Marx’s Dual Critique of Modern Science and Technology and Its Inheritance and Development

On April 14, 1856, as a foreign revolutionary figure in exile in London, Marx was invited to attend a banquet commemorating the fourth anniversary of the founding of the British Chartist newspaper *The People’s Paper* and delivered a passionate speech. The speech was short and concise, but it contained major judgments of Marx’s critical thinking on modern science and technology, which can provide inspiration for accurately understanding Xi Jinping’s important discourses on science and technology in the New Era and provide theoretical nourishment for promoting the development of the cause of science and technology in the New Era. This text has rarely received attention and research. The author attempts to start from two metaphors concerning modern science and technology in it and deeply analyze Marx’s dual critique of modern science and technology in terms of factual dimension and attitude of response.

1856年4月14日，作为流亡伦敦的外国革命人士，马克思受邀参加纪念英国宪章派报纸《人民报》创刊四周年宴会并发表激扬澎湃的演说。演说词短小精悍，但包含了马克思对现代科学技术批判思考的重大论断，能为准确理解习近平关于新时代科学技术重要论述提供启示，为促进新时代科学技术事业发展提供理论滋养。这一文本鲜少获得关注研究，笔者尝试从其中关于现代科学技术的两个比喻着手，深入剖析马克思在事实维度和应对态度上对现代科学技术的双重批判。

I. Factual Critique of Modern Science and Technology: “A Revolutionist Far More Dangerous”

一、对现代科学技术的事实批判：“危险万分的革命家”

The ferocious revolution of 1848 swept across Europe. Since then, Marx has always stood at the forefront of the times, closely followed the revolutionary situation, and used historical materialism to study and analyze the experiences and lessons of the revolution. In the speech delivered eight years after the revolution to commemorate the fourth anniversary of the founding of *The People’s Paper*, Marx looked back on and commented on the 1848 revolution. As “cracks” and “breaches” in the “hard, dry shell” of European society, the 1848 revolution was an inevitable event in the sequence of historical development, vaguely announcing the secret of the emancipation of the proletariat. In this speech, Marx clearly pointed out that modern science and technology, as a new social force, were “revolutionists far more dangerous than Citizen Barbès, Raspail, and Blanqui.” [1]1 Source of the quotation not provided in the original text; likely a reference to a Chinese official statement or document on economic recovery. Metaphorizing modern science and technology as “revolutionists far more dangerous” and indicating the antagonistic relationship between science and technology and modern poverty constitute a factual critique of modern science and technology.

来势汹汹的1848年革命席卷欧洲。自那以来，马克思始终立于时代潮头，紧密关注革命情势，运用唯物史观研判和分析革命的经验教训。在革命过去8年后为纪念《人民报》创刊四周年所作的演说中，马克思对1848年革命做了回望和评述。作为欧洲社会“干硬外壳”上的“裂缝”和“豁口”，1848年革命是历史发展序列中的必然事件，模糊地宣告了无产阶级解放的秘密。马克思在这篇演说中明确指出，作为社会新生力量的现代科学技术是“比巴尔贝斯、拉斯拜尔和布朗基诸位公民更危险万分的革命家”。将现代科学技术喻为“危险万分的革命家”，指明科学技术与现代贫困的对抗关系，是对现代科学技术的事实批判。

(I) Modern Science and Technology Are a New Social Force

（一）现代科学技术是社会新生力量

Marx’s analogy of modern science and technology with Blanqui, Barbès, and Raspail lies in affirming the advanced nature of revolutionaries like Blanqui and their revolutionary socialism (as distinct from doctrinaire socialism). [2]2 These phrases are used by Marx to characterize the dual nature of science and technology under capitalism, as both a force for progress and a source of danger. In Marx’s analysis and judgment of the revolution in 1848, three statements need attention: First, in the face of the “general socialist phrases” active in the 1848 revolution, that is, various socialist systems including bourgeois socialism, petty-bourgeois socialism, and doctrinaire socialism, he pointed out that the proletariat had gradually “rallied round revolutionary socialism, round communism, which the bourgeoisie has christened after Blanqui.” [3]3 Mao Zedong, speech at a meeting on natural science, 1940. Second, when discussing the Parisian people’s revolutionary movement of May 15, 1848, he regarded Blanqui and his associates as “the real leaders of the proletarian party.” [4]4 A principle of China’s development strategy, emphasizing self-reliance and independent innovation. Third, on the third anniversary of the February Revolution, Blanqui, who was in prison, was invited by the Banquet of the Equals to deliver an *Address to the People*. Marx and Engels attached great importance to this address, translated it into English and German, and in an added note called Blanqui “the noble martyr of revolutionary communism.” [5]5 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2014 Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chinese Academy of Engineering.

马克思将现代科学技术与布朗基、巴尔贝斯、拉斯拜尔进行类比，在于肯定布朗基等革命家及其革命社会主义（区别于空论社会主义）的先进性。在1848年马克思对革命评判分析中，需关注三处论述：一是面对1848年革命中活跃的“一般社会主义词句”即包括资产阶级社会主义、小资产阶级社会主义和空论的社会主义等形形色色的社会主义体系，指出当前无产阶级已经逐渐“团结在革命的社会主义周围，团结在被资产阶级用布朗基来命名的共产主义周围”。二是谈及1848年5月15日的巴黎人民革命运动时，将布朗基及其同行者视为“无产阶级政党的真正领袖们”。三是在二月革命三周年之际，身处牢狱的布朗基应平等者宴会邀请发表《告人民书》。马克思和恩格斯格外重视此篇献词，将其翻译成了英文和德文，并在添加的按语中称布朗基为“革命共产主义的高尚的蒙难者”。

Although only borrowing the perspective of contemporary bourgeois testimony, it is no accident that Marx used Blanqui to name revolutionary socialism and fully affirmed revolutionary activists like Blanqui.

尽管只借用当时资产阶级的旁证视角，但马克思用布朗基来命名革命社会主义、充分肯定布朗基等革命活动家并非偶然。

First, revolutionary socialism declared permanent revolution. Blanqui believed that revolution must be insisted on to always maintain the spirit of struggle and use the “electric spark” to illuminate the dark and silent Europe. In a letter to Mela, he pointed out: “Socialism is revolution, and revolution is socialism.” [6]6 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2018 National Conference on Science and Technology.

首先，革命社会主义宣布要不断革命。布朗基认为，必须坚持革命才能始终保有斗争精神并用“带电的火花”点亮沉寂黑暗的欧洲，他在给梅拉的信件中指出：“社会主义就是革命，革命也就是社会主义。”

Second, only revolutionary socialism held that the dictatorship of the proletariat should be implemented. When criticizing conspirators like Ledru-Rollin for refusing to use precise terms like bourgeois and proletarian, Blanqui pointed out that “the revolution should be to destroy the existing order based on inequality and exploitation, to overthrow the oppressors, and to liberate the people from the oppression of the rich.” [7]7 A Chinese idiom meaning to grasp the key or crucial point. Communist society can only be established “on the ruins of the old fortress,” [8]8 The socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce in China, completed by 1956. and it is necessary to “eliminate all obstacles,” [9]9 Deng Xiaoping, speech at the National Conference on Science and Technology, 1978. implementing dictatorship not only over “the aristocracy and the clergy, but also over the bourgeoisie” [10]10 Deng Xiaoping, statement from 1988. and the army and capital.

其次，只有革命社会主义认为应实行无产阶级专政。布朗基在批判赖德律—洛兰等阴谋家拒绝使用资产者和无产者等精确字眼时，指出“革命应该是消灭建立在不平等和剥削基础上的现存秩序，打倒压迫者，把人民从富人的压迫下解放出来”。共产主义社会只能在“摧毁了旧堡垒的基础上才能建立”，要“消灭一切障碍”，实行专政的对象不仅包括“贵族和僧侣，而且包括资产阶级”和军队、资本。

Modern science and technology are a new force promoting social change, and their “dangerousness” is higher than that of the political activists of the 1848 revolution. Marx acknowledged that revolutionaries like Blanqui played a positive role in the 1848 revolution, but believed they had not yet escaped the rut of utopian socialism. On the one hand, due to ignoring the objective development of French capitalism and falling into misunderstandings in political economy, Blanqui and others could not scientifically understand the long-term and arduous nature of the proletarian revolution. Blanqui believed that capital came from “accumulation by individual monopoly” [11]11 Deng Xiaoping, speech during his 1991 southern tour. and mistakenly thought that industry was “artificially created by capital” [12]12 A policy slogan from the reform and opening up era. and was “a ship in constant danger of sinking,” [13]13 A national development strategy proposed by Jiang Zemin in 1995. while agriculture “possesses the vast land beneath its feet and will never sink,” [14]14 Jiang Zemin, speech at the National Conference on Science and Technology, 1995. thus ignoring the potential of French capitalism and the development of productive forces brought by large-scale industry. On the other hand, constrained by an idealist social historical view and an elitist revolutionary view, Blanqui took minority conspiracy and insurrection as the form of revolution and regarded the possession of reason and the popularization of education as the criteria for measuring revolutionary success and communism, thus becoming detached from the broad masses of the proletariat.

