History-Making: A Perspective on Social Mechanisms

The people are the makers of history and the decisive force driving social development—this is a fundamental tenet of Marxism. As practice deepens and understanding evolves, under the new historical circumstances of the New Era, to thoroughly grasp the principle that the people are the makers of history, we need to adopt the analytical perspective of “social mechanisms” and thereby propose the category of “mechanisms of history-making.” “So-called mechanisms refer to the principles and modes of interaction among the elements constituting a system, as well as the comprehensive effects produced by these elements within a certain ‘field of relations.’” The mechanisms of history-making reveal and affirm the inner logic and modes of the historical creative activity of the masses. Viewing the historical creative activity of the masses from the perspective of social mechanisms can be said to represent a breakthrough in understanding history-making as a fundamental human practical activity. Because mechanisms themselves possess characteristics and functions such as endogeneity, directionality, holism, causality, and regulatory capacity, they enable us, on the basis of a full grasp of the question of “what” the principle that the people are the makers of history is, to also gain profound insight into the question of “how” this principle operates. From the perspective of the mechanisms of history-making, the historical creative activity of the masses is not arbitrary, chaotic, or even unfathomable; it is precisely the existence of social mechanisms that ensures the directionality, continuity, and stability of making history and advancing history. Once the mechanisms of history-making are generated, when difficulties or problems arise in the practical process of making history, they can autonomously seek out the pathological factors or issues affecting historical creation and exert their function of overcoming and governing them. Based on the specific methods of the masses in making history and the relevant key links involved, and given the high degree of generality, universality, and representation of causal chains inherent in social mechanisms themselves, generally speaking, in the process of making history, there mainly exist six major mechanisms: the practice mechanism, the interest mechanism, the goodness-seeking mechanism, the organizational mechanism, the resultant-force mechanism, and the exchange-and-mutual-learning mechanism.

人民是历史的创造者，是推动社会发展的决定力量，这是马克思主义的基本观点。随着实践的发展和认识的深化，在新的时代背景下，我们要深入把握人民是历史的创造者原理，就需要借助“社会机制”的分析视角，并由此提出“创造历史的机制”范畴。“所谓机制，是指构成系统的诸要素间相互作用的原理、方式及诸多要素在一定的‘关系场’中所产生的综合效用”。创造历史的机制是对人民群众历史创造活动的内在机理与方式的揭示与肯定。从社会机制的视角观照人民群众的历史创造活动，可以说是对历史创造这一人类基本的实践活动所获得的一种突破性的认识。由于机制本身所具有的内生性、方向性、整体性、因果性、调控性等特点和功能，使我们在对人民是历史的创造者原理“是什么”这一问题予以充分把握的基础上，又对这一原理所蕴含的“怎么样”之类的问题获得了深刻的认知。从创造历史机制的视角看，人民大众的历史创造活动，并非随心所欲、杂乱无章甚至不可捉摸，正是社会机制的存在才确保了创造历史、推动历史前进的方向性、持续性和稳定性，因为创造历史的机制一旦生成，当创造历史的实践进程出现了困难或问题时，它就能够自觉搜寻到影响历史创造的病态因素或问题，并发挥其克服治理的功能。根据人民群众创造历史的具体做法以及涉及到的相关重要环节，基于社会机制自身所具有的高度概括性、普适性以及对因果性链条的表征，一般而言，在创造历史的进程中，主要存在着实践机制、利益机制、向善机制、组织机制、合力机制、交流互鉴机制等六大机制。

