Telling China’s Story Well Requires Adhering to Historical Materialism

The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC [1]1 Engels, “Protectionism and Free Trade,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 26 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 532. The quotation is from a speech Engels gave in Brussels on January 9, 1848. proposed, “accelerating the construction of a Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system, telling China’s story well and spreading China’s voice well, presenting a credible, lovable, and respectable image of China.” This indicates that telling China’s story well requires, first, using a Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system, and second, presenting an image of China that can be welcomed and accepted by foreigners.

党的二十大报告提出，“加快构建中国话语和中国叙事体系，讲好中国故事、传播好中国声音，展现可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象。” 这表明，讲好中国故事一是要使用中国话语和中国叙事体系，二是要展现能够让外国人欢迎和接受的中国形象。

I. The Difficulties in Telling China’s Story Well

一、讲好中国故事的困难所在

The ancient Chinese philosopher Zhuangzi believed that one cannot discuss ice with a summer insect. Historical materialism also tells us, “It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.” [2]2 The source of this quotation is not provided in the original text. China’s story is a kind of Chinese consciousness that reflects China’s social being. Telling China’s story well means enabling people in other countries of the world to understand the Chinese consciousness manifested in China’s story; thus, telling China’s story well is essentially equivalent to trying to tell the story of ice to a summer insect. There is a great difficulty here.

中国古人庄子认为，夏虫不可以语冰。唯物史观也告诉我们，“人们的社会存在决定人们的意识” 。中国故事就是反映中国社会存在的一种中国意识。讲好中国故事就是让世界上其他国家的人理解中国故事中所表现的中国意识，从而讲好中国故事其实就相当于要给夏虫讲好冰的故事。这里存在着巨大的困难。

Some believe, “Our country’s history has a profound national foundation of folk tales, literary creations, and historical allusions emerging in an endless stream, which are valuable material sources for ‘telling China’s story well.’ In international communication, reviewing history and excavating the cultural essence contained in ‘China’s story’ helps the audience understand China’s past, know China’s present, and foresee China’s future.” [3]3 Marx, “Preface to the Second Edition,” Capital, vol. 1 (Penguin Classics, 1990), p. 99. The translation here follows the standard English edition. However, there are enormous differences between the social being of other countries in the world and the social being of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This determines that the social consciousness of other countries also differs greatly from China’s social consciousness. Telling China’s story well must overcome the estrangement caused by this difference. More importantly, people in other countries often find it difficult even to understand their own past, know their own present, and foresee their own future. How, then, would they spend a great deal of time and energy to “understand China’s past, know China’s present, and foresee China’s future”? Where would their demand for China’s story come from?

有人认为，“我国历史上具有深刻的民族根基性的民间故事、文学创作和历史典故层出不穷，是‘讲好中国故事’的宝贵素材来源。在国际传播中回顾历史，挖掘‘中国故事’所蕴含的文化精髓，有助于受众读懂过去的中国、认识现在的中国、照见未来的中国。” 但是，世界上其他国家的社会存在与中国特色社会主义的社会存在之间存在着巨大的差别，由此决定了其他国家的社会意识与中国的社会意识也存在着巨大的差别，讲好中国故事就必须克服这个差别所造成的隔阂。更重要的是，其他国家的人甚至连读懂自己的过去，认识自己的现在，展望自己的未来都很难做到，又怎么会花大量时间精力去“读懂过去的中国、认识现在的中国、照见未来的中国”，他们对中国故事的需求又从哪里来呢？

The *Communist Manifesto* once pointed out that with the opening up of the world market, “the intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.” [4]4 The Two Integrations (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture. It is a key concept in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Some believe, “Marx here foresaw the formation of a ‘world literature’ that ‘abandons individuality.’ In the era of capitalist marketization sweeping the globe, the literatures of all countries, localities, and nations lose their individuality and characteristics, being rewritten and assimilated by the capitalist worldview and values, becoming part of the capitalist ‘world literature.’” [5]5 BRICS is an acronym for an association of five major emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. However, even if the bourgeoisie could successfully “compel all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their countries, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In a word, it creates a world after its own image.” [6]6 The G20 (Group of Twenty) is an international forum for the governments and central bank governors of 19 countries and the European Union, focusing on global economic governance. Thus, even if all nations had the same mode of production, and therefore the same social consciousness, consciousness in this society characterized by class antagonism would still be divided. There is, as Mr. Lu Xun said, the distinction between fragrant sweat and foul sweat. [7]7 “Upstairs, downstairs, electric lights and telephones” (楼上楼下，电灯电话) was a popular slogan in mid-20th century China, used to describe the ideal of a modern, comfortable life under socialism. This also means that to tell China’s story well, we must choose whether to tell the story of fragrant sweat or the story of foul sweat.

《共产党宣言》曾经指出，随着世界市场的开拓，“各民族的精神产品成了公共的财产。民族的片面性和局限性日益成为不可能，于是由许多种民族的和地方的文学形成了一种世界的文学。” 有人以为，“马克思在这里预见了一种‘放弃了个性’的‘世界文学’的形成。在资本主义市场化席卷全球的时代，一切国家的、地方的、民族的文学都丧失了个性和特质，为资本主义世界观和价值观所改写和同化，成为资本主义‘世界文学’的一部分。” 但是，即便资产阶级能够成功地“迫使一切民族——如果它们不想灭亡的话——采用资产阶级的生产方式；它迫使它们在自己那里推行所谓的文明，即变成资产者。一句话，它按照自己的面貌为自己创造出一个世界。” 从而，即便一切民族的生产方式都相同，进而都有相同的社会意识，这个存在着阶级对立的社会中的意识也是分裂的，有鲁迅先生所说的香汗与臭汗之分，这也意味着我们要讲好中国故事，必须选择是讲好香汗故事还是讲好臭汗故事。

More importantly, not only had China not adopted or universally adopted the bourgeois mode of production at the time of the *Communist Manifesto*’s publication, but also today the mode of production adopted by China differs from that of many countries in the world. Consequently, it was difficult then, and it remains difficult today, to tell China’s story well to other countries, even though Chinese intellectual products, such as *The Art of War* by Sun Tzu, have long been disseminated worldwide, becoming nourishment and a component part of “world literature.”

