密性的组织的作用，包括工会、工人自学小组、秘密书刊阅读小组、社会主义小组和民主主义小组等，同时指出这些组织履行着不同的职能，它们同革命家的组织有界限，不能混为一谈。

Fourth, the Party must inoculate the working class with socialist consciousness. In the article “What Is to Be Done?”, Lenin explained in detail the scientific connotation of “inoculation,” severely criticized the erroneous viewpoints within the Social Democratic Party, and emphasized the inoculation of socialist consciousness into the workers’ movement. Lenin believed that the spontaneous workers’ movement would not produce scientific socialist theory. “The history of all countries shows that the working class, by its own strength alone, can only form trade-union consciousness, that is, the conviction that it is necessary to organize trade unions, to struggle against the factory owners, to strive to obtain from the government certain laws that are necessary for the workers, and so on. But socialist theory developed from the philosophical, historical, and economic theories created by educated representatives of the propertied classes, the intellectuals. The founders of modern scientific socialism, Marx and Engels, were also bourgeois intellectuals by their social status.” Lenin criticized the Economists for worshipping the spontaneity of the working class; the Economists believed that socialist consciousness could spontaneously arise from the workers’ movement itself and spontaneously spread among the working class. Lenin proposed that socialist consciousness can only be inoculated into the working class from outside the economic struggle, from outside the relations between the workers and the factory owners. The Party must guide and educate the working class to clarify its historical mission and various rights in order to enhance the consciousness of the workers’ movement. The Party’s task is to attract the working class to its side, arm the working class with the socialist ideological system, jointly carry out the struggle to overthrow the tsarist government and oppose capitalism, win the proletarian revolution, and establish socialist political power.

第四，党要向工人阶级灌输社会主义意识。在《怎么办？》一文中，列宁详细阐释了“灌输”的科学内涵，对社会民主党内的错误观点进行严厉批判，强调把社会主义意识灌输到工人运动当中去。列宁认为自发的工人运动不会产生科学社会主义学说。“各国的历史都证明：工人阶级单靠自己本身的力量，只能形成工联主义的意识，即确信必须结成工会，必须同厂主斗争，必须向政府争取颁布对工人是必要的某些法律，如此等等。而社会主义学说则是从有产阶级的有教养的人即知识分子创造的哲学理论、历史理论和经济理论中发展起来的。现代科学社会主义的创始人马克思和恩格斯本人，按他们的社会地位来说，也是资产阶级知识分子。”列宁批判经济派推崇工人阶级的自发论，经济派认为社会主义意识可以自发地从工人运动本身产生并自发地在工人阶级中传播，列宁提出社会主义意识只能从经济斗争外面，从工人同厂主的关系外面灌输给工人阶级。党要引导和教育工人阶级明确自己的历史使命和各项权利，以提高工人运动的自觉性。党的任务就是把工人阶级吸引到党这边来，用社会主义的思想体系武装工人阶级，共同进行推翻沙皇政府和反对资本主义的斗争，赢得无产阶级革命并建立社会主义政权。

Fifth, adhere to the Party program. Lenin attached great importance to the great significance of the program for the unity and consistency of the party. Lenin criticized the Rabocheye Delo magazine for distorting Marx’s statement that “one step of actual movement is more important than a dozen programs,” pointing out that this was an attempt to belittle the significance of theory in the name of Marx. Marx and Engels always taught that the proletariat must not make principle a matter of bargaining, must never make theoretical “concessions.”

第五，坚持党的纲领。列宁重视纲领对于政党的团结一致、始终一贯的重大意义。列宁批评《工人事业》杂志歪曲引用马克思的“一步实际运动比一打纲领更重要”这一论述，指出这是假借马克思的名义竭力贬低理论的意义。马克思、恩格斯始终告诫，无产阶级决不能拿原则做交易，决不要做理论上的“让步”。

Lenin believed that a program should express the Party's basic views, clearly define the Party's political tasks, and raise the most urgent demands. Moreover, Russian public opinion harbored extremely serious misunderstandings about the true tasks and methods of activity of the Russian Social Democrats; and there were misunderstandings and disagreements both inside and outside the Party on whether it was necessary and appropriate to formulate a party program, especially the divergent views among the Social Democrats themselves—all of which demonstrated the urgency of drawing up a program. At the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party [1]1 The Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held in 1903 in Brussels and London. It marked the split between the Bolsheviks (led by Lenin) and the Mensheviks., delegates engaged in heated debate over the draft party program prepared by Plekhanov and Lenin. The Bundists and the Economists explicitly opposed the clause on the dictatorship of the proletariat, denying the Party's vanguard leadership in the proletarian liberation movement; the Iskra faction led by Lenin opposed their erroneous views, and ultimately the party program clearly stipulated that the socialist revolution must uphold the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the congress, the Economists also opposed the worker-peasant alliance and the clauses in the party program concerning the peasant question, arguing that the peasants lacked revolutionary character. Lenin firmly defended the land program in the party program, proposing the tasks of mobilizing the peasants to carry out the bourgeois-democratic revolution and unleashing class struggle in the countryside, emphasizing the importance of the peasant revolution and the worker-peasant alliance. The Second Congress ultimately adopted a genuinely Marxist party program, laying the foundation for the Party's ideological unity.