The Practice Mechanism of History-Making

创造历史的实践机制

“History is nothing but the activity of man pursuing his aims.”[2]2 Samuel P. Huntington (1927–2008), American political scientist, author of *The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order*.295 Marx’s assertion tells us that the understanding of social history must start from “human activity” and adhere to the primacy of practice. From the perspective of the Marxist view of practice, the masses’ creation of social history is carried out in practice. In other words, history-making itself is a kind of practical creation. Without practice, history-making becomes an illusory, mystical phenomenon. There is an inherent unity among the masses, social practice, and social history. The Marxist view of practice profoundly reveals that in the process of the people making history, there exists a fundamental mechanism—the practice mechanism—which is the foundational mechanism of the people making history. The practice mechanism of history-making reveals and affirms the dominant position, foundational role, and inner logic of social practice in the creation of social history. The role of the practice mechanism in history-making lies in: First, the basic pathway for creating social history is social practice; it is on the stage of social practice that magnificent historical dramas are continuously performed. Social practice objectifies the essential powers of human beings into the reality of historical existence, turning practice into historical practice, presenting the extensiveness and expansiveness of history; it turns history into history within practice, allowing the effects and problems of practice to be seen in history—or, in other words, as practice is, so history is. Second, practice provides the basic conditions of life for people’s historical creation. “Men must be in a position to live in order to be able to ‘make history.’ But life involves before everything else eating and drinking, a habitation, clothing and many other things. The first historical act is thus the production of the means to satisfy these needs, the production of material life itself. And indeed this is an historical act, a fundamental condition of all history, which today, as thousands of years ago, must daily and hourly be fulfilled merely in order to sustain human life.” Marx’s assertion tells us that only when people’s basic survival needs are met can they make history, and the satisfaction of survival needs can, of course, only be accomplished through productive practice. The people making history is actually the creation of their own history of survival, pursuing a historical existence. So-called historical existence, for an individual, refers to a lifelong or lifetime existence; for humanity, it refers to generational existence. This historical existence is realized precisely on the basis of productive practice. Of course, practice both advances history and hinders or damages historical progress, because practice has dual positive and negative effects.

“历史不过是追求着自己目的的人的活动而已”[2]295。马克思的论断告诉我们，对社会历史的认识，必须从“人的活动”入手，要坚持实践第一的观点。在马克思主义实践观看来，人民群众对社会历史的创造，是在实践中进行的。抑或说，历史创造本身就是一种实践创造。离开了实践，历史创造就成了虚幻的、神秘的现象。在人民群众、社会实践和社会历史之间具有内在的统一性。马克思主义的实践观就深刻揭示了在人民创造历史的进程中，存在着一种根本的机制即实践机制——这是人民创造历史的基础性机制。创造历史的实践机制，是对社会实践在社会历史创造中的支配性地位、基础性作用及其机理的揭示与肯定。实践机制之于历史创造的作用在于：其一，创造社会历史的基本途径是社会实践，正是在社会实践的舞台上持续上演着威武雄壮的历史大剧。社会实践把人的本质力量对象化成了现实的历史存在，使实践成为了历史性的实践，呈现出了历史的伸张性、延展性；使历史成为了实践中的历史，在历史中能看到实践的成效和问题，或者说，实践是怎样的，历史就是怎样的。其二，实践为人们的历史创造提供着基本的生活条件。“人们为了能够‘创造历史’，必须能够生活。但是为了生活，首先就需要吃喝住穿以及其他一些东西。因此第一个历史活动就是生产满足这些需要的资料，即生产物质生活本身，而且，这是人们从几千年前直到今天单是为了维持生活就必须每日每时从事的历史活动，是一切历史的基本条件”。马克思的论断告诉我们，只有满足了人们基本的生存需要，人们才能创造历史，而生存需要的满足当然只能通过生产实践来完成。人民创造历史实际上是创造自己生存的历史，追求的是历史性的生存。所谓历史性生存，就个体而言，是指一生性或一辈子的生存；就人类而言，是指世代性生存。这种历史性生存，正是基于生产实践来实现的。当然，实践既推动着历史前进，也阻碍或损害着历史进步，因为实践具有正负双重效应。

The practice mechanism of history-making reveals the two-way interactive process of the historicization of the people and the popularization of history that occurs on the basis of practice. So-called historicization of the people refers to the process in which the masses, on the premise of mastering historical knowledge and following historical laws, permeate and transform their will and aspirations into social history, and cultivate themselves into the qualified subjects required by historical progress. So-called popularization of history refers to the positive, progressive changes in social history that occur on the basis of human practical activity, as hoped for or demanded by the broad masses—the permeation and transformation of social history into the survival and development of the broad masses through functions such as support, service, and guarantee. The historicization of the people and the popularization of history are actually realized through their respective affirmative and negative pathways. In the practice of the historicization of the people, the affirmative aspect refers to the broad masses’ mastery of historical knowledge, their adherence to historical laws, and their recognition of historical constraints; the negative aspect refers to the broad masses’ restraint of their own essential forces in accordance with historical laws, and within this restraint, they are compelled to continuously approach or assume the appropriate identity and role required by history-making, and to bear the corresponding historical responsibilities. It is through this affirmation and negation that the broad masses continuously adjust and pursue a reasonable relationship between themselves and social history. This affirmation and negation also highlights the initiative and passivity of the masses in making history. Regarding passivity, the masses do not make history arbitrarily; their historical creative activity is constrained by a series of conditions, such as economic conditions, political conditions, and spiritual-cultural conditions.