更重要的是，不仅在《共产党宣言》发表的时候，中国还没有采取或普遍采取资产阶级的生产方式，而且在今天中国所采取的生产方式也与世界上的许多国家不同，从而不仅在当时，而且在今天都很难向其他国家讲好中国故事，尽管中国的精神产品如孙子兵法早就在世界上传播开来，成为“世界文学”的养料和组成部分。

Within this “world literature,” the literatures of different nations and localities occupy different positions. After all, the “world literature” mentioned in the *Communist Manifesto* was still a capitalist “world literature.” Socialist countries did not exist at that time. Consequently, the literature of developed countries that held a leading position in capitalist development occupied a dominant position in this “world literature.” This has led to a situation where, in the eyes of scholars from developed countries, “the literary works of third-world countries possess a certain allegorical and special character,” [8]8 “Encircling the cities from the rural areas” (农村包围城市) is a strategic concept from the Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary history, referring to the strategy of building base areas in the countryside before capturing the cities. being merely objects of their curiosity. These “national allegories” might appear somewhat lovable or seem foolishly credible to some curious onlookers, thereby winning some applause, or even a Nobel Prize for Literature, but they are by no means respectable. Some Chinese people even disparage their own literature. The large-scale television political commentary series *River Elegy* from the 1980s, by denigrating the yellow civilization represented by the Yellow River and praising the blue civilization of Western pirates, attempted to use the literature of Western developed countries to assimilate and obliterate the literature of the Chinese nation. [9]9 “Hide our capabilities and bide our time” (韬光养晦) is a foreign policy principle attributed to Deng Xiaoping, suggesting that China should keep a low profile and focus on domestic development.

在这个“世界文学”中，不同民族的和地方的文学有着不同的地位。毕竟《共产党宣言》中所说的“世界文学”还是资本主义“世界文学”，当时还不存在社会主义国家，从而在资本主义发展中占据先导地位的发达国家的文学在这个“世界文学”中占有优势地位。这就形成了，在发达国家学者的眼里，“第三世界的文学作品带有某种寓言性和特殊性” ，只是他们猎奇的对象。这些“民族寓言”也许在一些猎奇者的眼里有那么一点可爱或有一些被视为愚蠢的可信，从而赢得一些掌声，甚至获得诺贝尔文学奖，但无论如何是谈不上可敬的。甚至一些中国人也贬低自己的文学，上世纪80年代的大型电视政论片《河殇》就以贬低黄河所代表的黄色文明和赞美西方海盗的蓝色文明的方式，企图用西方发达国家的文学来同化和抹杀中华民族的文学。

Of course, in the year the *Communist Manifesto* was published, China was still a backward feudal country. China’s story at that time could only be told as a “national allegory,” and it could not be told well no matter what. However, since then, after more than 100 years of arduous struggle by the Chinese people, today’s China has pioneered a new form of human civilization. It must absolutely no longer tell China’s story as a “national allegory” for curiosity seekers, even if some consider it a “‘national allegory’ representing China’s national image and the new order of the world pattern.” [10]10 King Goujian of Yue (越王勾践, reigned 496–465 BCE) was a ruler in ancient China who, after a humiliating defeat, endured hardships (sleeping on brushwood and tasting gall) to eventually rebuild his strength and defeat his rival, King Fuchai of Wu. Yet, many people are not aware of this. For example, someone proposed in official media, “*Dying to Survive* provides an excellent example for the realist creation of Chinese cinema, which is to tell China’s story, and moreover, to tell China’s story artistically well.” [11]11 “Play the pig to eat the tiger” (扮猪吃老虎) is a Chinese idiom meaning to pretend to be weak or harmless in order to deceive and defeat a stronger opponent. *Dying to Survive* is indeed an excellent realist work, but it cannot present a credible, lovable, and respectable image of China. On the contrary, what it expresses is the conflict between the intellectual property rights of Western pharmaceutical companies and people’s right to health and right to life, showcasing China’s deficiencies in pharmaceutical research and development and in safeguarding the people’s right to health. Therefore, it tells a story about China, but it cannot be said to have told China’s story well.

当然，在《共产党宣言》发表那年的中国，还是一个落后的封建国家，那时的中国故事也只能讲成“民族寓言”，是无论如何都讲不好的。但是，自那以后，经过中国人民100多年来的艰苦奋斗，今天的中国已经开创了人类文明新形态，就决不能再把中国故事讲成一种供人猎奇的“民族寓言”，哪怕它是一些人所认为的“表征中国国家形象和世界格局新秩序的‘民族寓言’” 。然而，不少人并没有意识到这一点，例如，有人在官方媒体上提出，“《我不是药神》为中国电影的现实主义创作提供了一个很好的范例，那就是要讲中国故事，更要艺术地讲好中国故事。” 《我不是药神》的确是一部优秀的现实主义作品，但它并不能展现可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象。相反地，它所表现的是，西方药企的知识产权与人的健康权和生命权的冲突，展现的是中国在医药研发方面和维护人民的健康权方面存在不足之处。因此，它讲的是中国故事，但谈不上讲好了中国故事。

In fact, to tell China’s story well, it is necessary to make other countries in the world, especially the developed Western countries, at least acknowledge that today’s China possesses a certain degree of advanced nature in some aspects, and thereby be able to “integrate China’s contemporary values into world development, breaking the dominant position of Western values.” [12]12 King Fuchai of Wu (吴王夫差, reigned 495–473 BCE) was the ruler who defeated King Goujian but was later deceived by Goujian’s feigned submission and ultimately defeated. This undoubtedly also presents great difficulties. The main problems lie in two aspects. First, China today has not yet positioned itself as a developed country admired by the world. Second, China’s contemporary values are socialist values, which are inherently in conflict with the mainstream capitalist values of the West. Western media primarily adopt a defamatory attitude towards China and cannot tolerate telling China’s story well.

事实上，要讲好中国故事必须要让世界上其他国家尤其是西方发达国家至少承认今天的中国在某些方面具有一定的先进性，进而能够“在世界的发展中融入中国的当代价值观，打破西方价值观的主流地位” ，而这无疑也是存在着很大的困难的。其主要问题在于两个方面，一是中国今天还没有把自己定位为世人仰慕的发达国家。二是中国的当代价值观是社会主义的价值观，它与西方主流的资本主义价值观天然是冲突的。西方媒体对中国主要采取诋毁态度，不能容忍讲好中国故事。

This also means that no matter how China’s story is told, it will not, or will find it very difficult to, receive unanimous welcome from both opposing sides in class-antagonistic societies abroad. In a letter to Bebel in his later years, Engels wrote, “Whenever a problem arises, we often hear you using the arguments of your enemies as evidence. I cannot help but say that, for us, the enemy is not worth considering. In fact, Marx and I said as early as 1848: What stupid thing have we done that the enemy praises us?” [13]13 “Three hegemonic powers” (三霸) likely refers to the United States, Japan, and another power, but the specific reference is unclear. In the context of the War of Resistance Against Japan and the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, it may refer to Japan and the United States. Therefore, telling China’s story well does not mean we will no longer be cursed. The key is to see who is cursing us. On this point, we must be clear: we do not care who curses us; we care about who does not curse us.