列宁认为，纲领应该表述党的基本观点，明确规定党的政治任务，提出一些最迫切的要求。此外，俄国舆论对俄国社会民主党人真正的任务和活动方式存在极其严重的误解；而且党内外对于是否需要和适宜制定党纲存在误解和分歧，特别是社会民主党人内部存在意见分歧，这都说明制定纲领的迫切性。在俄国社会民主工党第二次代表大会上，代表们围绕普列汉诺夫和列宁拟制的党纲草案展开了激烈的辩论。崩得分子与经济派明确反对无产阶级专政条款，否认党在无产阶级解放运动中的先锋领导；以列宁为首的火星派反对他们的错误观点，最终在党纲中明确规定，社会主义革命必须坚持无产阶级专政。在会上，经济派还反对工农联盟，反对党纲中农民问题的条款，认为农民不具备革命性。列宁则坚决维护党纲中的土地纲领，提出发动农民进行资产阶级民主革命、在农村放手发动阶级斗争的任务，强调农民革命和工农联盟的重要性。第二次代表大会最终通过了真正马克思主义的政党纲领，为党的思想统一奠定了基础。

Sixth, adhere to the Party's organizational statutes and the principle of democratic centralism. The Economists accused the Social Democrats of establishing a highly centralized fighting organization as if they were creating a conspiratorial organization. Lenin pointed out that under an autocratic system, it was impossible to establish a broad workers' organization based on elections, reporting systems, and universal voting. Under the dark gendarme system, there could be no "broad democracy" in the Party organization. Lenin opposed the principle proposed by the Bundists of building the Party on a federal basis, maintaining federal relations with the Party, and argued that the Party should appear as a unified, centralized fighting organization in order to achieve the struggle against the autocratic system and the bourgeoisie throughout Russia.

第六，坚持党的组织章程和民主集中制原则。经济派责备社会民主党人建立高度集中的战斗组织是要建立密谋组织。列宁则指出，在专制制度下不可能建立一个实行选举制、报告制和全体表决制的广泛的工人组织。在黑暗的宪兵制度下，根本不可能有党组织的“广泛民主制”。列宁反对崩得分子提出的按联邦制建党，同党保持联邦关系的原则，认为党应当以一个统一的、集中的战斗组织出现，才能实现同专制制度、全俄资产阶级的斗争。

Lenin adhered to the principle of combining centralization on all-Party questions with autonomy for local organizations in all their affairs. After the Party's Second Congress, the Mensheviks proposed autonomy as a counter to Lenin's principle of centralization. They argued that the subordination of the minority to the majority was a rigid suppression of Party members' will, that maintaining Party discipline was imposing "serfdom" within the Party, that centralism was "bureaucratism" and "formalism," and that it turned Party members into "little wheels and little screws." Lenin repeatedly stressed that centralism was the sole principle running through the entire Party constitution, and that it was the unity of democracy and centralization, freedom and discipline. Under the historical conditions of the time, the Party was still operating in a state of secrecy; if the Party was to win victory against the autocratic system, only by implementing centralism could it overcome the Party organizations' state of laxity and circle mentality, successfully oppose splittist activities, and ensure the Party's combat effectiveness.

列宁坚持在全党问题上的集中同地方组织在一切事务上的自治相结合的原则。在党的第二次代表大会之后，孟什维克提出自治制来对抗列宁的集中制原则，他们认为少数服从多数就是硬性压制党员的意志，维护党的纪律是在党内实行“农奴制”，集中制是“官僚主义”和“形式主义”，是要把党员变成“小轮子和小螺丝钉”。列宁反复强调集中制是贯穿在整个党章中的唯一原则，是民主和集中、自由和纪律的统一。在当时的历史条件下，党还处于秘密活动的状态，党要想取得反对专制制度的胜利，只有实行集中制，才能使党组织克服涣散状态和小组习气，才能成功反对分裂活动，保证党的战斗力。