现代科学技术是促进社会变革的新生力量，其“危险性”高于1848年革命的政治活动家。马克思认可布朗基等革命家在1848年革命中发挥了积极作用，但认为他们仍未摆脱空想社会主义窠臼。一方面，因忽视法国资本主义客观发展情况并陷入政治经济学上的理解误区，布朗基等人无法科学认识无产阶级革命的长期性和艰巨性。布朗基认为，资本是由“个人独占积累”而来，并错误地认为工业是“人为地用资本创造出来的”“每时每刻都有沉没危险的船”，农业则“拥有脚下的广阔的土地，永远不会沉没”，因而忽视了法国资本主义的潜力及大工业带来的生产力发展。另一方面，囿于唯心主义的社会历史观和精英主义革命观，布朗基以少数人密谋暴动为革命形式，将理性占有和教育普及视为衡量革命成功和共产主义的标准，脱离了广大无产阶级。

While examining modern science and technology using revolutionaries like Blanqui as the vehicle, Marx also analyzed the revolutionary role of modern science and technology themselves. In his view, as “revolutionists” even more dangerous than Blanqui, the revolutionary nature of modern science and technology is mainly manifested in the following three aspects:

在以布朗基等革命家为喻体来考察现代科学技术的同时，马克思还对现代科学技术自身的革命作用进行分析。在他看来，作为比布朗基等更加危险的“革命家”，现代科学技术的革命性主要表现在以下三方面：

First, the development of productive forces surpassing previous eras. Marx pointed out that modern natural science and industry “have revolutionized the whole of nature, put an end to the childish attitude of men towards nature and to other childish behaviour,” [15]15 The “two overall situations” refer to the domestic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the international overall situation of changes unseen in a century. transforming natural forces into the forces of social labor. When describing modern science and technology, he often used “subordinate concepts” such as steam, electricity, and the self-acting mule; as landmark achievements of modern science and technology since the Industrial Revolution, these means of labor are “the measure of the development of human labour power” [16]16 Xi Jinping, report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, 2022. and mark the subversive development of human beings using science and technology to transform nature and engage in material production since entering modern society.

第一，超越以往时代的生产力发展。马克思指出，现代自然科学和工业“一起对整个自然界进行了革命改造，结束了人们对自然界的幼稚态度以及其他幼稚行为”，将自然力变为社会劳动的力量。在描述现代科学技术时，他经常使用诸如蒸汽、电力和自动走锭纺纱机等“下位概念”；作为工业革命以来现代科学技术的标志性成果，这些劳动资料是“人类劳动力发展的测量器”，标记了进入现代社会的人类运用科学技术改造自然界、进行物质生产的颠覆性发展。

Second, creating a revolutionary atmosphere oppressive from all sides. In the 19th century, the pace of capitalist production practice accelerated increasingly. The rapidly developing modern science and technology provided powerful support in productive forces for the bourgeoisie to seek more comprehensive rule, and the bourgeois revolution inevitably “became a fellow traveler with the scientific revolution.” [17]17 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2013 International Conference on Science and Technology. Modern science and technology are “the indicator of the social relations in which labour is carried on.” [18]18 A term referring to the digital revolution and related technological changes, debated in academic and policy circles. The conflict between aristocratic monarchy and the bourgeoisie became the main theme of the 1848 European revolution. At the same time, the proletariat, which had often served as the “tool” of the bourgeois revolution, increasingly stepped onto the main historical stage, and political struggles between the bourgeoisie and the feudal class, and between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, rose and fell one after another.

第二，营造压抑八方的革命气氛。19世纪资本主义生产实践的步伐愈发加快，迅速发展的现代科学技术为资产阶级谋求更加全面的统治提供了强大生产力支撑，资产阶级革命不可避免“与科学革命成为同路人”。现代科学技术是“劳动借以进行的社会关系的指示器”，贵族君权与资产阶级的矛盾冲突成为1848年欧洲革命的主旋律。与此同时，曾多次作为资产阶级革命“工具人”的无产阶级也愈发登上历史主舞台，资产阶级与封建阶级、无产阶级与资产阶级的政治斗争此起彼伏。

Third, bringing about unprecedented social change. In the 19th century, science and technology gradually broke the previous transmission model of “from production to technology to science” and became an important engine reshaping the production structure, shaking the power order of feudal aristocratic rule. As a result, the foundation of civil society became increasingly solid and deep, and the bourgeoisie and the proletariat increasingly became the protagonists of history. At the same time, science and technology also shaped the entire world with unprecedented force and speed; if previous eras changed slowly “from head to toe,” then the modern science and technology of the 19th century brought about social change “from toe to head,” creating a social form completely different from the feudal era.

第三，促成前所未有的社会变革。19世纪科学技术逐步打破以往“从生产到技术再到科学”的传递模式，成为重塑生产结构的重要引擎，撼动了封建贵族统治的权力秩序。由此，市民社会的根基愈发扎实深厚，资产阶级和无产阶级日益成为历史主角。同时，科学技术也以不同以往的力量和速度形塑整个世界；如果说以往时代是“从头到脚”缓慢变动，那么19世纪现代科学技术就促成“从脚到头”的社会变革，造就了完全不同于封建时代的社会形态。

(II) Modern Science and Technology Form an Antagonism with Modern Poverty and Decay

（二）现代科学技术与现代贫困衰颓形成对抗

The antagonism between modern science and technology and modern poverty is a distinct feature of capitalism. Marx pointed out: “In our own age, everything seems pregnant with its contrary.” [19]19 Xi Jinping, speech at the ninth collective study session of the 18th Central Committee Political Bureau, 2013. This is a clear, direct, yet exceptionally profound judgment on the paradoxical characteristics of capitalist modernity. The antagonism between the development of science and technology and industry and modern poverty was a fact that any European party in the 19th century had to acknowledge.

现代科学技术与现代贫困的对抗是资本主义的鲜明特征。马克思指出：“在我们这个时代，每一种事物好像都包含有自己的反面。”这是对资本主义现代性悖反特征清楚直接但却异常深刻的判别。科学技术与工业的发展与现代贫困的对抗是19世纪任何欧洲党派都必须承认的事实。

On the one hand, science and technology are subordinated to the logic of capital, becoming a tool for capital to suppress workers. The capitalist mode of production makes the application of science and technology possible and necessary, while also making them an independent force serving capital, opposed to labor.

一方面，科学技术臣服于资本逻辑，成为资本压制工人的工具。资本主义生产方式使得科学技术的应用成为可能和必要，同时也使其成为与劳动相对立的、服务于资本的独立力量。

First, nature becomes the object of scientific research and the target of conquest, with utility-oriented competition in scientific exploration occurring frequently. The capitalist mode of production, for the first time, makes natural science serve the production process; at the same time, the progress of productive forces provides the material means for the theoretical conquest of nature, making the subjugation of nature the goal of developing science and technology. Large-scale capitalist production, for the first time, makes natural forces, which in themselves have no value, become “factors of social labor.” [1]1 Source of the quotation not provided in the original text; likely a reference to a Chinese official statement or document on economic recovery. Through the appropriation of machinery, the capitalist brings natural forces into the labor process rather than the value-formation process, thereby reducing the value of commodities and increasing the appropriation of surplus labor. Thus, the incorporation of natural factors into the sequence of capital and the establishment of science and technology as independent factors of the production process become nearly identical; science increasingly degenerates into a means for capital to enrich itself. To meet the demands of practical application, those engaged in scientific research do not hesitate to engage in vicious competition. Although humanity gradually gains control over nature, it becomes a slave to all base behaviors.

一是自然成为科学的研究对象和征服目标，以实用为导向的科学探索竞争频发。资本主义生产方式首次使自然科学服务于生产过程，同时，生产力进步为理论上征服自然提供了物质手段，攻克自然成为发展科学技术的目标。资本主义大生产首次使本身没有价值的自然力成为“社会劳动的因素”。借助机器占有，资本家使自然力进入劳动过程而非价值形成过程，从而降低了商品价值，增加了对剩余劳动的占有。由此，自然因素被纳入资本序列与科学技术成为生产过程的独立因素几近达成一致，科学愈发沦为资本的致富手段。为满足实际运用需求，从事科学研究的人不惜展开恶性竞争。人类虽然逐步控制了自然，却沦为一切卑劣行为的奴隶。

Second, after science separates and opposes labor, it tends toward despotism, and workers’ rights to intellectual and professional development are deprived. Marx points out that although capitalism applies science and technology to material production practice on an unprecedented scale, it does so at the expense of the interests of the working class. Scientific research satisfies the needs of the production process; the production process is the application of science, and science becomes a factor in the production process. In previous stages of production, the limited experience and knowledge accumulated and passed down through generations were directly linked to labor. However, in the capitalist production process, science manifests itself to labor as an “alien, hostile, and ruling power,” [2]2 These phrases are used by Marx to characterize the dual nature of science and technology under capitalism, as both a force for progress and a source of danger. embodied in the following: the right to research and professional secrets increasingly concentrate in the hands of those engaged in the invention of science and technology, until they are completely isolated from ordinary workers; scientific research separates from workers’ knowledge, theory, and empirical skills, and workers’ demands for learning knowledge are suppressed or even deprived.