创造历史的实践机制揭示了在实践基础上所发生的人民的历史化和历史的人民化的双向互动过程。所谓人民的历史化，是指人民群众在掌握历史知识、遵循历史规律的前提下，把自己的意志愿望向社会历史进行渗透转化的过程，并把自己培养成为历史进步所要求的合格的主体。所谓历史的人民化，是指社会历史在人的实践活动基础上发生的对广大人民而言所希望或所要求的积极的、进步的变化，是社会历史以支持、服务、保障等功能而向广大人民的生存和发展的渗透与转化。人民的历史化和历史的人民化，实际上是通过各自的肯定和否定途径实现的。在人民的历史化实践中，肯定的一面是指广大人民对历史知识的掌握、对历史规律的遵循、对历史制约性的认可；否定的一面是指广大民众依据历史规律而对自身本质力量的一种约束，并在这种约束中迫使自己不断趋近或承担历史创造所要求的合适的身份与角色，并担负起相应的历史责任。广大人民正是在这种肯定和否定中不断调整和追求着一种自身与社会历史的合理关系。这种肯定和否定也彰显了人民群众创造历史的主动性和受动性，就受动性而言，人民群众创造历史并非随意的，其历史创造活动要受到一系列条件的制约，如要受到经济条件、政治条件、精神文化条件等的制约。

In the practice of the popularization of history, from the perspective of human value, the affirmative aspect mainly manifests in two forms: affirmation of positive effects and affirmation of negative effects. Regarding the affirmation of positive effects in the popularization of history, social history is, in fact, the history of the survival and development of the broad masses as the main body; the activities of the broad masses striving for survival and development constitute the main content of social history, which sufficiently proves or reflects the significant importance of social history for human survival and development. Affirmation of negative effects refers to social history punishing people’s improper creative behavior through iron laws, forcibly affirming its own existence and function in a negative way, compelling people to carry out scientific and reasonable creation on the premise of following historical laws and overcoming willfulness and arbitrariness. This affirmation of negative effects also forces people to properly handle the relationship between themselves and social history; in the face of social history, they can neither be passively inactive nor act rashly, nor can they reverse the direction of historical progress and go against the tide of history. The negative aspect of the popularization of history refers to social history continuously entering the realm of human cognition and practice, thereby becoming a “de-objectified” existence relative to the people’s creative practice. In this process of de-objectification of social history relative to the people, social history eliminates its mystery, unfathomability, and disorder for the broad masses. The high degree of unity between the masses and social history is realized precisely through the interaction of the historicization of the people and the popularization of history.

在历史的人民化实践中，基于人的价值视角而言，肯定的一面主要表现为两种：正效应的肯定和负效应的肯定。就历史的人民化的正效应肯定来看，社会历史其实是以广大人民为主体的生存与发展的历史，广大人民争取生存和发展的活动构成了社会历史的主要内容，这就足以证明或反映着社会历史对于人的生存和发展所具有的重要意义。负效应的肯定，是指社会历史通过铁的规律对人的不当的创造行为进行惩罚，以一种反面的方式强制性的肯定着自己的存在和作用，迫使人们在遵循历史规律、克服任性妄为的前提下务必要开展一种科学合理的创造。这种负效应的肯定同样迫使人们要处理好自身与社会历史之间的关系，在社会历史面前既不能消极无为，也不能轻举妄动，更不能扭转历史进步的方向，逆历史潮流而动。历史人民化的否定的一面，是指社会历史不断进入人的认识和实践领域，从而成为人民创造实践的“非对象化”存在，在这种社会历史相对于人民而言的非对象化的过程中，社会历史消除着其对广大人民而言的神秘性、不可捉摸性、无序性。人民群众与社会历史的高度统一，正是在这种人民的历史化和历史的人民化的相互作用中实现的。