The Party's organizational statutes were the guarantee for implementing centralism. "To ensure Party unity and to ensure the centralization of Party work, organizational unity is also needed; and this unity, in a party that has already gone beyond the bounds of a family-type circle, is inconceivable without a formally stipulated party constitution, without the subordination of the minority to the majority, without the subordination of the part to the whole." Lenin pointed out that a formal constitution was necessary to replace narrow circle ties with broad Party ties, to free the Party from the willfulness of circles, from their arbitrary mischief-making, and from their quarrels. The Party's organizational statutes were the basic norms of action for all Party members. The Party constitution was the formally stipulated collective will, providing organizational guarantees for the proletarian party.

党的组织章程是贯彻集中制的保障，“为了保证党内团结，为了保证党的工作集中化，还需要有组织上的统一，而这种统一在一个已经多少超出了家庭式小组范围的党里面，如果没有正式规定的党章，没有少数服从多数，没有部分服从整体，那是不可想象的。”列宁指出，正式章程是必要的，是要以广泛的党的联系代替狭隘的小组联系，使党摆脱小组的刚愎自用，摆脱小组的任意胡闹，摆脱小组的争吵。党的组织章程是全体党员行动的基本准则。党的章程是正式规定的整体意志，为无产阶级政党提供组织保证。

All Party members must observe uniform discipline. Lenin exposed the conflict within the Party between tendencies that weakened organization and discipline and those that strengthened them. He criticized the opportunists for trying to maintain autonomy and weaken Party discipline, which was to disorganize the Party. The opponents attacked Party discipline as "rigid discipline," and following discipline as demanding "blind obedience" and "unquestioning submission," turning Party members into "political zombies." Facing internal divisions and attacks from opponents, Lenin said with full confidence: "The proletariat is not afraid of organization and discipline." The principles of the revolutionary Social Democratic Party, the organization and Party discipline of the proletariat, would surely achieve complete victory.

全体党员必须遵守统一的纪律。列宁揭示了党内存在的削弱组织和纪律严格性的倾向同加强组织和纪律严格性的倾向的冲突，批评机会主义者竭力维护自治制，力图弱化党的纪律，是在瓦解组织。反对者则攻击党的纪律是“死板纪律”，遵守纪律是要求“盲目服从”，是“唯命是从”，是要把党员变成“政治僵尸”。面对党内分歧与反对派的攻击，列宁满怀信心地表示，“无产阶级是不怕组织和纪律的”，革命的社会民主党的原则，无产阶级的组织和党的纪律，必定获得完全的胜利。

III. The Contemporary Value of Lenin's Theory of the New-Type Proletarian Party

三、列宁新型无产阶级政党理论的当代价值

The October Revolution brought Marxism-Leninism to China, and in the close integration of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese workers' movement, the Communist Party of China was born. The CPC creatively applied and developed Marxism-Leninism. Lenin's theory of the new-type proletarian party has withstood the tests of proletarian revolution and socialist construction; it is a scientific guide for proletarian parties worldwide and still has important value today. Looking back on the revolutionary and construction history of proletarian parties worldwide, addressing the challenges currently facing proletarian parties, and exploring Lenin's theory of the new-type proletarian party, we can draw important insights. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [2]2 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in 2012; it marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era., General Secretary Xi Jinping has consistently adhered to the CPC as a Marxist-Leninist party, steadfastly upheld the Marxist-Leninist theory of the party, and expressed the basic stance and principles of forever preserving the nature of the proletarian party. On the new journey of the New Era [3]3 "New Era" (新时代) refers to the period since the 18th National Congress, characterized by new goals and tasks under Xi Jinping's leadership., summarizing the historical experience and lessons of the international communist movement and the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, and enlightening China, as it enters a new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country and marching toward the second centenary goal [4]4 The second centenary goal refers to the goal of building China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful by the middle of the 21st century (the 100th anniversary of the founding of the PRC)., it is necessary to defend Marxism-Leninism, uphold the Party's overall leadership, and ensure the Party always remains a strong leading core.