二是科学与劳动分离对立后趋向专制，工人智力和专业发展权利被剥夺。马克思指出，尽管资本主义史无前例地将科学技术运用于物质生产实践，但却牺牲了工人阶级的利益。科学研究满足于生产过程的需要；生产过程是科学的应用，科学变成生产过程因素。在以往的生产阶段，世代积累相传的有限经验和知识与劳动直接联系在一起。然而，在资本主义生产过程中，科学对于劳动则表现为“异己的、敌对的和统治的力量”，体现为：研究权利和职业秘方愈发集中于从事科学技术发明的职业人群手中，直至与普通工人完全隔绝；科学研究与工人的知识理论和经验技能相分离，工人学习知识的要求受到压制甚至被剥夺。

Furthermore, machinery submits to the power logic of capital’s control over labor, causing the alienation of workers’ labor. Under the logic of capitalist production, science and technology (machinery), materialized as means of labor, are not intended to lighten the labor burden for workers, but rather serve as “the form of capital hostile to labor” and “the power of capital over labor,” [3]3 Mao Zedong, speech at a meeting on natural science, 1940. acting as “a means for producing surplus value.” [4]4 A principle of China’s development strategy, emphasizing self-reliance and independent innovation. This is specifically manifested in the following four aspects.

此外，机器归顺于资本驾驭劳动的权力逻辑，造成工人劳动的异化。在资本主义生产逻辑下，物化为劳动资料的科学技术（机器），并非旨在为工人减轻劳动负担，而是作为“与劳动相敌对的资本形式”和“资本驾驭劳动的权力”，充当“生产剩余价值的手段”。具体体现在以下四方面。

First, the dual oppression of labor time and labor intensity. Machinery, as the “perpetuum mobile of industry,” [5]5 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2014 Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chinese Academy of Engineering. greatly shortens the necessary labor time for production, extends working hours to increase absolute surplus labor as much as possible, and while increasing surplus value, reduces the necessary expenditure for extracting surplus value. To reduce the moral depreciation of machinery, it is necessary to shorten the reproduction cycle of the machine’s total value and accelerate the transfer of the old machine’s value, which is also based on prolonging the working day. At the same time, when the extensive magnitude of labor can no longer be increased, it is necessary to rely on raising labor intensity, forcing workers to increase their labor consumption in the same amount of time to match the ever-increasing operating speed of machinery. Therefore, under the capitalist system of machine production, workers “not only overwork, but overwork doubly,” [6]6 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2018 National Conference on Science and Technology. enduring the dual oppression of labor time and labor intensity.

一是劳动时间和劳动强度的双重压迫。机器作为“工业的永动机”大大缩短了生产的必要劳动时间，通过延长工作时间来尽可能增加绝对剩余劳动，在增加剩余价值的同时减少了榨取剩余价值的必需开支。为了减少机器的无形损耗，需要缩短机器总价值的再生产周期，加快转移旧机器的价值，而这同样建立在延长工作日的基础上。同时，当劳动的外延量无法继续增加时，只能依靠提升劳动强度，迫使工人在同样时间内增加劳动消耗以匹配越来越高的机器运转速率。因此，在资本主义机器生产体系下，工人“不仅过度地劳动，而且是加倍过度地劳动”，承受着劳动时间劳动强度的双重压迫。

Second, the overlapping exploitation of the old and new modes of production. The domination of workers by the capitalist machine production system follows the principle of survival of the fittest, casting “surplus populations” such as women, the elderly, and the disabled—those with weaker labor capacity who do not meet the requirements for machine operation—into the old production system. These “human materials set free by the great system” [7]7 A Chinese idiom meaning to grasp the key or crucial point. must submit to production environments under any conditions, forced to undertake heavy production labor in backward production systems and old labor fields. However, this inhuman overwork is not based on a genuine increase in labor productivity; rather—because the old production fields and systems have not yet established the capitalist mode of production, but are being or inevitably will be permeated and swept by it—they partially imitate the capitalist factory system. Therefore, in the old production fields, workers endure the overlapping exploitation of two modes of production: the formal exploitation of capitalism and the substantive exploitation of the old mode of production. This overlapping exploitation will not disappear in a short time but will persist for a long time, because there will be a lag in the transition between the old mode of production and the capitalist mode of production across different countries, leading to more workers being incorporated into the exploitation system.

二是新旧两类生产方式的交叠剥削。资本主义机器生产体系对工人的支配遵循优胜劣汰的原则，将劳动能力较弱、不满足机器操纵要求的妇女、老人、残疾人等“多余人口”抛入旧生产体系。这些从“伟大的制度所游离出来的人身材料”必须屈从于任何条件的生产环境，被迫在落后的生产体系、旧的劳动领域承担繁重的生产劳动。但是，这种非人的过度劳动并不建立在劳动生产率真正提高基础上，而是——由于旧的生产领域和生产体系还未建立资本主义生产方式，但正在或不可避免地被资本主义生产方式所渗透和席卷——部分效仿资本主义工厂制度。因此，在旧的生产领域中，工人忍受着新旧两类生产方式交叠剥削：资本主义的形式剥削和旧生产方式的内容剥削。这种交叠剥削不会在短时间内消失，而会长久存在，因为在不同国家间会出现旧生产方式和资本主义生产方式的更迭差，从而导致更多工人被纳入剥削体系。

Third, the paradoxical reality of de-specialization and specialization. The separation of tools and machinery was achieved by the revolution in the means of labor specific to the capitalist mode of production. While negating the mode of production based on the division of labor in manufacture, machinery also negates the specialization of labor power built upon it. In the period of manufacture, the refinement of the production process and individual differences created a specialized division of labor, with craftsmen possessing different craft skills carrying out various forms of complex labor to cooperate with each other. As the mechanical system of the capitalist factory becomes more complete, simple machine labor replaces the previous complex labor, the links completed by human labor become fewer, workers’ functions become more identical, and specialized labor power gradually depreciates into de-specialized mechanical parts. But paradoxically, the specialization of machinery continuously strengthens; worker groups are assigned to different specialized machines to support and coordinate the operation of the entire machine system. Thus, the specialization of machinery becomes the basis for factory discipline and order, realizing the simultaneous and concentrated use of large numbers of workers, ultimately resulting in “the specialization of de-specialized labor.” [8]8 The socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce in China, completed by 1956.

三是非专业化和专业化的现实悖反。工具与机器的分开，是由资本主义生产方式所特有的劳动资料革命实现的。在否定以工场手工业分工为基础的生产方式的同时，机器也否定了建立其上的劳动力专业化。在工场手工业时期，精细化生产过程和个人差异造成了专业化的分工，掌握不同工艺技能的工匠开展多种形式的复杂劳动以相互配合。随着资本主义工厂机械体系越发完备，简单的机器劳动代替了以往的复杂劳动，依靠人的劳动来完成的环节变少，工人的职能愈发同一，专业化劳动力逐渐贬值为非专业化的机械零件。但与此悖反的是，机器专业化不断增强，工人小组被分配给不同的专用机器，以支撑配合整个机器体系的运转。由此，机器专业化成为工厂纪律和秩序的根据，实现了对大批工人的同时性、集中性地使用，最终造成“非专业化的劳动专业化”。

Fourth, the rigidification and stasis of life behind subordination and obedience. Machinery causes not only a revolution in the mode of production and relations of production but also a change in workers’ lifestyles. Time, as the “measure of life” and “space for development,” [9]9 Deng Xiaoping, speech at the National Conference on Science and Technology, 1978. is the positive existence of the worker, but under the capitalist production system, surplus labor time encroaches upon the worker’s physical and spiritual life. Workers must submit to the requirements of machine operations; the speed of the machine dominates the rhythm of workers’ lives. Being constantly cast out and continuously drawn in causes instability and unrest in workers’ lives. The strict factory system further establishes the requirements of the machine as the order that workers must obey; passivity, adaptability, and subordination thus become the life instincts of workers, and the rhythm of workers’ lives becomes monotonous, then rigid and static. Ultimately, workers degenerate into “servants of the machine.” [10]10 Deng Xiaoping, statement from 1988.

四是从属和服从背后的生命僵化静止。机器既引起生产方式和生产关系的革命，也引起工人生活方式变化。时间作为“生命的尺度”和“发展的空间”本是工人的积极存在，但在资本主义生产体系下，剩余劳动时间侵占了工人的肉体生活和精神生活。工人必须服从于机器作业的要求，机器的转速支配了工人的生活节奏。随时被抛出和不断被吸入造成了工人生活的动荡不安。严格的工厂制度更是将机器的要求确定为工人必须遵守的秩序，被动性、适应性和从属性由此成为工人的生活本能，工人的生命节奏变得单调乏味而后僵化静止。最终，工人沦为“机器的仆人”。

Marx reveals the antagonistic fact between modern science and technology and modern poverty in capitalist society, delineating the negative effects of modern science and technology. In capitalist society, the invention and application of science and technology is not an independent process detached from the course of social development, but rather a concentrated expression of the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production. However, the cause of modern poverty and social decay is not the development of science and technology itself, but the distorted control of science and technology by capitalist relations of production.