The Interest Mechanism of History-Making

创造历史的利益机制

“All that people strive for is related to their interests.” This actually indicates that there is an interest mechanism or interest-driven mechanism in the process of historical creation. The interest mechanism reveals and affirms the important role played by the needs and interest factors of the broad masses in the activity of historical creation. The interest mechanism expresses the fundamental driving role of needs and interests in historical creation. Within the perspective of the interest mechanism, the reason why the masses create history is because social history is permeated with and embodies the interests of the broad masses. In a certain sense, social history is actually a river of interests, a history of striving for and safeguarding the interests of the people. Thus, when the masses create history, they are actually creating or realizing the history of their own interests. We must grasp or view the major theoretical topic of the people creating history from the perspective of the people’s interests; it is impossible to avoid the “keyword” of “the people’s interests,” otherwise the activity of the people creating history would be incomprehensible. From the perspective of the interest mechanism, it is precisely the key element of interest that closely links the masses with the activity of historical creation, enabling millions upon millions of the masses to actively throw themselves into the torrent of creating history. The practice of creating history requires not only sweat but also blood, and even the sacrifice of life. This is entirely the result of the interest-driven mechanism. Interests provide a powerful and continuous driving force for the people’s activity of historical creation; they possess the great power to organize and mobilize the masses. Interests are the best teacher, the best organizer and mobilizer, because only interests can stir the heartstrings, stimulate people’s will, and arouse people’s enthusiasm and strength for creating history.

“人们奋斗所争取的一切，都同他们的利益有关”。这实际上表明，在历史的创造进程中存在着利益机制或利益驱动机制。利益机制是对广大民众的需要和利益因素在历史创造活动中所发挥的重要作用的揭示与肯定。利益机制表达的是需要和利益对于历史创造所具有的根本驱动作用。在利益机制的视阈内，人民群众之所以要创造历史，是因为在社会历史中渗透和体现着广大人民的利益，在某种意义上说，社会历史，其实是利益的长河，是争取和维护人民利益的历史。这样，人民群众创造历史，实际上是创造或实现着自己利益的历史。我们要从人民利益的角度把握或看待人民创造历史这一重大理论话题，不可能避开“人民利益”这一“关键词”，否则人民创造历史的活动是不可理解的。在利益机制看来，正是利益这一关键要素，才将人民群众和历史创造活动紧密联系了起来，才使得千百万人民群众积极投身于创造历史的洪流中去。创造历史的实践既要流汗，还要流血，甚至要付出生命。这完全是利益驱动机制使然，利益为人民的历史创造活动提供着强大的源源不断的动力，它具有组织发动人民群众的伟力。利益是最好的老师，是最好的组织者、发动者，因为只有利益才能拨动心弦、激发人们的意志，唤起人们创造历史的积极性和力量。

In a certain sense, there are two specific situations in historical creation: maintenance creation during the stage of quantitative change and transformative creation during the stage of qualitative change. It is in these two situations that the key driving role of needs and interests is highlighted. Under normal circumstances or most of the time, historical creation is maintenance creation that occurs on the basis of production practice, including material production and spiritual production. So, why do people engage in production practice activities? This is because production practice, especially material production practice, is the basic means of satisfying human needs. Humans have natural, objective needs. How are these needs to be satisfied? Only through practical activity. Practice is the basic means of solving the problem of satisfying human needs. Thus, the tension between needs and their satisfaction drives people to continuously engage in production and creation—and this production and creation becomes the practical mechanism of historical creation. As Marx pointed out: “Labour, this life-activity, this productive life itself, is for man only a means of satisfying a need, the need to maintain physical existence.” [1]1 The "three global initiatives" refer to the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative, proposed by Xi Jinping. This kind of maintenance creation constitutes the quantitative change form of historical creation, embodying the driving role of needs and interests.