十月革命给中国送来了马克思列宁主义，在马克思列宁主义同中国工人运动的紧密结合中，诞生了中国共产党。中国共产党创造性运用和发展马克思列宁主义。列宁的新型无产阶级政党理论经受住了无产阶级革命、社会主义建设的考验，是世界无产阶级政党的科学指南，至今依然具有重要价值。回顾世界无产阶级政党的革命和建设历程，回答当前无产阶级政党面临的挑战，探究列宁的新型无产阶级政党理论，可以从中获得重要启示。党的十八大以来，习近平总书记始终坚持中国共产党是马克思列宁主义的政党，始终坚持马克思列宁主义的政党理论，表达了永葆无产阶级政党本色的基本立场和原则。新时代新征程，总结国际共产主义运动和苏联兴亡的历史经验和教训，启示中国，在进入全面建设社会主义现代化国家、向第二个百年奋斗目标进军的新征程中，要捍卫马克思列宁主义，坚持党的全面领导，确保党始终成为坚强领导核心。

First, safeguarding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership is a major founding principle for a mature Marxist ruling party. Lenin's proposition that Party members must join Party organizations and build the Party according to the principles of local subordination to the center, lower-level subordination to higher levels, and minority subordination to the majority was attacked by the Mensheviks, who accused Lenin of practicing "authoritarianism." General Secretary Xi Jinping affirmed Lenin's principle, pointing out: "Lenin believed that the Party should have a strict organization, unified will and action; only a party built on the principle of centralism could be a 'truly steel-like organization.' The proletariat is invincible precisely because 'the ideological unity formed by it on the basis of Marxist principles is consolidated by the material unity of organization.' In 1920, Lenin proposed that 'the unconditional centralization and the strictest discipline of the proletariat are one of the basic conditions for victory over the bourgeoisie.'" [5]5 This quotation is from Lenin's "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920). General Secretary Xi Jinping stated: "Safeguarding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership is an important experience from China's revolution, construction, and reform, and a major founding principle for a mature Marxist ruling party." Over the past century, under the guidance of Marxist party theory, the CPC has formed "a strict organizational system including the Party's central organization, local organizations, and grassroots organizations. This is a powerful advantage that no other political party in the world possesses. The Party Central Committee is the brain and command center; the Party Central Committee must have the authority to make the final decision and the final word."

第一，维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，是一个成熟的马克思主义执政党的重大建党原则。列宁关于党员必须参加党的组织，并按照地方服从中央、下级服从上级、少数服从多数的原则建党的主张遭到孟什维克的攻击，他们攻击列宁实行了“专制主义”作风。习近平总书记肯定了列宁的原则，指出：“列宁认为，党应该具有严密的组织、统一的意志和行动，只有按照集中制原则建立起来的党才是一个‘真正钢铁般的组织’。无产阶级之所以不可战胜就是‘因为它根据马克思主义原则形成的思想一致是用组织的物质统一来巩固的’。一九二〇年，列宁提出‘无产阶级实现无条件的集中和极严格的纪律，是战胜资产阶级的基本条件之一’。。习近平总书记提出：“维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，是我国革命、建设、改革的重要经验，是一个成熟的马克思主义执政党的重大建党原则。”百年来，在马克思主义政党理论的指导下，中国共产党形成了“包括党的中央组织、地方组织、基层组织在内的严密组织体系。这是世界上任何其他政党都不具有的强大优势。党中央是大脑和中枢，党中央必须有定于一尊、一锤定音的权威”。

However, there is currently a view that Lenin's emphasis on the authority of the Party Central Committee and centralized, unified leadership is only suitable for the period of leading revolution and striving to seize political power. Under the dark rule of the tsarist autocratic system, carrying out revolutionary activities in an illegal, secret state required the establishment of a highly centralized proletarian party. But under today's conditions, the trend of democratization in contemporary political parties around the world, and the fundamental changes in the CPC's position, environment, and tasks—after the CPC has transformed from a "revolutionary party" into a "ruling party"—these propositions are no longer applicable. In response, General Secretary Xi Jinping believes that the claim that the CPC has transformed from a "revolutionary party" into a "ruling party" is inaccurate. The CPC is a party that leads the people in holding state power and governing for the long term. "The longer it governs, the more it must not discard the nature of a Marxist party, must not forget its original aspiration and founding mission, and must not lose its spirit of self-revolution." Revolution and governance are not two截然不同 things: "Our Party is a Marxist ruling party, but at the same time it is a Marxist revolutionary party." Revolution is always ongoing. At present, although the world situation, national conditions, and Party conditions have undergone tremendous changes, China is in a period of historical opportunity where much can be accomplished, but it also faces tests from internal and external risks. Under such circumstances, the CPC, as the world's largest party and as a major ruling party, must live up to its stature. Being big also has its difficulties. Governing the Party well is not easy, and building the Party into a strong Marxist ruling party is even more difficult. "To govern well the world's largest party and the most populous country, we must uphold the Party's centralized, unified leadership, safeguard the authority of the Party Central Committee, and ensure the Party always oversees the overall situation and coordinates all parties." Since the 18th National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping has called for strengthening the Party's centralized, unified leadership and upholding the Party's overall leadership as the common political responsibility of the entire Party, demanding that in ensuring the entire Party obeys the Central Committee and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, there must be absolutely no ambiguity or wavering. Throughout history, the loss of central authority and the inability to achieve centralized unity are common reasons for the collapse or defeat of large countries. In the difficult situation where communist parties in power in the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries successively lost their ruling positions, the CPC adhered to the basic stance and principles of the proletarian party, consolidating its ruling foundation and ruling status. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC has taken the Party's political leadership as the guideline, resolutely safeguarded the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, continuously improved the Party's leadership system, and achieved greater unity, solidarity, and uniformity in the Party's thought, politics, and action.