马克思揭示出资本主义社会中科学技术与现代贫困间的对抗事实，圈定了现代科学技术的消极作用。在资本主义社会，科学技术的发明和应用不是一个独立的、脱离社会发展进程的过程，而是集中体现着生产力与生产关系的矛盾。但是，造成现代贫困和社会衰颓的不是科学技术本身的发展，而是资本主义生产关系对科学技术的扭曲控制。

II. Critique of Attitudes toward Modern Science and Technology: “The Cunning Spirit”

二、对现代科学技术的应对态度批判：“狡狯的精灵”

In his speech at the anniversary of the *People’s Paper*, Marx points out: “But we shall not mistake the cunning spirit that constantly appears in all these contradictions. We know that for the new forces of society to function well, they can only be mastered by new people—and these new people are the workers.” [11]11 Deng Xiaoping, speech during his 1991 southern tour. After critiquing modern science and technology from the factual dimension, Marx further metaphorically refers to modern science and technology as a “cunning spirit,” clearly indicating that the proletariat, as the “new people,” are the masters of modern science and technology and the “executioners” of European society.

在《在〈人民报〉创刊纪念会上的演说》中，马克思指出：“可是我们不会认错那个经常在这一切矛盾中出现的狡狯的精灵。我们知道，要使社会的新生力量很好地发挥作用，就只能由新生的人来掌握它们，而这些新生的人就是工人。”于事实维度批判现代科学技术后，马克思进一步将现代科学技术喻指为“狡狯的精灵”，明确指出无产阶级作为“新生的人”是现代科学技术的掌握者和欧洲社会的“执刑者”。

(I) Different Attitudes of Different Parties

（一）不同党派的不同应对态度

In his correspondence with Engels after the speech, Marx points out that one of his purposes in accepting the invitation to the anniversary meeting was to demonstrate their relationship as the only “intimate” allies of the Chartists. [12]12 A policy slogan from the reform and opening up era. Since his exile to London, England, in August 1849, placed in the reality of advanced capitalist development, Marx increasingly focused on the important issue of party struggle. Facing the opposition between modern science and technology and modern poverty, Marx elucidates the different attitudes of different parties.

在演说后与恩格斯的通信中，马克思指出此次接受纪念会邀请的目的之一，在于表明他们与宪章派的“唯一‘亲密的’盟友”关系。自从1849年8月流亡至英国伦敦，置身于先进的资本主义发展现实中，马克思愈发关注党派斗争这一重要问题。面对现代科学技术与现代贫困的对立，马克思阐明了不同党派的不同应对态度。

First, some parties “wept bitterly over this.” After the failure of the 1848 European revolutions, the German and French petty-bourgeois democrats fled to London, England, and engaged in many conspiratorial and harmful activities attacking communism. Thus, polemics and struggle with the democratic exiles became an important task for Marx. As a typical representative of the democratic exiles, Kinkel showed great sympathy for the master craftsman stratum, and together with them “wept bitterly over the decline of handicrafts, the dire consequences of free competition, and the rule of modern capital and machinery.” Whether it was Kinkel, Ruge, Willich, or other democratic exiles, they were all actively engaged in “useless superficial activities,” everywhere preaching “imaginary activities, imaginary parties, imaginary battles, and imaginary interests.” This was essentially a rejection and evasion of large-scale industrial production and machine technology, an attempt to use an unsteady stance to escape from or attach themselves to the squeeze of big capital, in order to win petty-bourgeois interests above the proletariat.

第一，一些党派“为此痛哭流涕”。1848年欧洲革命失败后，德法小资产阶级民主派流亡至英国伦敦，开展诸多攻击共产主义的阴谋有害活动。由此，与民主派流亡者的论战和斗争成为马克思的重要任务。作为民主派流亡者的典型代表，金克尔对手工业师傅阶层给予了极大同情，与他们一起“为手工业的衰落，为自由竞争的惨重后果，为现代的资本和机器的统治而痛哭流涕”。无论是金克尔、卢格、维利希还是其他民主派流亡者，都积极地从事着“毫无益处的表面活动”，到处宣扬着“想象的活动、想象的政党、想象的战斗和想象的利益”。这本质上是对大工业生产和机器技术的排斥逃避，妄图以摇摆不定的立场摆脱抑或依附于大资本的挤压，争得凌驾于无产阶级之上的小资产阶级利益。

Second, some parties thought they could escape the conflicts of the times by “casting aside modern technology.” The Christian Socialist movement was a current that emerged in the mid-19th century British democratic reforms. It continued old religious traditions, relied on theological and moral educational forces, and regarded socialism as a cause of morality and peace. Led by Lloyd Jones, the Christian Socialist faction ignored the reality that monopoly capitalists controlled the production sphere and machine-based large-scale production, believing that as long as workers’ personal funds were pooled together and production and distribution were carried out according to workers’ interests, monopoly capital could be driven out of the production sphere. The Christian Socialist faction focused their work on the workers’ cooperative movement, without fundamentally touching capitalist relations of production, and called on workers to abandon the struggle for independent political struggle. In the 1852 debate with the left wing of the Chartists over the path of development, Lloyd Jones publicly acknowledged the legitimacy of a small number of shareholders in the cooperative movement appropriating profits and getting rich, revealing the essence of its reformism and conservatism.

第二，一些党派以为“抛开现代技术”就可逃脱时代冲突。基督教社会主义运动是19世纪中期英国民主改革中出现的流派，它延续旧的宗教传统，依赖于神学和道德教化力量，将社会主义视为道义与和平事业。以劳埃德·琼斯为首，基督教社会主义派不顾垄断资本家把控生产领域和机器大生产的现实，认为只要把工人的个人资金聚集起来按照工人的利益进行生产分配，就可以把垄断资本赶出生产领域。基督教社会主义派把工作重心置于工人合作运动，不从根本上触动资本主义生产关系，号召工人放弃争取独立的政治斗争。在1852年与宪章派左翼的道路选择辩论中，劳埃德·琼斯公开承认合作运动中小部分股东占有利润发财致富的正当性，其改良主义和保守主义实质彰显无疑。

Third, some parties vainly attempted to use “a great political regression” to compensate for great industrial progress. Marx made an accurate judgment of the British Tory Party: before 1846, it was known as the “defender of old British traditions,” attributing all evils to “liberalism, competition, and the overdeveloped factory system”; the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 showed that it actually represented the interests of the class of large landowners. In the elections of the 1850s, the Tory Party, which still had some support for land rent, the old British political system, and the religious system, attracted a large number of followers who “believed it necessary to oppose the inevitable consequences of the development of modern factory industry and the social revolution it was brewing in order to protect their own interests,” vainly attempting to use coercive measures to preserve the “doomed system and political power” that had already lost its social foundation. Besides the official parties and the Chartists, there was also the “wise men” group centered on David Urquhart in Britain. David was a “prophet whose gaze was fixed on the past,” opposing the Chartists’ effort to elevate parliamentary power into the power of the people, rediscovering ancient British laws, using localization to replace centralization, and attempting to restore the modern division of labor and concentration of capital to an ancient, backward level.

第三，一些党派妄图用“政治上的巨大倒退”来弥补工业上的巨大进步。马克思对英国托利党作出准确判定：1846年前以“旧英国传统的卫道者”著称，将一切祸害归结于“自由主义、竞争和过度发展的工厂制度”；1846年谷物法的废除表明它代表的实际上是大土地所有制阶级的利益。在1850年代的选举中，对地租、旧英国政治制度和宗教制度仍有一丝拥护的托利党吸引了大批“认为必须反对现代工厂工业发展所引起的必然后果和它所酝酿的社会革命以保护自己利益”的追随者，妄图用强制措施保住已丧失社会基础的“注定要覆灭的制度和政治权力”。除官方的政党和宪章派外，英国还有以戴维·乌尔卡尔特为核心的“贤人”集团。戴维是一位“目光注视着过去的预言家”，反对宪章派将议会权力提升为人民的权力，重新挖掘古老的英国法律，用地方化来代替集中化，试图将现代分工和资本积聚恢复到古老、落后的水平。

(II) The Social Revolution of the Proletariat as “New-Born Men”

（二）作为“新生的人”的无产阶级的社会革命

As a creature in Germanic mythology, the spirit is not only an important symbol of Western culture but also a deeply ingrained religious concept. It is a personified “supernatural being and force,” regarded as the cause of “all events that bring happiness and misfortune to humanity and the various physical phenomena of the external world.” In his speech at the anniversary of the *People’s Paper*, Marx metaphorically referred to modern science and technology as a “shrewd spirit.” This metaphor encompasses both the dimension of the alienation and derailment of modern science and technology and the implication that it should not be left to its own devices. Marx pointed out that to enable this new social force to play a positive role, it must be mastered by “new-born men,” that is, the workers.