这也意味着中国故事无论怎么讲，都不会或很难受到国外阶级对立的社会中对立双方的一致欢迎。恩格斯晚年在给倍倍尔的信中曾经写道，“每遇到问题，往往听见你们拿敌人的话作论据，我不由地要说，对我们来说，敌人是不值一提的。其实，我和马克思早在1848年就说过：我们作了什么样的蠢事，以致敌人称赞我们？” 因此，讲好中国故事，不等于我们就不会挨骂了，关键是要看骂我们的是哪些人。对此，我们必须明确，我们不在乎谁骂我们，我们在乎谁不要骂我们。

The most accurate vehicle for expressing China’s story is the Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system. However, since China’s defeat in the Opium War, China’s story has been expressed abroad through Western discourse and Western narrative systems, which has damaged the credible, lovable, and respectable image of China. Now, to tell China’s story well, we must not only enable the people of other countries to understand China’s consciousness but also make them switch their discourse and narrative systems, which further increases the difficulty. Undoubtedly, among foreigners, those who can better grasp the Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system are international students in China. However, the Ministry of Education’s “Quality Standards for Higher Education of International Students in China (Trial)” stipulates regarding the understanding and comprehension of China only that “international students in China should be familiar with China’s history, geography, society, economy, and other basic knowledge of China’s national conditions and culture, understand China’s political system and foreign policy, comprehend China’s mainstream social values and public moral concepts, and form a sound concept of the rule of law and moral awareness.” It does not at all involve mastering or understanding the Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative system. It does not even require international students in China to understand contemporary Chinese Marxism or the latest achievements in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. How, then, can international students in China be made to understand and comprehend China in the New Era?

中国故事最准确的表达载体是中国话语和中国叙事体系，但是，自中国在鸦片战争战败之后，中国故事在国外一直是由西方话语和西方叙事体系来表达的，是有损可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象的。如今我们要用讲好中国故事，不仅要让其他国家人民群众理解中国意识，还要让他们转换话语和叙事体系，难度进一步加大了。无疑地，外国人中能够较好掌握中国话语和中国叙事体系的是来华留学生，但是，中国教育部印发的《来华留学生高等教育质量规范（试行）》中在谈到对中国的认识和理解时，只规定“来华留学生应当熟悉中国历史、地理、社会、经济等中国国情和文化基本知识，了解中国政治制度和外交政策，理解中国社会主流价值观和公共道德观念，形成良好的法治观念和道德意识”，完全没有涉及掌握或了解中国话语和中国叙事体系。甚至也不要求来华留学生了解当代中国的马克思主义、马克思主义中国化的最新成果，这又如何能够做到让来华留学生认识和理解新时代的中国呢？

II. The Possibility of Telling China’s Story Well

二、讲好中国故事的可能性

Historical materialism not only reveals the difficulties in telling China’s story well but also provides the ideas and methods for doing so. Since people’s social being determines their consciousness, changing people’s social being or making them notice other social beings can adjust or supplement their consciousness.

唯物史观不仅揭示了讲好中国故事的困难所在，也提供了讲好中国故事的思路和办法。既然人们的社会存在决定人们的意识，那么改变人们的社会存在或者让人们注意到其他的社会存在就能调整或补充人们的意识。

The reason one cannot discuss ice with a summer insect is that the summer insect has never experienced winter and has never seen ice. But this does not mean that ice can only exist in winter and cannot be seen in summer. If we can use refrigeration technology to produce ice in summer, we can bring it before the summer insect and then discuss ice with it. In fact, Zhuangzi also believed that one could tell the story of the vastness of the sea to the River God, Hebo, as long as Hebo could follow the river to the edge of the sea, that is, directly experience the existence of the sea. Therefore, telling stories of different consciousnesses arising from different social beings can be achieved by strengthening mutual exchanges and by witnessing different social beings to understand different social consciousnesses.

夏虫之所以不可以语冰，是因为夏虫没有经历过冬天，没有见到过冰。但这并不意味着，冰只能在冬天存在，在夏天就不可能见到冰。如果我们能够通过制冷技术在夏天制作出冰就能够把它拿到夏虫面前，就可以对夏虫语冰。事实上，庄子也认为，可以给作为河神的河伯讲海之大的故事，只要河伯能够顺着河流来到了大海之边，也就是直接感受到海的存在。因此，讲好不同社会存在的不同意识的故事，可以通过加强彼此往来，通过见识不同的社会存在，来理解不同的社会意识。

Today, the possibility of telling China’s story well lies mainly in the development of the world market and the expansion of international exchanges, especially through China’s reform and opening up, “actively promoting foreign exchanges in areas such as the People’s Congress, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the military, local governments, and civil society.” [1]1 Engels, “Protectionism and Free Trade,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 26 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 532. The quotation is from a speech Engels gave in Brussels on January 9, 1848.

今天讲好中国故事的可能性主要就在于，世界市场的发展和国际交往的扩大，尤其是中国通过改革开放，“积极推进人大、政协、军队、地方、民间等各方面对外交往。”

Marx and Engels pointed out in *The German Ideology* that “universal intercourse, on the one hand, can produce the phenomenon of ‘propertyless’ masses existing simultaneously in all nations (universal competition), making each nation dependent on the transformations of others; finally, local individuals are replaced by world-historical, empirically universal individuals.” [2]2 The source of this quotation is not provided in the original text. It was because Engels went to England for his family’s business and saw the social being of English workers that he wrote *The Condition of the Working Class in England*, telling the English story well as a German. Later, Marx came to England and, based on the social being of England, created *Capital*, better telling the English story to Germans and, at the same time, to the rest of the world.