但是当前有一种观点认为，列宁强调党中央权威和集中统一领导，只适合于领导革命、为夺取政权而奋斗的时期。在沙皇专制制度的黑暗统治下，在非法的秘密状态下进行革命活动，需要建立高度集中的无产阶级政党。而在当今的时代条件下，在当代世界政党的民主化潮流下，在中国共产党所处的地位、环境和面临的任务都发生了根本变化的现实下，在中国共产党实现了从“革命党”向“执政党”转变后，这些主张已经不再适用了。对此，习近平总书记认为，中国共产党已经从“革命党”转变成了“执政党”这个说法是不准确的。中国共产党是领导人民掌握全国政权并长期执政的党，“越是长期执政，越不能丢掉马克思主义政党的本色，越不能忘记党的初心使命，越不能丧失自我革命精神”，革命和执政并不是两个截然不同的事情，“我们党是马克思主义执政党，但同时是马克思主义革命党”，革命永远在路上。当前，尽管世情、国情、党情都发生了巨大的变化，我国正处在大有可为的历史机遇期，但同时也面临着内外部风险等多方面的考验。在这样的形势下，中国共产党作为世界上最大的政党，作为执政大党，大就要有大的样子。大也有大的难处，管好党很不容易，把党建设成为坚强的马克思主义执政党更不容易。“治理好我们这个世界上最大的政党和人口最多的国家，必须坚持党的集中统一领导，维护党中央权威，确保党始终总揽全局、协调各方。”党的十八大以来，习近平总书记要求把加强党的集中统一领导、坚持党的全面领导作为全党共同的政治责任，要求在保证全党服从中央，坚持党中央权威和集中统一领导方面，绝不能有丝毫含糊和动摇。古往今来，中央权威丧失、国家无法集中统一，是世界上的大国崩溃或者溃败的一个普遍的原因。在苏联、东欧社会主义国家执政的共产党纷纷失去执政地位的艰难形势下，中国共产党坚持无产阶级政党的基本立场和原则，筑牢了自己的执政基础和执政地位。党的十八大以来，中国共产党坚持以党的政治领导为统领，坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，不断完善党的领导制度体系，实现了全党思想、政治、行动上的更加统一、团结和一致。

Second, the CPC must always uphold and practice the Marxist-Leninist principles of Party building. Lenin's propositions on the nature, mission, goals, and organizational principles of the proletarian party are all basic principles of the proletarian party and important theoretical guidance for the establishment and building of the CPC. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "From the Party's history, we can see that our Party has gone through a growth process from being not yet mature to firmly mature, from not yet strong to powerfully strong." The Chinese Communists deeply understand and practice Marxist new-type proletarian party theory. Over the past century, the CPC has continuously resolved contradictions, overcome differences, difficulties, and challenges, armed the entire Party with Marxism, founded, developed, and perfected the Party's organization, formed a mature Party Central Committee, established a central collective leadership, formulated a scientific program, and proposed the principle of democratic centralism—this is an important guarantee for the Party's continuous growth and progress from victory to victory. The century-long history of the CPC is a great course of conscious adherence to and staunch defense of Marxist new-type proletarian party theory.

第二，中国共产党要始终坚持和践行马克思列宁主义建党原则。列宁关于无产阶级政党性质、使命目标、组织原则的主张都是无产阶级政党的基本原则，是中国共产党建立、建设的重要理论指导。习近平总书记指出：“从党的历史看，我们党走过了从不够成熟到坚定成熟、从不够有力到坚强有力的成长历程。”中国共产党人深刻理解和践行马克思主义新型无产阶级政党理论。百年来，中国共产党不断解决矛盾，克服分歧、困难和挑战，以马克思主义武装全党，创建、发展和完善党的组织，形成了成熟的党中央，确立了党中央领导集体，形成了科学的纲领，提出了民主集中制原则，这是党不断发展壮大、从胜利走向胜利的重要保证。中国共产党百年来的历史是对马克思主义新型无产阶级政党理论的自觉坚守与执着捍卫的伟大历程。