作为日耳曼神话中的生物，精灵不仅是西方文化的重要符号，还是深入人心的宗教观念。它是一种人格化的“超自然物和力量”，被视作“一切使人类幸福和不幸的事件及外在世界形形色色的物理现象的原因”。在《在〈人民报〉创刊纪念会上的演说》中，马克思将现代科学技术喻指为“狡狯的精灵”（shrewd spirit）。这一比喻既含括了现代科学技术的异化脱轨之维，更有不应对之放任自流之意。马克思指出，要想使这一新生的社会力量充分发挥积极作用，就必须由“新生的人”即工人来掌握他们。

The emergence of the workers is the prerequisite for mastering modern science and technology. By discovering and constructing the concept of the “proletariat,” Marx elucidated the logic of the workers’ “new birth.” The proletariat points to the path of human emancipation that replaces political emancipation, and it forms a class consciousness with the mission of abolishing private property through the tempering of alienated labor. The proletariat is a scientific concept with both factual and value dimensions, clarifying the intrinsic determination and generative logic of the working class as the existing proletariat. Marx pointed out that the social revolution caused by industry is the “brave friend” of the workers, signifying “the liberation of this class throughout the world,” and has “the same universal character as the rule of capital and wage slavery.” As the inevitable path for the liberation of the proletariat, the universal social revolution is the fundamental way for the workers to master modern science and technology. In other words, the proletariat must pass through social revolution to master this “shrewd spirit” of modern science and technology. Specifically, this includes the following three aspects:

工人的出现是掌握现代科学技术的前提。通过发现和建构“无产阶级”概念，马克思阐释了工人的“新生”逻辑。无产阶级指明了代替政治解放的人类解放道路，其在异化劳动的锤炼中形成了以消灭私有制为使命的阶级意识。无产阶级是具有事实和价值双重维度的科学概念，使工人阶级这一实存无产阶级的内在规定和生成逻辑得以明晰。马克思指出，由工业引起的社会革命是工人的“勇敢的朋友”，意味着“本阶级在全世界的解放”，与“资本的统治和雇佣奴隶制具有同样的普遍性质”。作为无产阶级解放的必然道路，普遍社会革命是工人驾驭现代科学技术的根本途径。换言之，无产阶级必须通过社会革命才能掌握现代科学技术这一“狡狯的精灵”。具体而言有以下三方面：

First, use a holistic social revolution to eliminate the repressive nature of modern science and technology. “Holistic” is the authentic meaning of the universality of social revolution. In his article “Critical Notes on ‘The King of Prussia and Social Reform’ by a Prussian,” Marx pointed out that social revolution “adopts a holistic view” because workers’ labor forces them to leave the community of life, that is, “material life and spiritual life, human morality, human activity, human happiness, and human essence.” Social revolution is a movement of all-round transformation centered on overcoming the contradictions of the mode of production. It requires both “the political act of overthrowing the old power and destroying the old relations” and to be carried out in the economic, cultural, and other spheres. Through social revolution, the workers abolish wage labor, which is the basis for the existence of the capitalist mode of production, engage in large-scale production that meets the requirements of modern science through conscious associated labor, eliminate the situation of the separation and alienation of science and technology from labor, and overthrow the enslavement and domination of modern science and technology by capital. This movement will naturally encounter resistance from the ruling class, so social revolution often first manifests as political revolution. “With the abolition of the standing army and the government police, the material force of oppression is destroyed. Declare all churches to be without property; abolish religious education in all public schools (while implementing free education)… free all educational institutions from the guardianship and enslavement of the government—with the realization of all this, the spiritual force of oppression is destroyed, and science not only becomes something accessible to everyone but also breaks free from the shackles of government suppression and class prejudice.”

一是用整体性的社会革命祛除现代科学技术的压制性。“整体性”是社会革命普遍性的本真之义，马克思在《评“普鲁士人”的〈普鲁士国王和社会改革〉一文》中指出，社会革命“之所以采取整体观点”，是因为工人劳动迫使工人离开生活共同体，也即“物质生活和精神生活、人的道德、人的活动、人的快乐、人的实质”。社会革命是以克服生产方式的矛盾为核心的全领域变革运动，既需要“推翻旧政权和破坏旧关系的政治行为”，也要在经济、文化等领域开展。工人通过社会革命废除作为资本主义生产方式存在的基础的雇佣劳动，以自觉的联合劳动从事符合现代科学要求的大规模生产，消灭科学技术与劳动分离异化的局面，推翻资本对现代科学技术的奴役与统治。这一运动当然会遭到统治阶级的反抗，因此社会革命往往先行地表现为政治革命。“随着常备军和政府警察的废除，物质的压迫力量即被摧毁。宣布一切教会不得占有财产；从一切公立学校中取消宗教教育（同时实施免费教育）……使一切教育机构不受政府的监护和奴役——随着这一切的实现，精神的压迫力量即被摧毁，科学不仅成为人人有份的东西，而且也摆脱掉政府压制和阶级偏见的桎梏。”

Second, use a widespread social revolution to break through the barriers and hegemony of the development of modern science and technology. Widespreadness represents the spatial dimension of the universality of social revolution. In the *Provisional Rules of the Association*, Marx pointed out that the labor emancipation of the working class “is neither a local nor a national problem, but a social problem, involving all countries where modern society exists, and its solution depends on the practical and theoretical cooperation of the most advanced countries.” The expansion of capital initiated free trade and the world market, “it compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production,” shaping a world map where agricultural countries are subordinate to industrial countries and the East is subordinate to the West. Correspondingly, the developed capitalist countries monopolize modern science and technology, erecting barriers that prevent the free flow of science and technology. Therefore, the proletariat and the communist cause can only be established and realized in a “world-historical sense.” A widespread social revolution can break down the regional limitations of all nations, overthrow the existing social system and the monopoly of private property over science and technology, regulate the production and universal intercourse of the entire world, and achieve the effective flow of science and technology.

二是用广泛性的社会革命击破现代科学技术发展的壁垒霸权。广泛性代表了社会革命普遍性的空间维度，马克思在《协会临时章程》中指出，工人阶级的劳动解放“既不是一个地方问题，也不是一个民族问题，而是一个社会问题，它涉及所有存在着现代社会的国家，它的解决有赖于最先进各国在实践上和理论上的合作”。资本增殖开启了自由贸易和世界市场，“它迫使一切民族——如果它们不想灭亡的话——采用资产阶级的生产方式”，塑造了农业国家从属于工业国家、东方从属于西方的世界版图。与此相应的是，资本主义发达国家垄断现代科学技术，构筑起阻止科学技术自由流动的壁垒。因此，无产阶级和共产主义事业只有在“世界历史意义上”才能成立和实现，广泛的社会革命可以打破各民族地域局限，推翻现存的社会制度和私有制对科学技术的垄断，对整个世界的生产和普遍交往实行调节，实现科学技术的有效流动。

Third, historical social revolution provides the driving force for the renewal and development of modern science and technology. Historicity is the temporal dimension of the universality of social revolution. Marx pointed out in the *Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League*: “But our interests and our task are to make the revolution permanent until all the more or less propertied classes have been driven from their ruling positions, until the proletariat has conquered state power, and until the association of the proletarians has progressed so far, not only in one country but in all the leading countries of the world, that competition among the proletarians of these countries ceases, and at least the decisive forces of production are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians.” [1]1 Source of the quotation not provided in the original text; likely a reference to a Chinese official statement or document on economic recovery. Social revolution, by comprehensively transforming the relationships between humans and nature, between humans and society, and between humans and humans, achieves the renewal and progress of the entire social structure. The arduousness of its goals necessarily demands permanent revolution. In the process of historically criticizing and transforming the existing world, social revolution inevitably raises demands for the renewal and innovation of the development of science and technology.

三是历史性的社会革命更迭现代科学技术发展的革新动力。历史性是社会革命普遍性的时间维度，马克思在《共产主义者同盟中央委员会告同盟书》中指出：“而我们的利益和我们的任务却是要不断革命，直到把一切大大小小的有产阶级的统治全都消灭，直到无产阶级夺得国家政权，直到无产者的联合不仅在一个国家内，而且在世界一切举足轻重的国家内都发展到使这些国家的无产者之间的竞争停止，至少是发展到使那些有决定意义的生产力集中到了无产者手中。”社会革命通过全面地改造人与自然、人与社会、人与人的关系来实现整个社会结构的更新进步，其目标的艰巨性必然要求不断革命。在历史性地批判和改造现存世界的过程中，社会革命必然要对科学技术发展提出更迭革新的要求。

III. Contemporary Development: Xi Jinping’s Important Discourses on Science and Technology in the New Era

三、当代发展：习近平关于新时代科学技术重要论述

Amid the interweaving and surging situation of changes unseen in a century and the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, science and technology, as a “dangerous revolutionary” and a “cunning spirit,” [2]2 These phrases are used by Marx to characterize the dual nature of science and technology under capitalism, as both a force for progress and a source of danger. have deeply integrated with social life, and their power has grown ever stronger. The developed capitalist countries led by the United States are “encircling and intercepting” China’s scientific and technological development on all fronts. This is not only a counterattack by bourgeois political parties afraid of a socialist country developing advanced technology, but also a precursor to the bursting of the imperialist monopoly relations of production, and even more so an act of seeking self-destruction that violates the laws of historical development. Xi Jinping’s important discourses on science and and technology in the New Era are both in the same lineage as Marxist thought on science and technology and an innovative achievement in the theory of scientific and technological development in the New Era.

在世界百年未有之大变局和中华民族伟大复兴战略全局交织激荡的形势下，作为“危险万分的革命家”和“狡狯的精灵”的科学技术与社会生活深度融合，威力愈发强大。以美国为首的发达资本主义国家全方位地对中国的科学技术发展进行“围追堵截”，这既是资产阶级党派害怕社会主义国家发展先进技术的反扑，也是帝国主义垄断生产关系决堤的前兆，更是违背历史发展规律的自寻绝路的举动。习近平关于新时代科学技术的重要论述既与马克思主义科技思想一脉相承，也是新时代科学技术发展理论的创新成果。

(I) Accurate Positioning of Science and Technology

（一）对科学技术的准确定位

Xi Jinping’s important discourses on science and technology in the New Era provide an accurate positioning of science and technology. This demonstrates that the Communist Party of China can adopt a proactive stance to respond to the developments and changes in science and technology, thereby seizing the historical initiative.