在某种意义上说，历史创造存在着两种具体的情形：处于量变阶段的维持性创造和处于质变阶段的变革性创造，正是在这两种情形中凸显着需要和利益的关键驱动作用。历史创造在一般情况下或大多数时候，都是在生产实践包括物质生产和精神生产基础上所发生的维持性创造。那么，人们为什么要开展生产实践活动？这是因为生产实践特别是物质生产实践是满足人的需要的基本手段。人有天然的、客观的需要，如何满足这种需要呢？只能通过实践活动，实践是解决人的需要之满足问题的基本手段，这样，需要及其满足张力就驱动着人们不间断地从事生产创造——而这种生产创造也就成为了历史创造的实践机制。正如马克思所指出的：“劳动这种生命活动、这种生产生活本身对人来说不过是满足一种需要即维持肉体生存的需要的一种手段”。这种维持性创造，构成了历史创造的量变形式，体现着需要和利益的驱动作用。

Precisely because the interest mechanism exists, if people’s needs cannot be effectively met or their interests cannot be normally realized in the process of creating and developing social history—or, in other words, when the majority of social members cannot survive—it will induce social crises and social change events. This kind of social change has two forms: social revolution and social reform. Social change, especially social revolution, is an important means of realizing interests. In special periods of social historical development, such as the late or final period of a historical dynasty, due to intensified conflicts and increasingly fierce struggles between different strata or groups, social production, including spiritual production and population production, suffers great destruction. The broad masses, especially the working people, struggle on the brink of death. At this time, the existing social history cannot satisfy the needs of the broad masses, including basic material needs. People suffering from hunger and cold will carry out social change, including social revolutionary activities. The creation of social history then enters a violent stage of qualitative change. As Engels pointed out: “This revolution is inevitable in England, but, like all events in England, it will be begun and carried through for interests, not for principles; only interests can develop into principles.” [2]2 Samuel P. Huntington (1927–2008), American political scientist, author of *The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order*. Engels revealed the interest incentive behind revolution: “The struggle between the landed aristocracy and the bourgeoisie was, just like the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, waged primarily for economic interests, and political power was merely a means of realizing economic interests.” [3]3 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022, at which Xi Jinping delivered a report outlining the Party's guiding principles for the next five years. Similarly, social reform is also an important means of solving the problem of blocked interests. When certain factors within the social system, such as institutions, systems, guidelines, or policies, harm the interests of the broad masses, it is necessary to overcome them through measures like reform. The core orientation of social reform is to remove various factors and forces that hinder and infringe upon the interests of the broad masses, so that the needs of the broad masses can be better met and their interests better realized. Deng Xiaoping pointed out: “The nature of reform is the same as that of the past revolution; it is also to remove obstacles to the development of social productive forces and to lift China out of poverty and backwardness.” [4]4 "resultant force" (合力): A concept from physics (vector sum of forces) used metaphorically in Marxist theory to describe the overall outcome of interacting social forces, as elaborated by Engels.

正由于存在着利益机制，所以在社会历史的创造发展中，如果人的需求无法有效满足、人的利益无法正常实现的时候，或者说，当大多数社会成员都无法生存下去的时候，就会诱发社会危机和社会变革事件。这种社会变革在形式上有两种：社会革命和社会改革。社会变革特别是社会革命是实现利益的重要手段。在社会历史发展的特殊时期，如在某一历史王朝的晚期或末期，由于矛盾冲突加剧、不同阶层或群体间的斗争日趋激烈，社会生产包括社会的精神生产、人口生产等遭到极大破坏，广大民众特别是劳动群众挣扎在死亡线上，这个时候，现存的社会历史就无法满足广大民众的需求包括基本的物质性需求了，饥寒交迫的人们就要进行社会变革包括社会革命活动了，社会历史的创造于是就进入到了剧烈的质变阶段。正如恩格斯所指出的：“这个革命在英国是不可避免的，但是正像英国发生的一切事件一样，这个革命的开始和进行将是为了利益，而不是为了原则，只有利益能够发展成为原则”。恩格斯揭示了革命背后的利益诱因：“土地占有制和资产阶级之间的斗争，正如资产阶级和无产阶级之间的斗争一样，首先是为了经济利益而进行的，政治权力不过是用来实现经济利益的手段”[4]305。同样，社会改革也是解决利益受阻问题的重要手段。当社会系统中的某种或某些因素如制度体制、方针政策等损害了广大人民的利益时，就需要通过改革等做法予以克服，社会改革的核心取向就是要破除阻碍和侵害人民利益的种种因素和力量，使广大人民的需要能够得到更好满足、利益得到更好实现。邓小平指出：“改革的性质同过去的革命一样，也是为了扫除发展社会生产力的障碍，使中国摆脱贫穷落后的状态”。