马克思和恩格斯在《德意志意识形态》中指出，“普遍交往，一方面，可以产生一切民族中同时都存在着‘没有财产的’群众这一现象（普遍竞争），使每一民族都依赖于其他民族的变革；最后，地域性的个人为世界历史性的、经验上普遍的个人所代替。” 恩格斯就是因为家庭的生意到了英国，看到了英国工人的社会存在，进而写作出《英国工人阶级状况》，以一个德国人的身份讲好了英国故事。这之后，马克思来到英国，也以英国的社会存在为基础，创作了《资本论》，更好地向德国人同时也是向世界其他国家讲起了英国故事。

Some believe that “empathy can transcend national and ethnic boundaries and will not be erased by regional and cultural differences; ‘telling China’s story well’ should also explore practical paths from the perspective of empathic communication.” [3]3 Marx, “Preface to the Second Edition,” Capital, vol. 1 (Penguin Classics, 1990), p. 99. The translation here follows the standard English edition. However, the only German managers and philosophy doctors who empathized with English workers were Engels and Marx; other German managers and doctors did not empathize with them. Lu Xun also long pointed out that fragrant sweat and foul sweat cannot empathize, and that in *Dream of the Red Chamber*, Jiao Da and Lin Daiyu cannot empathize. [4]4 The Two Integrations (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture. It is a key concept in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.

有人认为，“共情可以超越国家与民族的界限，且不会因为地域和文化差异而被抹除，‘讲好中国故事’也应从共情传播视角探索实践路径。” 但是，与英国工人共情的德国经理人和哲学博士只有恩格斯和马克思，其他的德国经理和博士并不与他们共情。鲁迅先生也早就指出香汗与臭汗是不能共情的，《红楼梦》中的焦大与林黛玉是不能共情的。

Generally speaking, empathy presupposes the same or similar conditions of social being. Only true Marxists like Marx and Engels can slightly set aside their own social being and empathize with the people at the bottom. Therefore, even if we want to talk about empathy, we must find the right objects for empathy. And such objects do exist. Lenin pointed out, “Everyone wants to improve their living conditions; everyone wants to live a good life. This is only natural, and this is precisely socialism.” [5]5 BRICS is an acronym for an association of five major emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. This socialist consciousness is rooted in the existence of poverty (including absolute poverty and relative poverty). Even though the mainstream ideology of Western developed countries is bourgeois ideology, the tradition of (utopian) socialism there remains very strong. This tradition can empathize with socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era, which is based on scientific socialism. After all, whether it is the American Dream or the Chinese Dream, the most fundamental thing is to live a good life. The only difference is that Western utopian socialism cannot be realized, while the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era is flourishing. Therefore, developing countries and the lower and middle classes of developed countries who want to live a good life are relatively good objects for empathy. For them, we can tell China’s story well.

一般而言，共情要以相同或相似的社会存在状况为前提。只有像马克思和恩格斯等真正的马克思主义者才会稍稍撇开自己的社会存在而与底层的人民群众共情。所以，我们即便要讲共情，也要找好共情的对象。而这样的对象是有的。列宁指出，“每个人都希望改善自己的生活状况，大家都想过好日子，这是理所当然的，这正是社会主义。” 这种社会主义的意识是以贫困（包括绝对贫困和相对贫困）的存在为根基。即便西方发达国家的主流意识形态是资产阶级意识形态，但那里的（空想）社会主义传统仍然十分强大，这个传统是能够与基于科学社会主义的新时代中国特色社会主义产生共情的，毕竟无论是美国梦还是中国梦，最根本的都是要过上好日子。只不过，西方的空想社会主义无法实现，而新时代中国特色社会主义事业正在蒸蒸日上。因此，想过好日子的发展中国家和发达国家的中下层民众都是比较好的共情对象。对于他们，我们是能够讲好中国故事的。

On the other hand, although China’s social being differs from that of other countries, as long as there is a historical developmental connection between these two social beings, China’s story can also be told well. It must be remembered that the social being of England in Marx’s time also differed from that of Germany. But Marx pointed out in the preface to *Capital*, “The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future.” [6]6 The G20 (Group of Twenty) is an international forum for the governments and central bank governors of 19 countries and the European Union, focusing on global economic governance. “If the German reader shrugs his shoulders hypocritically at the condition of English industrial and agricultural workers, or optimistically consoles himself that in Germany things are not nearly so bad, I must tell him plainly: *De te fabula narratur!*” [7]7 “Upstairs, downstairs, electric lights and telephones” (楼上楼下，电灯电话) was a popular slogan in mid-20th century China, used to describe the ideal of a modern, comfortable life under socialism. This means that the English story he told in *Capital* was also the future story of Germany. Therefore, if the story of China’s new form of human civilization is also the story of the future form of other countries and regions, then China’s story can be told well and will no longer be merely an object of curiosity. And the people of other countries, whether or not they are willing to spend effort “reading China’s past and seeing China’s future,” will at least be willing to “understand China’s present” in order to see their own future from it.

另一方面，虽然中国的社会存在与其他国家的社会存在不同，但只要这两个社会存在之间存在历史发展的关联性，中国故事也是可以讲好的。要知道，马克思所处时代的英国的社会存在与德国的社会存在也是不同的。但马克思在《资本论》的序言中指出，“工业较发达的国家向工业较不发达的国家所显示的，只是后者未来的景象。” “如果德国读者看到英国工农业工人所处的境况而伪善地耸耸肩膀，或者以德国的情况远不是那样坏而乐观地自我安慰，那我就要大声地对他说：这正是说的阁下的事情！” 这意味着，他在《资本论》中所讲的英国故事，同时也是未来德国的故事。因此，如果中国的人类文明新形态的故事，也是其他国家和地区未来形态的故事，那么中国故事就是能够讲好的，就不再只是猎奇的对象。而其他国家的民众无论他们是否愿意花精力去“读懂过去的中国、照见未来的中国”，他们至少愿意去“认识现在的中国”，以便从中照见他们自己的未来。

Even if the people of other countries do not believe that China’s social being represents the image of their own future social being, we can still explain historical materialism to illustrate that different social beings in different countries lead to differences in social consciousness, thereby enabling people in other countries to acknowledge that China can have a social consciousness different from theirs, and that they cannot impose their own consciousness on China. This means that while telling China’s story well, we must also tell the stories of other countries well. For example, although we have publicly stated that the Chinese nation is a peace-loving nation, people in some countries still do not believe that China will not seek hegemony after it becomes developed, because their own country’s story is one of capitalist economic development leading to imperialist hegemony. In response, we must make clear that the social consciousness of hegemony is a product of the social being of all exploiting-class societies, because exploitation itself is carried out through hegemony. Conversely, a socialist society eliminates exploitation, eradicates the social being that produces hegemonic consciousness, and thus will only produce a consciousness of opposing hegemony to defend one’s own labor fruits, not a consciousness and behavior of seeking hegemony. The reason Western countries propagate the “China threat theory” is not that China poses a threat to them, but that China hinders them from threatening other countries, including China.