习近平关于新时代科学技术的重要论述对科学技术进行了准确定位。这表明中国共产党能够以积极主动的姿态应对科学技术的发展变化，从而掌握历史主动。

First, science and technology are always the primary productive forces. This is a scientific judgment made by our Party on developing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Since the founding of New China, our Party has regarded building the country through science and technology as an important strategy, maintaining a positive and open attitude toward learning and developing science and technology. Mao Zedong pointed out that “we must use natural science to understand nature, overcome nature, and transform nature,” [3]3 Mao Zedong, speech at a meeting on natural science, 1940. using science and technology as an important tool for the liberation of humanity. Facing the low level of domestic productive forces development, New China actively learned scientific knowledge and introduced advanced technology, rapidly raising the level of its industrial development. At the same time, the Party and the state placed special emphasis on cultivating scientific and technological talent, stressing the need to develop science and technology in accordance with the principle of “independence and self-reliance.” [4]4 A principle of China’s development strategy, emphasizing self-reliance and independent innovation.

第一，科学技术始终是第一生产力，这是我们党对发展社会主义事业作出的科学判断。新中国成立以来，我们党就把科技立国作为重要战略，对科学技术学习发展始终保持积极开放态度。毛泽东指出，“要用自然科学来了解自然、克服自然和改造自然”，将科学技术用作解放人类的重要工具。面对国内生产力发展水平低下的局面，新中国积极学习科学知识、引进先进技术，使我国工业发展水平迅速提升。同时，党和国家特别重视科技人才培养，强调要按照“独立自主、自力更生”原则发展科学技术。

As socialism with Chinese characteristics enters the New Era, China continuously promotes scientific and technological innovation to inject new impetus into economic growth, and the situation of relying on resource factors to drive economic development has markedly improved. To address challenges in social fields such as population aging and ensuring people’s health, it is necessary to rely on scientific and technological innovation to achieve coordinated development. To confront risks and challenges in areas such as energy security, cybersecurity, food security, and national defense security, it is necessary to rely on scientific and technological innovation to effectively safeguard national security. Facing the interweaving and surging situation of changes unseen in a century and the strategic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that “the prosperity of science and technology leads to the prosperity of the nation, and the strength of science and technology leads to the strength of the nation,” [5]5 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2014 Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chinese Academy of Engineering. pointing out that scientific and technological innovation must be placed at the core of the national development strategy. Promoting and implementing the major strategy of innovation-driven development with scientific and technological innovation at its core to enhance independent innovation capability has become the most urgent task for China’s scientific and technological development. Although we have already embarked on the great journey of the New Era, the basic national condition that China is still in and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism has not changed. Development remains the key, and “to develop, we must give full play to the role of science and technology as the primary productive force.” [6]6 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2018 National Conference on Science and Technology. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC once again clearly stated: Science and technology are the primary productive forces; seizing scientific and technological innovation means seizing the “bull’s nose” of development. [7]7 A Chinese idiom meaning to grasp the key or crucial point. This is an important manifestation of the Communist Party of China’s ability to always maintain its advanced nature.

中国特色社会主义进入新时代，我国不断推动科技创新为经济增长注入新动力，依靠资源要素驱动经济发展的局面明显改善；为应对人口老龄化、保障人民健康等社会领域的问题挑战，需要依靠科技创新来实现协调发展；为应对能源安全、网络安全、粮食安全、国防安全等方面的风险挑战，需要依靠科技创新来切实保障国家安全。面对世界百年未有之大变局和中华民族伟大复兴战略全局交织激荡的形势，习近平多次强调“科技兴则民族兴，科技强则国家强”，指出要把科技创新摆在国家发展全局的核心位置。推进实施以科技创新为核心的创新驱动重大战略以增强自主创新能力，成为我国科学技术发展事业最为紧迫的任务。尽管已然走上新时代的伟大征途，但我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段这一基本国情没有变，发展依旧是关键，而“要发展就必须充分发挥科学技术第一生产力的作用”。党的二十大报告再次明确提出：科学技术是第一生产力，抓住科技创新就抓住了发展的“牛鼻子”。这是中国共产党始终保持先进性的重要体现。

Second, science and technology serve as the fundamental and strategic underpinning for comprehensively building a modern socialist country. The completion of the socialist transformation [8]8 The socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce in China, completed by 1956. opened the path for New China’s industrialization, and scientific and technological development gradually entered a new phase. Subsequently, due to insufficient experience in socialist construction, the cause of science and technology suffered setbacks. Since reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping, summing up experiences and lessons, pointed out that “to achieve modernization, the key is for science and technology to advance.” [9]9 Deng Xiaoping, speech at the National Conference on Science and Technology, 1978. By continuously clarifying the relationship between socialist modernization and the development of science and technology, Deng Xiaoping creatively put forward the thesis that “science and technology are the primary productive forces,” [10]10 Deng Xiaoping, statement from 1988. particularly emphasizing that “China must develop its own high technology and occupy a place in the world’s high-tech fields,” [11]11 Deng Xiaoping, speech during his 1991 southern tour. thereby fostering an atmosphere for the development of the scientific and technological cause characterized by “respecting knowledge and respecting talent.” [12]12 A policy slogan from the reform and opening up era. In 1995, Jiang Zemin, at the National Conference on Science and Technology, summarized the new characteristics of China’s scientific and technological work, comprehensively deployed the implementation of the “strategy of rejuvenating the country through science and education,” [13]13 A national development strategy proposed by Jiang Zemin in 1995. and proposed to “actively promote the shift of economic construction onto the track of relying on scientific and technological progress and improving the quality of the labor force.” [14]14 Jiang Zemin, speech at the National Conference on Science and Technology, 1995.

第二，全面建设社会主义现代化国家的基础性、战略性支撑。社会主义改造的完成为新中国的工业化开辟了道路，科技发展逐步开启新局面。之后，由于社会主义建设经验的不足，科学技术事业遭受冲击。改革开放以来，邓小平总结经验教训，指出“我们要实现现代化，关键是科学技术要能上去”。通过不断理顺社会主义现代化建设和科学技术发展的关系，邓小平创造性地提出了“科学技术是第一生产力”的论断，特别强调“中国必须发展自己的高科技，在世界高科技领域占有一席之地”，推动形成了“尊重知识，尊重人才”的科学技术事业发展氛围。1995年，江泽民在全国科学技术大会上总结我国科技工作新特点，全面部署实施“科教兴国”战略，提出要“积极促进经济建设转到依靠科技进步和提高劳动者素质的轨道”。

Entering the New Era, at the critical historical juncture of the “two overall situations,” [15]15 The “two overall situations” refer to the domestic overall situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the international overall situation of changes unseen in a century. our Party has increasingly recognized the important role of science and technology in modernization. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC clearly states that science and technology are the fundamental and strategic underpinning for comprehensively building a modern socialist country. Unlike the “serial” type of Western-style modernization, Chinese-path modernization must “promote the synchronous development of new industrialization, informatization, urbanization, and agricultural modernization, and must also give full play to the role of scientific and technological progress and innovation.” [16]16 Xi Jinping, report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, 2022. High-quality development is the essential requirement of Chinese-path modernization. The innovation of science and technology provides solid and stable support for the development of social productive forces and supplies a continuous source of momentum for achieving high-quality development. At the same time, the modernization of science and technology itself is an important component of Chinese-path modernization. Only by firmly grasping the development of science and technology can we open up new tracks and new horizons for the great cause of promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization.

进入新时代，身处“两个大局”的重大历史关头，我们党愈发认识到科学技术对于现代化建设的重要作用。党的二十大报告明确指出，科学技术是全面建设社会主义现代化国家的基础性、战略性支撑。不同于“串联式”的西方式现代化，中国式现代化要“推动新型工业化、信息化、城镇化、农业现代化同步发展，也必须充分发挥科技进步和创新的作用”。高质量发展是中国式现代化的本质要求，科学技术的革新为发展社会生产力提供了坚实稳固的支撑，为实现高质量发展提供源源不断的动能。与此同时，科学技术的现代化本身也是中国式现代化的重要内容，唯有牢牢抓住科学技术发展，才能为以中国式现代化促进中华民族伟大复兴的伟大事业开辟新赛道和新天地。

(II) Original Development of the Concept of Scientific and Technological Initiative

（二）科技主动理念的原创性发展

In his important discourses on science and technology in the New Era, Xi Jinping has put forward an original development concept. The concept of scientific and technological initiative is the ideological core and spiritual principle of the Party’s scientific and technological cause in the New Era, mainly involving the following three aspects:

在关于新时代科学技术的重要论述中，习近平提出了原创性发展理念。科技主动理念是新时代党科学技术事业的思想核心与精神原则，主要涉及以下三方面：

First, an accurate assessment of the development trends of science and technology in the New Era is an important component of the concept of scientific and technological initiative. First, Xi Jinping, based on the development trends of global scientific and technological innovation, made the accurate assessment that “a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution is brewing and emerging.” [17]17 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2013 International Conference on Science and Technology. Xi Jinping summed up the painful historical lesson of China missing the tide of the world’s scientific and technological revolutions in modern times, emphasizing that although there is still debate about the “third industrial revolution,” [18]18 A term referring to the digital revolution and related technological changes, debated in academic and policy circles. a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation is one of the uncertain factors that the world today must face. The assessment that “a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution is brewing and emerging” reflects the strong sense of urgency of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core. Second, in the face of the new scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, the positioning of two “historical convergences” has been clarified. At the ninth collective study session of the 18th Central Committee Political Bureau, Xi Jinping pointed out that “a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial revolution is forming a historical convergence with China’s acceleration of the transformation of its economic development mode.” [19]19 Xi Jinping, speech at the ninth collective study session of the 18th Central Committee Political Bureau, 2013. Later, he further emphasized that in the coming decades, “a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation will form a historical convergence with the development of human society.” [20]20 Xi Jinping, speech at the 2018 National Conference on Science and Technology. The positioning of the two “historical convergences” is an accurate judgment by the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core of the development opportunities for China and for all of human society.