In the great struggle of uniting and leading the Chinese people in the creation of the history of the Chinese nation, a key reason for the success of our Party is that it grasped the code of the masses creating history—the interest mechanism. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The basic principle of Marxism-Leninism is to make the masses recognize their own interests and unite to fight for their own interests.” [5]5 Acemoglu and Robinson, *Why Nations Fail*, p. 431. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: “We take the people’s aspiration for a better life as our goal of struggle, precisely in order to gather the mighty force to jointly realize the Chinese Dream.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution" (1917). The Communist Party of China always represents the fundamental interests of the broadest majority of the people. It must deeply understand the needs of the masses and guide them to fully recognize their true interests, organizing and mobilizing them to realize their own interests through their own struggle. During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, our Party stood on the side of the masses, using their immediate interests to stimulate the enthusiasm of the people, especially the vast peasantry, such as through overthrowing the local tyrants and distributing the land. [7]7 "A heap of loose sand" (一盘散沙) is a Chinese idiom describing a state of disunity and lack of organization. This inspired the vast peasantry to firmly follow the Party, making them the main force in overthrowing old China and establishing New China. Mao Zedong pointed out: “All the practical problems in the lives of the masses are issues we should pay attention to. If we pay attention to these problems, solve them, and satisfy the needs of the masses, we will truly become organizers of the masses’ lives, and the masses will truly rally around us and warmly support us.” [8]8 "Sifts through the waves" (大浪淘沙) is a Chinese idiom meaning that time and events test people, washing away the weak and leaving the strong. Therefore, to understand and grasp the mechanism of the masses creating history, we must firmly safeguard the immediate interests of the masses in practice, and always care for and serve them from the fundamental perspective of interests.

在团结带领中国人民进行中华民族历史创造的伟大斗争中，我们党之所以能取得成功，一个关键原因，就是掌握了人民群众创造历史的密码——利益机制。毛泽东指出：“马克思列宁主义的基本原则，就是要使群众认识自己的利益，并且团结起来，为自己的利益而奋斗”。习近平总书记强调：“我们把人民对美好生活的向往作为奋斗目标，就是为了凝聚起同心共筑中国梦的磅礴力量”[7]94-95。中国共产党始终代表最广大人民根本利益，必须深入了解群众需求并引导群众充分认识自己的真正利益，组织发动群众通过自己的奋斗来实现自身利益。在新民主主义革命时期，我们党站在人民群众的一边，用切身利益激发他们特别是广大农民的积极性，如打土豪、分田地，从而激发广大农民坚定跟党走，使广大农民成为了推翻旧中国、建立新中国的主要力量。毛泽东指出：“一切群众的实际生活问题，都是我们应当注意的问题。假如我们对这些问题注意了，解决了，满足了群众的需要，我们就真正成了群众生活的组织者，群众就会真正围绕在我们的周围，热烈地拥护我们”[8]137。所以，认识和掌握人民群众创造历史的机制，就要在实践中坚定维护人民群众的切身利益，时刻从利益的根本角度关心和服务他们。

The Mechanism of Historical Creation Tending Toward Goodness

创造历史的趋善机制

The mechanism of practice expresses the question of the means of historical creation, the mechanism of interest expresses the question of the driving force of historical creation, and the mechanism of tending toward the good or moving toward the good expresses the question of the direction of historical creation. The movement of social history is divided into two directions in terms of orientation: one is forward, upward movement or positive, progressive change; the other is backward, downward movement or negative, anti-progressive change. The mechanism of tending toward the good is a revelation, affirmation, and pursuit of the positive, progressive direction of movement within historical change, and a strict constraint on the value orientation of the people's activity of creating history. From the perspective of the mechanism of tending toward the good, within the creation of social history, there exists a game and struggle between two forces: one is the positive, progressive force, and the other is the negative, anti-progressive force. These two forces always exist within the historical process of society, interdependent, interacting, and mutually transforming. When the advanced force occupies the dominant position, social history manifests progressive change; when the backward or even reactionary force occupies the dominant position, social history manifests stagnation or even regression. The two directions of change revealed by the mechanism of tending toward the good essentially require that people's activities in creating history must stand on the side of historical correctness and human progress, must conform to the general direction of social advance, and must not go against the tide of history. If one fundamentally violates the trend and direction of human progress, such creation is a kind of evil creation; the greater its creative power, the greater its harm.