即便其他国家的民众不认为中国的社会存在代表他们未来的社会存在的景象，我们也可以通过阐释唯物史观来说明不同国家的不同社会存在会导致社会意识的差异，进而让其他国家的人们承认中国可以有与他们不同的社会意识，他们不能把自己的意识强加给中国，尽管这意味着在讲好中国故事的同时要讲好他国的故事。例如，尽管我们公开表明中华民族是爱好和平的民族，但一些国家的人们仍然不相信中国发达之后会不称霸，因为他们本国的故事就是资本主义经济发达之后走上帝国主义称霸的故事。对此，我们必须表明，称霸这种社会意识是一切剥削阶级社会的社会存在所导致的产物，因为剥削本身就是依靠霸权进行的。相反地，社会主义社会消灭了剥削，消除了产生霸权意识的社会存在，从而只会产生维护自身劳动果实的反对霸权的意识而不会产生称霸的意识和行为。西方国家之所以宣扬中国威胁论，不是因为中国对他们产生了威胁，而是中国妨碍了他们威胁包括中国在内的其他国家。

Engels once noted two important reasons why Britain lost its customers due to German competition: the British factory owners “(1) do not learn the language of their customers, but demand that their customers speak their language; (2) instead of trying to adapt to the needs, habits, and tastes of their customers, they demand that their customers accommodate to their British ways.” [1]1 Engels, “Protectionism and Free Trade,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 26 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 532. The quotation is from a speech Engels gave in Brussels on January 9, 1848. In the past, during reform and opening up, we learned the language of Western customers, adapted to the needs, habits, and tastes of Western customers, and even told Western stories in China. However, with the development of China’s economy, China has become a major customer for foreign enterprises. From the perspective of their business, they also need to learn our language and adapt to our needs, habits, and tastes. This is the important economic base that enables us to tell China’s story well using Chinese discourse and the Chinese narrative system. One important manifestation of this is that in the past we held export expositions, whereas now we simultaneously hold import expositions.

恩格斯曾经提到由于德国的竞争使英国失去自己的顾客时的两个重要原因在于英国工厂主“（1）你们不学你们的顾客的语言，却要求他们说你们的语言；（2）你们不但不设法适应你们的顾客的需要、习惯和爱好，反而要他们迁就你们英国式的那一套。” 过去，在改革开放时，我们学习西方顾客的语言，适应西方顾客的需要、习惯和爱好，甚至在中国讲西方故事。而随着中国经济的发展，中国成为了国外企业的大顾客，从他们的生意出发，他们也需要学习我们的语言，适应我们的需要、习惯和爱好，这是我们能够用中国话语和中国叙事体系来讲好中国故事的重要的经济基础。其中的一个重要表现是，过去我们召开出口博览会，如今我们同时召开进口博览会。

Some have pointed out that “the agenda-setting of China’s story is still constrained by Western media. Western media not only determine what audiences think about, but also how audiences think.” [2]2 The source of this quotation is not provided in the original text. However, with the development of digital technology and the emergence of new media, the monopoly position of traditional media has been impacted. Audiences have begun to autonomously express what they think about and how they think on new media, although foreign new media also exert some control over this—for example, the accounts of former US President Trump on new media platforms were also blocked. Nevertheless, we can, to some extent, use new media to tell China’s story well. Of course, we must also properly respond to the opposing side’s use of new media to smear China.

有人指出，“中国故事的议程设置仍然受制于西方媒体。西方媒体不仅决定着受众想什么，还决定着受众如何想。” 但是，随着数字技术的发展和新媒体的出现，传统媒体的垄断地位受到冲击，受众们开始在新媒体上自主表达自己想什么，自己如何想，尽管国外新媒体对此也会有所控制，例如美国总统特朗普在新媒体上的账号也遭遇封闭。但我们多少可以利用新媒体来讲好中国故事。当然，也要应对好对立的一面利用新媒体来抹黑中国的做法。

Marx pointed out, “What makes the actual bourgeois most deeply feel the movement of capitalist society full of contradictions is the cyclical fluctuations experienced by modern industry, and the apex of these fluctuations is the general crisis. This crisis is approaching again, although it is still in its preparatory stage; due to the breadth of its stage and the intensity of its effects, it will even force dialectics into the heads of the upstarts of the new Holy Prussian-German Empire.” [3]3 Marx, “Preface to the Second Edition,” Capital, vol. 1 (Penguin Classics, 1990), p. 99. The translation here follows the standard English edition. The movement full of contradictions in the economy inevitably leads to incessant political conflicts and frequent hardships in the lives of the masses. This inevitably makes it difficult for hypocritical Western stories to be sustained for long. As long as our media do not help to embellish Western stories, China’s story can be told well by comparison. In fact, as long as the minds of the people in Western countries are infused with dialectics by reality, they will naturally be able to understand the dialectics-filled Chinese story.

马克思指出，“使实际的资产者最深切地感到资本主义社会充满矛盾的运动的，是现代工业所经历的周期循环的各个变动，而这种变动的顶点就是普遍危机。这个危机又要临头了，虽然它还处于预备阶段；由于它的舞台的广阔和它的作用的强烈，它甚至会把辩证法灌进新的神圣普鲁士德意志帝国的暴发户们的头脑里去。” 经济中充满矛盾的运动，必然导致政治上冲突不断和人民群众生活上的经常困顿，从而必然使得虚伪的西方故事难以长久维系，只要我们的媒体不去帮着修饰西方故事，中国故事在对比下是能够讲好的。事实上，只要西方国家的人民的头脑中被现实灌进了辩证法，他们自然能够理解充满辩证法的中国故事。

Today, China’s story is no longer a purely Chinese story. China’s story is the story of China developing under the world market. The one-sidedness of the nation has been largely eliminated, but not by tilting towards the capitalist world literature. Instead, it has achieved the Two Integrations, [4]4 The Two Integrations (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture. It is a key concept in Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. so that China’s story is not only the story of contemporary Chinese Marxism but also the story of a global 21st-century Marxism. It will inevitably move from China to the world.