The CPC has withstood the severe test of the low ebb of the international communist movement. General Secretary Xi Jinping repeatedly reminds the entire Party that under conditions of long-term governance by the Party, factors that weaken the Party's advanced nature and impair its purity, as well as factors that shake the Party's foundation, still exist. The Party must firmly defend its leadership position and advance the great cause of socialism. At present, internationally, the opposition between socialism and capitalism still exists—this reality has not changed. The fact that socialist countries are built on relatively backward economic and cultural foundations has also not changed. If the Party wants to firmly maintain its long-term ruling position, it must always uphold and practice the new-type proletarian party theory. From an international perspective, under the reality of the coexistence of the two systems of socialism and capitalism, the capitalist scheme of "Westernizing" and "splitting" China has never stopped. Some hostile forces, unwilling to see the development of a strong CPC and a strong socialist China, continuously engage in suppression, subversion, and attacks, either openly or covertly. For the CPC to resist the strong pressure of capitalism, it must firmly follow the basic principles and scientific laws of the proletarian party. From a domestic perspective, China's socialist construction is carried out under the reality of relatively backward economic and culture; China will still implement reform and opening up and develop a socialist market economy for a long time. At the same time, in the process of implementing reform and opening up and the socialist market economy, the CPC is in a more complex environment. The Party faces more arduous governing tasks, as well as the "four major tests" [6]6 The "four major tests" (四大考验) refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment. and the "four kinds of dangers" [7]7 The "four kinds of dangers" (四种危险) refer to the dangers of spiritual slackness, incompetence, disengagement from the people, and corruption.. The whole Party must clearly recognize that the Party faces a complex and changeable governing environment, the composition of Party members is complex and diverse, there are still many factors weakening the Party's purity, and some deep-seated problems within the Party have not been fundamentally resolved. To comprehensively build a modern socialist country and achieve the goals and tasks of the New Era and the new journey, the key lies in the Party. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Having the scientific theoretical guidance of Marxism is the distinctive political character and strong political advantage of our Party." The CPC is the world's largest Marxist ruling party. To consolidate its long-term ruling status, it must continue to uphold and practice the Marxist principles of Party building, maintain strong ideological focus, always do a good job in building the long-term ruling party, ensure the nature of the Marxist party, always stay at the forefront of the times, and always be the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation.

中国共产党经受了国际共产主义运动低潮的严峻考验。习近平总书记一再提醒全党，在党长期执政的条件下，一些弱化党的先进性、损害党的纯洁性的因素，一些动摇党的根基的危险依然存在，要牢牢捍卫党的领导地位，推进社会主义伟大事业。当前，国际上依然存在社会主义与资本主义的对立，这个现实并没有变化，社会主义国家建立在经济文化相对落后国家的现实也没有变化，党要想牢牢保持长期执政地位，必须始终坚持和践行新型无产阶级政党理论。从国际范围来看，在社会主义与资本主义两种制度并存的现实下，资本主义“西化”“分化”中国的图谋从来没有停止。一些敌对力量不愿意看到强大的中国共产党、强大的社会主义中国的发展，而不断或明或暗地进行打压、颠覆、攻击等。中国共产党要抵御强大的资本主义的压力，必须坚定遵循无产阶级政党的基本原则和科学规律。从国内状况来看，中国的社会主义建设是在经济文化相对落后的现实下进行的，我国仍将长期实行改革开放和发展社会主义市场经济。同时，在实行改革开放和社会主义市场经济的过程中，中国共产党处在更为复杂的环境下，党面临的执政任务更艰巨，面临“四大考验”和“四种危险”。全党要清醒地看到，党面临着复杂多变的执政环境，党员队伍构成复杂多元，还存在很多弱化党的纯洁性的因素，党内一些深层次问题也没有得到根本解决。全面建设社会主义现代化国家，实现新时代新征程各项目标任务，关键在党。习近平总书记指出：“拥有马克思主义科学理论指导是我们党鲜明的政治品格和强大的政治优势”。中国共产党是世界上最大的马克思主义执政党，要巩固长期执政地位，要继续坚持和践行马克思主义建党原则，要保持强大的思想定力，始终做好长期执政的大党建设，确保马克思主义政党本色、永远走在时代前列、永远做中国人民和中华民族的主心骨。