第一，对新时代科学技术发展趋势的准确研判，是科技主动理念的重要内容。一是习近平结合世界科技创新发展趋势作出“新一轮科技革命和产业革命正在孕育兴起”的准确研判。习近平总结了中国近代错失世界科技革命大潮的惨痛历史教训，强调尽管对于“第三次工业革命”依然存在争论，但是新一轮科技革命和产业变革是当今世界必须面对的不确定性因素之一。“新一轮科技革命和产业革命正在孕育兴起”的研判体现了以习近平同志为核心的党中央强烈的忧患意识。二是面对新科技革命和产业变革，明晰了两个“历史性交汇”的发展定位。在党的十八届中央政治局第九次集体学习时，习近平指出，“新一轮科技革命和产业革命与我国加快转变经济发展方式形成历史性交汇”；之后，他又强调，未来几十年“新一轮科技革命和产业变革将同人类社会发展形成历史性交汇”。两个“历史性交汇”的定位，是以习近平同志为核心的党中央对我国以及整个人类社会发展机遇的精准判断。

Second, the proposal of confidence in scientific and technological innovation in the New Era is an important marker of implementing the concept of scientific and technological initiative. Xi Jinping has repeatedly stressed that only by shifting from passive follow-up to active innovation and adhering to the path of independent innovation with Chinese characteristics can we achieve major scientific and technological outcomes that are foundational, strategic, and original. It can be said that in the process of the Chinese nation moving from “standing up” and “growing rich” to “becoming strong,” scientific and technological innovation primarily characterized by passive follow-up provided solid support for China’s economic and social construction. However, it must be recognized that although this path narrowed the overall gap between China’s scientific and technological development and that of developed countries, it is not applicable to advancing the comprehensive building of a modern socialist country. Historical practice has proven that a path of scientific and technological development relying solely on external introduction and imitation has no future. Only by turning passivity into initiative and continuously enhancing the capacity for independent innovation can we proceed steadily and far along the path of Chinese-path modernization.

第二，新时代科学技术创新自信的提出，是贯彻科技主动理念的重要标志。习近平多次强调，要从被动跟进转为主动创新、坚持走中国特色自主创新道路，才能取得基础性、战略性、原创性的重大科技成果。可以说，在中华民族迎来“站起来”“富起来”到“强起来”的进程中，以被动跟进为主的科技创新为我国经济社会建设提供了坚实支撑，但必须看到，尽管这一路径缩小了我国与发达国家科技发展的总体差距，却不适用于推进全面建成社会主义现代化强国。历史实践证明，一味靠外来引进和模仿的科学技术发展是没有出路的。只有变被动为主动，不断增强自主创新能力，才能在中国式现代化道路上行稳致远。

Third, the development of scientific and technological undertakings in the New Era particularly emphasizes strategic initiative, which is an important manifestation of implementing the concept of scientific and technological initiative. The capacity for strategic thinking, honed over more than a century of struggle, is an advantage of the Communist Party of China. Xi Jinping emphasized: “For a party to remain invincible, it must stand at the forefront of the times, closely follow the new historical characteristics, scientifically plan the overall situation, firmly grasp strategic initiative, and unswervingly achieve our strategic goals.” [21]21 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China” (July 1, 2016), in Xi Jinping, *Xi Jinping: The Governance of China*, vol. 2, Foreign Languages Press, 2017, p. 53. Only by firmly grasping strategic initiative can we seize opportunities and master the commanding heights in global scientific and technological competition. It is necessary not only to comprehensively assess the general trend of the world’s scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation but also to formulate development strategies scientifically and in a timely manner according to national conditions, identify the active direction of scientific and technological innovation, and plan and lay out ahead of schedule. China’s scientific and technological innovation has entered a “new stage transitioning from primarily following to a mix of following, running alongside, and leading.” [22]22 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the 19th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the 14th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Engineering” (May 28, 2018), in Xi Jinping, *On Science and Technology*, Central Party Literature Press, 2024, p. 223. Under these circumstances, only by adopting an “asymmetric overtaking” strategy can we overtake on the bend. As a latecomer country, China must face the fact that developed countries have already occupied the traditional track of scientific and technological development. Only by possessing “asymmetric” “trump cards” can we open up new scientific and technological tracks. We must refuse to follow the path of “aping others at every step and blindly following.” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the 19th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the 14th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Engineering” (May 28, 2018), in Xi Jinping, *On Science and Technology*, Central Party Literature Press, 2024, p. 225. We must not only identify key core areas to explore comparative advantages but also select breakthrough points to strengthen advance research and exploration.

第三，新时代科学技术事业发展尤其强调战略主动，是贯彻科技主动理念的重要表现。在百余年奋斗历史中练就的战略思维能力，是中国共产党的优势。习近平强调：“一个党要立于不败之地，必须立于时代潮头，紧扣新的历史特点，科学谋划全局，牢牢把握战略主动，坚定不移实现我们的战略目标。”唯有牢牢把握战略主动，才能在全球科技竞争中赢得先机、掌握主导权。既要全面研判世界科技革命和产业变革大势，也要根据国情及时科学制定发展战略，找准科技创新主动方向，超前规划布局。我国科技创新已迈入“以跟踪为主转向跟踪并跑、领跑并存的新阶段”，在这一形势下，只有采取“非对称赶超”战略才能弯道超车。作为后发国家，中国必须面对的事实就是发达国家已经先行占据传统科技发展赛道，只有通过拥有“非对称性”的“杀手锏”才能开辟新的科技赛道。拒绝走“亦步亦趋、盲目跟进”的道路，既要抓准关键核心领域发掘比较优势，也要选准突破口加强预先研究和探索。

(III) The Socialist Requirements for Developing Scientific and Technological Undertakings

（三）发展科学技术事业的社会主义要求

Xi Jinping’s important discourses on science and technology in the New Era put forward specific requirements for the development of science and technology in the New Era. This indicates that socialist scientific and technological undertakings under the leadership of the Communist Party of China are fundamentally different from capitalist scientific and technological undertakings in the West, whose fundamental purpose is capital valorization. Developing science and technology in the process of advancing social revolution through the Party’s self-revolution is the inevitable result of adhering to the Marxist view of science and technology and is also an important manifestation of our Party’s confidence and advanced nature in governing and rejuvenating the country.

习近平关于新时代科学技术重要论述，对新时代发展科学技术提出了具体要求。这表明，中国共产党领导下的社会主义科学技术事业与西方资本主义以资本增殖为根本目的科学技术事业有着本质区别。在以党的自我革命推进社会革命的进程中发展科学技术，这是坚持马克思主义科学技术观的必然结果，也是我们党执政兴国的底气和先进性的重要表现。

First, clarify the orientation of national strategic needs and continuously meet the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life. Scientific and technological undertakings under the leadership of the Communist Party of China have always taken meeting the people’s needs for a better life as their development goal. Xi Jinping pointed out, “Only when scientific and technological achievements are combined with national needs, people’s demands, and market demands, completing the three-stage leap from scientific research, experimental development, to promotion and application, can the value of innovation be truly realized and innovation-driven development be achieved.” [24]24 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the 17th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the 12th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Engineering” (June 9, 2014), in Xi Jinping, *On Science and Technology*, Central Party Literature Press, 2024, p. 63. Major national science and technology projects must enhance their strategic, overall, and forward-looking nature, continuously strengthen the national strategic scientific and technological forces, apply more scientific and technological achievements to the great cause of socialist modernization, and provide strategic support for comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Chinese-path modernization is the modernization of a huge population. For China’s 1.3 billion people to all enter modernization, they cannot produce and live in the way that the existing developed-level population consumes resources. This requires strengthening scientific and technological innovation, changing production and lifestyles, and truly meeting the people’s ever-growing and multifaceted needs for a better life. In addition, benefiting the people, facilitating the people, enriching the people, and improving people’s livelihoods must be taken as important directions for scientific and technological innovation. The development of science and technology must be deeply integrated with the livelihood issues that the people are most concerned about, such as education, healthcare, social security, and food safety. The supply of public science and technology must be substantially increased so that the fruits of scientific and technological development benefit more of the people.