如今，中国的故事已经不是纯粹的中国故事，中国故事是世界市场下发展起来的中国的故事，民族的片面性已经在很大程度上消除了，但不是倒向了资本主义世界文学，而是实现了“两个结合”，从而中国故事不仅当代中国马克思主义的故事，也是世界性的21世纪马克思主义的故事。它必将从中国走向世界。

III. Policy Suggestions for Telling China’s Story Well

三、讲好中国故事的对策建议

First, have the courage to acknowledge one’s own excellence. Telling China’s story well and presenting a credible, lovable, and respectable image of China inevitably requires us to showcase China’s advanced aspects. Given that China is unwilling to position itself as a developed country, it is suggested that in public opinion, developing countries be divided into two categories: one is high developing countries, and the other is low developing countries. China should be positioned as a high developing country. This would conveniently reflect our confidence and thereby facilitate telling China’s story well. Of course, to avoid China becoming isolated, consideration could be given to also positioning the BRICS countries [5]5 BRICS is an acronym for an association of five major emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. and some developing countries attending the G20 meetings [6]6 The G20 (Group of Twenty) is an international forum for the governments and central bank governors of 19 countries and the European Union, focusing on global economic governance. as high developing countries. Some might argue that this would split the developing countries and be detrimental to unity. However, international meetings such as the G20 themselves differentiate the importance of different countries in world activities. We are merely acknowledging the objective existence of this differentiation.

第一，勇于承认自己的优秀。讲好中国故事，展现可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象，必然要求我们展现中国先进的一面。在中国不愿意定位自己是发达国家的情况下，建议在舆论上把发展中国家分成两类：一类是高发展中国家，另一类是低发展中国家，并把我国定位为高发展中国家，这样方便体现我们的自信，进而讲好中国故事。当然，为了避免中国成为孤家寡人，可以考虑把金砖国家和出席二十国集团会议的一些发展中国家也都定位到高发展中国家之中。有人也许会认为，这会造成发展中国家分裂，不利于团结，但是二十国集团会议等一些国际会议本身就把不同国家在世界活动中的重要性进行了区分，我们只是承认了这种区分的客观存在。

Positioning ourselves as a high developing country is not a subjective elevation of ourselves, nor is it solely because China’s total economic output ranks among the top in the world. Rather, in objective real life, we indeed possess advanced aspects that Western developed countries do not have. The most typical example is the widespread use of smartphones in daily life; domestically produced smartphones are far ahead of the world in some functions. In some Western countries, there is no smartphone signal in subways, so people can only buy a newspaper or read a book to pass the boring time. Yet some people tout this as high cultural quality because they don’t look at their phones. But in reality, the amount of information on a phone far exceeds that of a thin newspaper or a thick book. Some might ask, is it so hard to acknowledge the excellence of other countries? Then let them first acknowledge China’s excellence. We should, and can, make people in other countries envious by showcasing the digital life of Chinese people, just as we once envied “upstairs, downstairs, electric lights and telephones,” [7]7 “Upstairs, downstairs, electric lights and telephones” (楼上楼下，电灯电话) was a popular slogan in mid-20th century China, used to describe the ideal of a modern, comfortable life under socialism. to tell China’s story well. This can also promote Chinese mobile phone products to better reach the world and boost China’s economy.

我们把自己定位为高发展中国家，并不是在主观上拔高自己，也不仅仅是中国的经济总量位居世界前列，而是在客观的现实生活中，我们的确具有西方发达国家所不具有的先进的一面，最典型的就是智能手机在现实生活中的普遍运用，国产的智能手机在一些功能上遥遥领先于世界。西方一些国家的地铁里没有智能手机信号，只能买一份报纸或看书来打发无聊的时间，却被一些人鼓吹成不看手机是文化素质高。但实际上，手机的信息量远超一份薄薄的报纸和一本厚厚的书。有人会说，承认别国的优秀很难吗？那就让他先承认中国的优秀吧。我们应当而且可以通过表现中国人的数字生活让其他国家人民羡慕，就像我们过去羡慕“楼上楼下，电灯电话”那样，来讲好中国故事。这样还能促进中国的手机产品更好地走向世界，拉动中国经济。

Regarding the monopoly issue of mainstream media and new media in Western countries, it is suggested to adopt an approach similar to “encircling the cities from the rural areas.” [8]8 “Encircling the cities from the rural areas” (农村包围城市) is a strategic concept from the Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary history, referring to the strategy of building base areas in the countryside before capturing the cities. That is, use developing countries to encircle developed countries. We should leverage our economic and technological advantages to build and participate in building various media outlets in other countries. By voicing our views through these media, we can indirectly tell China’s story well to Western countries. Of course, when we have the opportunity to voice our views in Western mainstream media and new media, we should also actively strive for it.

对于西方国家主流媒体和新媒体的垄断问题，建议类似农村包围城市那样，以发展中国家包围发达国家，要利用自身的经济和技术优势，多到其他国家建设和参与建设各类媒体，通过在这些媒体上发声，来迂回地向西方国家讲好中国故事。当然，能够争取在西方国家主流媒体和新媒体上发声时，我们也要积极争取。