Third, the CPC must uphold and defend its leadership position and preserve its long-term ruling status. Lenin emphasized defending the Party's leadership position and playing the Party's leadership role. However, after Gorbachev came to power, instead of strengthening, consolidating, and improving the Party's leadership, he condoned and encouraged the opposition within the Party. The CPSU's leadership position and role were attacked and challenged. Gorbachev's departure from and abandonment of Lenin's new-type proletarian party theory, and his relinquishment of the CPSU's leadership position during the reform process, ultimately led to the tragedy of the dissolution of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The CPC attaches great importance to drawing lessons from the successes and failures of political parties in power around the world, and clearly recognizes that whether it can always uphold and defend the leadership position of the proletarian party is related to the future and destiny of socialism. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "It is not easy for a Marxist political party to seize political power, and it is even less easy to consolidate it; as long as the Marxist ruling party does not have problems, the socialist country will not have major problems."

第三，中国共产党要坚持和捍卫领导地位，永葆长期执政地位。列宁强调捍卫党的领导地位和发挥党的领导作用，但是，戈尔巴乔夫上台后，不是加强、巩固和改善党的领导，而是纵容和助长党内反对派，苏共的领导地位和作用受到了攻击和挑战。戈尔巴乔夫对列宁的新型无产阶级政党理论的背离和抛弃，在改革过程中放弃了苏共的领导地位，最终酿成苏联共产党解散、苏联解体的悲剧。中国共产党注重吸取世界政党执政的兴衰成败的经验教训，清醒地认识到能否始终坚持和捍卫无产阶级政党的领导地位关系社会主义的前途命运。习近平总书记指出：“马克思主义政党夺取政权不容易，巩固政权更不容易；只要马克思主义执政党不出问题，社会主义国家就出不了大问题”。

In the Soviet Union, after Gorbachev came to power, he proposed the "new thinking" of reform and issued calls for reform and democratization. The "unrestricted glasnost" and "thorough democratization" advocated by Gorbachev fueled the trends and forces in the Soviet Union that worshipped Western social systems, and encouraged extreme democratization. Factions began to appear inside the CPSU, and the status and role of the CPSU were attacked and challenged. In this process, organized opposition groups, especially the democrats, proposed that abolishing the CPSU's leadership position from the state constitution was the main condition for deepening reform, demanded fundamentally changing the CPSU's status in society, called for the CPSU to "abandon its political monopoly position," and implement a multiparty system. Especially after 1990, "abolish Article 6 of the Constitution" [8]8 Article 6 of the 1977 Soviet Constitution stated that the CPSU was "the leading and guiding force of Soviet society and the nucleus of its political system." became the main slogan of large protest rallies and marches. The CPSU Central Committee's February Plenum adopted the draft program "Towards a Humane, Democratic Socialism," declaring that it would implement democracy and political pluralism, abandon the CPSU's leadership position, and recognize and accept a multiparty system. In March 1990, the Third Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR passed the "Law on the Establishment of the Post of President of the USSR and on Amendments and Additions to the Constitution (Basic Law) of the USSR," amending Article 6, which had stipulated that the CPSU was the leading force in society and the core of the political system, to read: the CPSU would exist "as an autonomous social organization." At this point, the CPSU's legally prescribed leadership position was abolished, and a multiparty system was formally recognized by law in the Soviet Union. Under the multiparty system, political opposition groups and various political forces used their legal political status to rapidly build up their strength and expand their influence. Political, economic, social, and ethnic crises in the Soviet Union occurred frequently, ultimately leading to the demise of the Party and the state, and disintegration.

在苏联，戈尔巴乔夫上台执政后，提出了改革“新思维”，发出了改革及民主化的呼吁。戈尔巴乔夫倡导的“无限制的公开性”“彻底的民主化”助长了苏联崇拜西方社会制度的思潮和力量，助长了极端民主化。苏共开始出现党内派别，苏共的地位和作用受到了攻击和挑战。在这个过程中，有组织的反对派，特别是民主派，提出从国家宪法中废除苏共的领导地位是深化改革的主要条件，提出根本上改变苏共在社会中的地位，要求苏共“放弃政治垄断地位”、实行多党制。特别是进入1990年以后，“取消宪法第6条”成为大型抗议集会、游行的主要口号。苏共中央二月全会通过了《走向人道的、民主的社会主义》的纲领草案，声明要实行民主制和政治多元化、放弃苏共的领导地位、承认和接受多党制。1990年3月召开的第三次苏联人民代表大会通过了《关于设立苏联总统职位和苏联宪法（根本法）修改补充法》，修改了宪法第6条，将这一条规定苏共是社会的领导力量和政治体制的核心的内容修改为：苏共将作为“一个自治的社会组织而存在”。至此，苏共的法定领导地位被取消，多党制在苏联正式得到法律的确认。在多党制下，政治反对派、各种政治势力利用合法政治地位迅速充实力量和扩大影响，苏联的政治危机、经济危机、社会危机、民族危机频发，最终亡党亡国，走向解体。