第一，明确国家战略需求导向，不断满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要。中国共产党领导下的科学技术事业始终将满足人民美好生活需要作为发展目标。习近平指出，“科技成果只有同国家需要、人民要求、市场需求相结合，完成从科学研究、实验开发、推广应用三级跳，才能真正实现创新价值、实现创新驱动发展”。国家科技重大项目必须增强战略性全局性前瞻性，不断提升国家战略科技力量，将更多的科技成果应用到社会主义现代化的伟大事业中，为全面推进中华民族伟大复兴提供战略性支撑。中国式现代化是人口规模巨大的现代化，我国13亿人要想全部进入现代化，就不能按照现有发达水平人口消耗资源的方式来生产生活，这就要求加强科技创新，改变生产生活方式，真正满足人民群众日益增长的多方各面的美好生活需要。除此之外，还要把惠民、利民、富民、改善民生作为科技创新的重要方向，将科学技术发展与人民群众最关心的教育、医疗、社会保障、食品安全等民生问题深度融合，大幅增加公共科技供给，让科技发展成果惠及更多人民群众。

Second, adhere to self-reliance and self-strengthening in science and technology, and enhance the capacity for independent innovation in key core technologies. “Key core technologies cannot be asked for, bought, or begged for.” [25]25 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the 19th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the 14th Academician Conference of the Chinese Academy of Engineering” (May 28, 2018), in Xi Jinping, *On Science and Technology*, Central Party Literature Press, 2024, p. 226. Developing China’s scientific and technological undertakings in the New Era must adhere to self-reliance and self-strengthening. Practice has repeatedly proven that handing over key core technologies to others and being controlled by others will inevitably bury huge hidden dangers for economic and social development. Currently, China has become a major scientific and technological country with significant international influence, but there is still a certain distance from the world’s scientific and technological powers: the situation where many key core technologies are controlled by others has not completely changed; the “bottleneck” problems cannot be fundamentally solved in a short time; basic research still faces many scientific and technological bottlenecks; and original innovation capacity remains weak. On the journey of comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization, we will inevitably face many major tests. The success or failure of the battle for key technologies concerns whether China can occupy a leading position in the new round of the world’s scientific and technological revolution, and whether we can “achieve a high level of self-reliance and self-strengthening in science and technology” concerns whether the path of Chinese-path modernization can win historical initiative and break through the Western model of modernization. Only by always adhering to self-reliance and self-strengthening in science and technology, strengthening national strategic scientific and technological forces, continuously strengthening basic research, breaking through key core technologies as soon as possible, and enhancing independent innovation capacity can we firmly grasp the initiative in scientific and technological development.

第二，坚持科技自立自强，增强关键核心技术自主创新能力。“关键核心技术是要不来、买不来、讨不来的”，发展新时代中国科学技术事业必须坚持自立自强。实践反复证明，关键核心技术拱手让人、受制于人必将为经济社会发展埋下巨大隐患。当前，我国已成为具有重大国际影响力的科技大国，但跟世界科技强国还有一定距离：很多关键核心技术受制于人的局面并未完全改变；“卡脖子”难题在短时间内还不能根本解决；基础研究领域还面临诸多科技瓶颈；原创能力仍旧薄弱。在以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴的征程中，我们必定会迎来诸多重大考验。关键技术攻坚战的成败关乎我国在新一轮世界科技革命中能否占据领跑地位，而能否“实现高水平科技自立自强”关乎中国式现代化道路能否赢得历史主动，突破西方式现代化模式。只有始终坚持科技自立自强、强化国家战略科技力量、持续加强基础研究、尽快突破关键核心技术、增强自主创新能力，才能牢牢掌握科技发展主动权。

Third, improve the new nationwide system for mobilizing resources, and enhance the ability to manage and regulate the logic of capital. The new nationwide system for mobilizing resources is both an inherent requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics and a unique advantage of socialism with Chinese characteristics. To achieve leapfrog development in science and technology, we must take frontier-leading technologies and disruptive technological innovations as breakthrough points and lay out the “first-move advantage” in world scientific and technological development. [26]26 “First-move advantage” (先手棋) is a Chinese chess metaphor for a strategic move that seizes the initiative. Only by fully leveraging the socialist system’s advantage of “concentrating resources to accomplish large undertakings” [27]27 “Concentrating resources to accomplish large undertakings” (集中力量办大事) is a standard formulation in Chinese political discourse referring to the ability of the socialist system to mobilize resources for major national projects. and continuing to enhance the role of the state as the organizer of major scientific and technological innovations can we enhance the ability to manage and regulate the logic of capital and form an overall advantage in scientific and technological development. In this regard, it is necessary to both give full play to the decisive role of the market in resource allocation, respect the objective laws of scientific and technological development, and deepen the understanding of market demand, and also to better play the role of the government, focus on the cutting-edge, the fundamental, and the basic, strengthen overall coordination among universities, research institutes, enterprises, and government—the major innovation entities—and orderly advance the systematic project of scientific and technological innovation. Only by forming a strong synergy of socialist independent innovation and setting up “traffic lights” for capital [28]28 “Setting up traffic lights for capital” (为资本设置‘红绿灯’) is a metaphor used in Chinese policy discourse to mean regulating the direction and behavior of capital, preventing its unchecked expansion. can we better support important scientific plans and projects with low returns, long cycles, and high risks, and can we create more and better scientific and technological innovation outcomes, continuously enhancing the scientific and technological content of economic and social development.

第三，健全新型举国体制，增强驾驭规制资本逻辑的能力。新型举国体制既是中国特色社会主义的题中应有之义，也是中国特色社会主义的独特优势。要想实现科技跨越式发展，就必须以前沿引领技术、颠覆性技术创新为突破口，布局世界科技发展的“先手棋”。只有充分发挥社会主义制度“集中力量办大事”的优势，继续提升国家作为重大科技创新组织者的角色作用，才能增强驾驭规制资本逻辑的能力，形成科技发展整体优势。对此，既要充分发挥市场在资源配置中的决定性作用，尊重科学技术发展客观规律，深化对市场需求的理解，也要更好地发挥政府作用，抓尖端、抓根本、抓基础，加强统筹协同高校、科研院所、企业、政府各大创新主体，有序推进科技创新系统工程。唯有形成社会主义自主创新的强大合力，为资本设置“红绿灯”，才能更好地支持回报率低、周期长、风险高的重要科学计划和科学工程，才可以创造出更多更好的科技创新成果，不断提升经济社会发展的科技含量。

Fourth, oppose the politicization of economic and technological issues, and jointly respond to global challenges. The world once again stands at a historical crossroads; opposing scientific and technological hegemonism and opposing Cold War thinking have become the basic stance for safeguarding the common interests of emerging markets and developing countries. Countries such as the United States, relying on their technological advantages, adopt science and technology protectionist policies such as controlling the export of chips and semiconductors, continuously politicizing and weaponizing economic and technological issues, aiming to strike at the technological capabilities of developing countries, thereby maintaining their hegemonic position in science and technology. Historical practice has proven that the fundamental reason the world economy can emerge from difficulties and achieve recovery after each major crisis lies in “the vitality and creativity released by institutional and mechanism reforms, and the new industries and new products created by scientific and technological progress.” [1]1 Source of the quotation not provided in the original text; likely a reference to a Chinese official statement or document on economic recovery. Technological blockades are entirely harmful and of no benefit to extricating ourselves from the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and restoring world economic development; they will only disrupt the stability of global production and supply chains and undermine a fair and orderly environment for technological competition. Currently, the direction of evolution and change in the world situation is not entirely clear; human society faces a variety of risks and challenges that require the joint response and resolution of the international community; various scientific and technological undertakings such as medical care, deep sea, polar regions, and the internet require all countries to jointly explore new frontiers, rather than contending with each other in a zero-sum game arena. All countries must oppose the hegemonic acts of politicizing and weaponizing economic and technological issues, strengthen international scientific and technological cooperation, build a global science and technology innovation network, open up new growth drivers, share the fruits of scientific and technological innovation, and provide strong scientific and technological support for jointly solving development difficulties.

第四，反对把经济科技问题政治化，共同应对全球性挑战。世界再次站在历史的十字路口，反对科技霸权主义、反对冷战思维成为维护新兴市场和发展中国家共同利益的基本立场。美国等国家凭借科技优势，采取管控芯片、半导体出口等科技保护政策，不断将经济科技问题政治化、武器化，旨在打击发展中国家的技术能力，从而维护其科技霸权地位。历史实践证明，世界经济在历次重大危机后能够走出困境、实现复苏的根本，就在于“体制机制变革释放出的活力和创造力，科技进步造就的新产业和新产品”。技术封锁对于当前摆脱新冠疫情影响、恢复世界经济发展百害而无一利，只会扰乱全球生产链供应链稳定，破坏公正有序的科技竞争环境。当前，世界局势演进变化的方向不甚明朗；人类社会面临多种多样的风险挑战，需要国际社会共同应对解决；医疗、深海、极地、互联网等各项科技事业需要各国共拓新疆域，而非在零和博弈的竞技场中你争我夺。各国必须反对将经济科技问题政治化、武器化的科技霸权行径，加强国际科技合作，构建全球科技创新网络，开拓新的动力增长点，共享科技创新成果，为共同解决发展难题提供有力科技支撑。

(Author: Li Le, doctoral student at the School of Marxism, Tsinghua University)

（作者：李乐，清华大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

Online editor: Jin Qiu

网络编辑：金秋