Second, be appropriately assertive in international interactions. Telling China’s story well means we can no longer continue to “hide our capabilities and bide our time.” [9]9 “Hide our capabilities and bide our time” (韬光养晦) is a foreign policy principle attributed to Deng Xiaoping, suggesting that China should keep a low profile and focus on domestic development. This is because hiding capabilities and biding time requires concealing one’s social existence, or making others not notice one’s social existence, just like King Goujian of Yue [10]10 King Goujian of Yue (越王勾践, reigned 496–465 BCE) was a ruler in ancient China who, after a humiliating defeat, endured hardships (sleeping on brushwood and tasting gall) to eventually rebuild his strength and defeat his rival, King Fuchai of Wu. who slept on brushwood and tasted gall. Thus, one either does not tell one’s own story, or tells the story in a negative direction to play the pig to eat the tiger. [11]11 “Play the pig to eat the tiger” (扮猪吃老虎) is a Chinese idiom meaning to pretend to be weak or harmless in order to deceive and defeat a stronger opponent. However, other countries are not all as fatuous and incompetent as King Fuchai of Wu. [12]12 King Fuchai of Wu (吴王夫差, reigned 495–473 BCE) was the ruler who defeated King Goujian but was later deceived by Goujian’s feigned submission and ultimately defeated. Being afraid of others’ suppression and not daring to acknowledge one’s own excellence may instead cause one to play the pig and actually become the pig. Obviously, to tell China’s story well, one must make a difference, using one’s own actions to shape one’s own image. Especially to shape a respectable image, one must be chivalrous, daring to uphold fairness and justice. Furthermore, some developing countries and regions are currently suffering from the hegemonic, domineering, and bullying behavior of Western imperialist powers and their proxies. China’s past stories of opposing the “three hegemonic powers” [13]13 “Three hegemonic powers” (三霸) likely refers to the United States, Japan, and another power, but the specific reference is unclear. In the context of the War of Resistance Against Japan and the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea, it may refer to Japan and the United States.—such as the stories of the War of Resistance Against Japan [14]14 The War of Resistance Against Japan (抗日战争, 1937–1945) was the Chinese theater of World War II, fought between the Republic of China and the Empire of Japan. and the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea [15]15 The War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea (抗美援朝, 1950–1953) was the Chinese name for the Korean War, in which the People’s Volunteer Army fought alongside North Korea against UN forces led by the United States.—also have an enlightening effect on these countries and regions with different social existences. Telling these past stories well is also telling China’s story well, and can also present a credible, lovable, and respectable image of China. It is suggested to vigorously export relevant books and films to countries and regions suffering from hegemonic, domineering, and bullying behavior.

第二，在国际交往中适当强势起来。讲好中国故事，意味着我们不能继续韬光养晦。这是因为韬光养晦需要隐藏自己的社会存在，或者让别人注意不到自己的社会存在，就像当年越王勾践卧薪尝胆时一样，从而要么不讲自己的故事，要么把故事往不好的方向去讲以便扮猪吃老虎。但是，其他国家并不都是吴王夫差那样的昏庸之辈，害怕别人打压而不敢承认自己优秀，反而会使自己扮猪成猪的。显然，要讲好中国故事，就必须有所作为，用自己的行动去塑造自己的形象，尤其是要塑造可敬的形象，就必须好打抱不平，敢于维护公平正义。此外，当前一些发展中国家和地区饱受西方帝国主义列强及其代理人的霸权霸道霸凌。中国过去反对“三霸”的故事，如抗日战争和抗美援朝的故事，对他们这些具有不同社会存在的国家和地区也是有启迪作用的。讲好这些过去的故事，也同样是讲好中国故事，同样能够展现可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象。建议向饱受霸权霸道霸凌的国家和地区大力输出相关书籍和影片。

In foreign sports exchanges, we should send more athletes from our advantageous sports abroad to exchange, to showcase our strength. When hiring foreign athletes and coaches, no wage arrears should occur, to avoid damaging the credible image of China. Professional competitions in domestic advantageous sports should invite foreign players, making foreign athletes admire us more, which facilitates telling China’s story well. For domestic disadvantaged sports, we should hire more foreign coaches, and hire fewer or prohibit hiring outstanding foreign athletes, to avoid neglecting the improvement of low-level domestic athletes’ abilities due to the presence of high-level foreign players.

在对外体育交往中，要多派优势项目的体育运动员出国交流，以展现我们的实力。在聘请外国运动员和教练时不能发生欠薪事件，以免破坏可信的中国形象。国内优势项目的职业比赛应当请外援，让外国运动员更加仰慕我们，便于我们讲好中国故事。国内弱势项目应当多请外国教练，少请或禁止请外国优秀运动员，以免有了高水平外援，对于低水平的国内运动员就不在乎其能力的提高了。

We should make full use of export expositions and import expositions to tell China’s story well. On the export side, encourage Chinese enterprises to develop products with Chinese characteristics, showcasing China’s lovable image; on the import side, guide foreign businesses to develop products with Chinese elements to attract the Chinese public, thereby motivating foreign businesses to actively seek out Chinese stories to better understand and know China, in order to be close to their customers.

要充分利用出口博览会和进口博览会讲好中国故事。在出口方面鼓励中国企业开发具有中国特色的产品，展现中国可爱形象；在进口方面引导外商开发具有中国元素的产品以吸引中国民众，进而激励外商为亲近他们的顾客而主动地寻求中国故事来更好地认识和理解中国。

For international students coming to China, the study of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era must be arranged. If Chinese people go to the United States to study, they will study famous speeches by important figures in American history. So, when foreigners come to China to study, is it not also appropriate for them to learn the latest achievements in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times? This does not force them to identify with our social consciousness; it merely requires them to understand it, and this is precisely the key to enabling them to comprehend China’s story.

对来华留学生，必须安排习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的学习。如果中国人到美国去留学，会学习美国历史上一些重要人物的著名讲话，那么外国人到中国来留学，学习一下马克思主义中国化的最新成果，不也是应该的吗？这并不是强迫他们认同我们的社会意识，只是要求他们了解而已，而这恰恰是让他们理解中国故事的关键所在。

Chinese-language examinations and foreign-language examinations based on Chinese discourse and Chinese narrative systems should be established. Domestically, returned overseas students recruited into the civil service and public institutions must pass the Chinese-language examination, while those sent abroad for study or as visiting scholars by the state must pass the foreign-language examination. If our own personnel engaged in foreign exchanges cannot tell China’s story, how can they tell China’s story well in the course of such exchanges?

要开设基于中国话语和中国叙事体系的中文考试和外语考试。国内招募归国留学人员进入公务员和事业单位，必须通过其中的中文考试，而公派出国留学人员或访问学者，则必须通过其中的外语考试。如果我们自己的对外交流人员都讲不了中国故事，又如何在对外交流中讲好中国故事呢？

Third, focus on telling the story of China in the New Era. Engels, when discussing German folk storybooks, once pointed out: “If we can rightly demand that the content of folk storybooks be rich in poetry, full of wit, and morally pure, and that German folk storybooks possess a healthy, genuine German spirit—that is, characteristics common to all eras—then we also have the right to demand that folk storybooks adapt to their own era; otherwise, they cease to be folk storybooks. … It goes without saying that folk storybooks are incompatible with customs of olden times that today appear meaningless or even erroneous.” [16]16 Engels, “German Folk Books,” in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), pp. 327-328. The translation here follows the Chinese text’s rendering of the passage. Foreigners may have a sense of curiosity about traditional Chinese stories of kings, generals, ministers, and young ladies from noble families, but this does not help form in their minds an image of China that is credible, lovable, and respectable. To tell China’s story well, one must tell the story of today’s “Two Integrations.” [17]17 The “Two Integrations” (两个结合) refers to the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of China’s traditional culture, a key theoretical formulation under Xi Jinping Thought. Although the model operas that emerged during the Cultural Revolution had various problems, their approach of using traditional Chinese opera forms and Western ballet forms to express the spirit of the Chinese era is worthy of affirmation. Of course, the spirit of our era today differs from the spirit of the era during the Cultural Revolution. This requires us to create more works in various art forms that express the spirit of China in the New Era, and to primarily perform these works.