From the lesson of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union losing state power and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, we can see that the Party's leadership position and role in the state are fundamental questions related to the survival of the socialist system. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "The CPC is the ruling party; the Party's leadership position and ruling position are closely linked." The CPC is the ruling party; the Party is the highest political force. Upholding the leadership of the CPC is our greatest institutional advantage. The Party's theoretical self-awareness and clear understanding on this issue reflect the far-sightedness of a long-term ruling party. However, the CPC also faces various challenges. Some people claim that "the one-party system is undemocratic; only the multiparty system is democratic," "the CPC's one-party rule is not legitimate," "only electoral authorization has legitimacy," and that China should learn from the West and take the multiparty system, parliamentary system, and electoral system as the direction for national governance. In response, the CPC clearly recognizes that their intention is to deny China's constitution, promote the Western system model, abolish the CPC's leadership, and change China's socialist system. General Secretary Xi Jinping declared with force: "The foundation of our governance is the leadership of the CPC and the socialist system. We must be very clear in our thinking that advancing the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity is by no means Westernization or capitalization!" At the same time, General Secretary Xi Jinping recognizes that over the long historical process, ensuring that the CPC does not collapse and the socialist system in China does not fall is an extremely difficult and great challenge. In this process, "Party leadership is the fundamental guarantee for doing all the work of the Party and the country well, and the fundamental point for China's political stability, economic development, ethnic unity, and social stability; it must never be shaken in the slightest." The Party must always adhere to the principle that the CPC is the leading core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and must always maintain the sobriety and firmness to solve the unique problems of a large party. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "If socialism had not achieved today's success in China, if the leadership of the CPC and China's socialist system had also collapsed in the domino-like changes of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the CPSU, and the upheavals in Eastern Europe, or if they had failed for other reasons, then the practice of socialism might have been groping in the dark for a long time again." The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC [9]9 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022. pointed out: "To comprehensively build a modern socialist country and comprehensively advance the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the key is the Party." The CPC's staunch defense, adherence, and development of the Marxist-Leninist principles of Party building, of Marxism, and of the socialist cause are a major contribution to China, to the proletarian party, and to world socialism.

从苏联共产党丧失政权，苏联解体的教训中可以看到，党在国家中的领导地位及作用是关系社会主义制度存亡的根本问题。习近平总书记指出：“中国共产党是执政党，党的领导地位和执政地位是紧密联系在一起的。”中国共产党是执政党，党是最高的政治力量，坚持中国共产党的领导是我们的最大制度优势。中国共产党这一问题上的理论自觉和清醒认识，体现了一个长期执政的党的远见卓识。但是，中国共产党也面临着各种挑战。一些人声言“一党制不民主、多党制才是民主的”“共产党一党执政不具合法性”“选举授权才有合法性”，中国应该向西方看齐，应该以多党制、议会制和选举制度为方向进行国家治理建设，对此，中国共产党清醒地认识到，他们意在否定中国的宪法，意图推行西方制度模式、取消中国共产党的领导、改变中国的社会主义制度。习近平总书记掷地有声：“我们治国理政的本根，就是中国共产党领导和社会主义制度。我们思想上必须十分明确，推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化，绝不是西方化、资本主义化！”同时，习近平总书记认识到，在漫长历史进程中，确保中国共产党不垮、中国社会主义制度不倒，是一个极难极大的挑战。在这个过程中，“党的领导是做好党和国家各项工作的根本保证，是我国政治稳定、经济发展、民族团结、社会稳定的根本点，绝对不能有丝毫动摇。”，要始终坚持中国共产党是中国特色社会主义事业的领导核心，必须时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒和坚定。习近平总书记指出：“如果社会主义在中国没有取得今天的成功，如果中国共产党领导和我国社会主义制度也在苏联解体、苏共垮台、东欧剧变那场多米诺骨牌式的变化中倒塌了，或者因为其他原因失败了，那社会主义实践就可能又要长期在黑暗中徘徊了。”党的二十大报告指出：“全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面推进中华民族伟大复兴，关键在党。”中国共产党对马克思列宁主义建党原则、对马克思主义、对社会主义事业的执着捍卫、坚守与发展是对中国、对无产阶级政党、对世界社会主义的重大贡献。

Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心