第三，着力讲好新时代中国的故事。恩格斯曾经在谈到德国民间故事书时指出，“如果我们可以正当地要求民间故事书内容应富有诗意、饶有谐趣和道德的纯洁，要求德国民间故事书具有健康的、真实的德意志精神，即具有一切时代所共有的特点，那么，我们也还有权要求民间故事书适应自己的时代，否则它就不成其为民间的了。……不言而喻，民间故事书对那些在今天看来毫无意义或者甚至是错误的旧时代的习俗是不相容的。” 外国人也许会对中国传统的王侯将相和公子小姐的故事有猎奇心，但这并不能有助于在他们心里形成可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象。要讲好中国故事，就要讲好今天的“两个结合”的故事。在文化大革命中出现的样板戏虽然有这样那样的问题，但它用中国传统戏曲形式和西方芭蕾舞剧形式表现中国时代精神的做法是值得肯定的。当然，我们今天的时代精神与文化大革命中的时代精神是有区别的，这要求我们在各种艺术形式上创作更多表现新时代中国精神的作品，并且主要演出这些作品。

When telling the story of China in the New Era, one must maintain a global vision. In this way, it becomes possible to identify points of convergence with the interests of foreign countries and to spread China’s voice effectively. In fact, some international initiatives proposed by General Secretary Xi Jinping, such as the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative, have all accurately identified points of convergence between Chinese and foreign interests. Telling these initiatives well, and telling well the efforts China has made to implement them, is precisely how to tell the story of China in the New Era.

在讲好新时代中国故事的时候，要坚持胸怀天下。这样就能找准与国外利益的契合点，传播好中国声音。事实上，习近平总书记提出的一些国际倡议，如全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议等，都找准了中外利益的契合点。讲好这些倡议，讲好中国为落实这些倡议而做出的努力，也就是讲好新时代中国故事。

Fourth, tell the story of socialism well. To tell China’s story well, one must tell well the distinction between socialism and capitalism. An important reason we are subjected to criticism is that Western countries, with the petty-mindedness of capitalism, measure the socialist China in their own terms. Only by correcting the distortion of socialism in mainstream Western public opinion can we correct the distorted perceptions of Chinese people in the minds of Westerners.

第四，讲好社会主义的故事。讲好中国故事，必须讲好社会主义与资本主义的区别。我们挨骂的一个重要原因，是西方国家以资本主义的小人之心度社会主义中国之腹。只有纠正西方主流舆论对社会主义的歪曲，才能纠正中国人在西方人心中的扭曲观念。

In his later years, Engels once worried that if China followed the capitalist path like Western Europe, it would lead a vast population to lose their means of production and be forced to emigrate en masse, thereby bringing disaster to the labor markets of Europe and America. This was because Chinese emigration would no longer have the Americas and Australia available for colonization, as Western European emigration had. In a letter to the Russian Danielson, he wrote: “The last new market is China, and the opening of this market can temporarily restore prosperity to British trade. Hence British capital is straining every nerve to build railways in China. But Chinese railways mean the destruction of the entire basis of the Chinese small peasant economy and domestic industry; and since there is not even a large Chinese industry to provide a counterbalance, hundreds of millions of people will be placed in a situation where they cannot survive. The consequence will be emigration on a scale the world has never seen, and the detestable Chinese will flood America, Asia, and Europe, and compete on the labor market, at the Chinese standard of living—the lowest in the world—with the workers of America, Australia, and Europe; if the entire production system of Europe has not changed by then, it will have to change then.” [18]18 Engels to Nikolai Danielson, September 22, 1892, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Collected Works*, vol. 49 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 2001), pp. 534-535. The translation here follows the Chinese text’s rendering of the passage. It was precisely the establishment of New China, and precisely the socialist system of New China, that ensured the vast majority of the Chinese people possessed the means of production, thereby avoiding the large-scale emigration and colonial wars that occurred when Western Europe first embarked on the capitalist path, and averting the worldwide disaster Engels feared. However, many people, both Chinese and foreign, are unclear about this “contribution” of New China. What the socialist social being can bring to the world is something difficult for people confined to the capitalist social being to understand. This is precisely the difficulty in telling China’s story well, and it is also the point where telling China’s story well should achieve a breakthrough.

恩格斯晚年曾经担心中国像西欧那样走上资本主义道路，会导致大量人口失去生产资料而不得不向外大量移民，从而给欧美的劳动力市场带来灾难。这是因为，中国的对外移民不再会像西欧的对外移民那样有美洲和澳洲可供殖民。他在给俄国人丹尼尔逊的信中写道：“最后一个新的市场是中国，这一市场的开辟可以使英国的贸易暂时恢复繁荣。因此，英国资本极力要修建中国的铁路。但是，中国的铁路意味着中国小农经济和家庭工业的整个基础的破坏；由于那里甚至没有中国的大工业来予以平衡，亿万居民将陷于无法生存的境地。其后果将是出现世界上从未有过的大规模移民，可憎的中国人将充斥美洲、亚洲和欧洲，并将在劳动市场上以中国的生活水准即世界上最低的生活水准，同美洲、澳洲和欧洲的工人展开竞争；如果在那之前欧洲的整个生产体系还没有发生改变，到那时也必定要发生改变。” 正是新中国的建立，正是新中国的社会主义制度保证了广大中国人民拥有生产资料，从而没有像西欧刚刚走上资本主义道路之时那样向外大量移民和发动殖民战争，避免了恩格斯所担心的世界性灾难。但是，对新中国的这个“贡献”，许多中外民众是不清楚的。社会主义的社会存在能够给世界带来什么，是局限于资本主义社会存在的人们很难理解的，这正是讲好中国故事的难度所在，也是讲好中国故事应当加以突破的地方。

Online editor: Paul

网络编辑：保罗