实践机制表达的是历史创造的手段问题，利益机制表达的是历史创造的动力问题，趋善或向善机制表达的则是历史创造的方向问题。社会历史的运动在方向上分为两种：一种是向前、向上的运动或积极的、进步的变化；一种是向后、向下的运动或消极的、反进步的变化。向善机制就是对历史变化中的积极的、前进性的运动方向的一种揭示、肯定和追求，是对人民创造历史活动的一种价值方向方面的严格约束。在向善机制看来，在社会历史创造中，存在着两种力量要素的博弈和斗争，一种是积极的、进步的力量，一种是消极的、反进步的力量。这两种力量要素始终存在于社会历史进程中，相互依存、相互作用、相互转化。当先进的力量要素居于主导地位时，社会历史就呈现出前进性的变化；当落后的甚至反动的力量要素居于主导地位时，社会历史就呈现出停滞甚至倒退的变化。向善机制所显示的两种变化方向，实则要求人们的历史创造活动一定要站在历史正确的一边、人类进步的一边，要符合社会前进的大方向，不可逆历史潮流而动。如果在根本上违背了人类进步的趋势和方向，这样的创造就是一种恶的创造，其创造力越大，其危害就越大。

Historical creation does not advance along a single direction, nor does it merely tread a smooth and straight golden path; rather, it is often carried out in a complex, changeable, and uncertain environment. This complexity or uncertainty means that the direction of the activity of creating history has two possibilities: forward, upward change and backward, downward change. Although the activity of the broad masses of the people in creating history is, in its mainstream and general direction, forward and upward change, this by no means excludes the possibility of regressive, downward, and reactionary change occurring within a specific temporal and spatial scope of historical development. For example, during the Second World War, a phenomenon of overall fascistization appeared in some countries. Thus, historical creation is actually a complex social movement.

历史创造并非沿着一个方向前进，也绝非仅仅走一条平坦如砥的金光大道，而是常常在一种复杂多变且不确定的环境下进行的。这种复杂性或不确定性就使得创造历史的活动在方向上存在着向前向上的变化和向后向下的变化两种可能。虽然广大民众创造历史的活动在主流和大方向上是前进的向上的变化，但绝不排除在历史发展的某一特定时空范围内出现了向下向后的反动性变化，如第二次世界大战期间，在一些国家就出现了整体性的法西斯化的现象。因而历史创造实际上是一种复杂的社会运动。

The mechanism of tending toward the good in historical creation requires that to achieve historical progress, a strong unity of conformity with objective laws and conformity with subjective purposes must be upheld. That is to say, what is called tending toward the good must be grasped not only from the perspective of the historical subject, such as the wishes, purposes, and interests of the majority of people, but also from the perspective of objective historical laws. Engels pointed out: "The historical process is governed by inherent general laws... Historical events seem on the whole to be likewise governed by chance. But where on the surface accident holds sway, it is always governed by inner, hidden laws, and it is only a matter of discovering these laws." [1]1 The "three global initiatives" refer to the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative, proposed by Xi Jinping. It can be seen that when we create history, or make historical creation possess the quality of goodness, we must not only conform to the purposes and wishes of the broad masses of the people (possessing what ought to be), but must also conform to the laws of historical development (possessing what is actual). The quality of goodness in historical creation is precisely the organic unity of this conformity with laws and conformity with purposes. The mechanism of tending toward the good not only requires discovering these historical laws but also demands that people follow and apply these laws in their creation of history. So-called standing on the side of historical correctness actually means standing on the side of the general trend of history.

历史创造的向善机制要求实现历史进步，必须坚持合规律性与合目的性的强相统一。即所谓向善不仅是基于历史主体的角度如大多数人愿望、目的、利益的角度来把握，而且要从客观的历史规律的角度去把握。恩格斯指出：“历史进程是受内在的一般规律支配的……历史事件似乎总的说来同样是由偶然性支配着的。但是，在表面上是偶然性在起作用的地方，这种偶然性始终是受内部的隐蔽着的规律支配的，而问题只是在于发现这些规律”。可见，我们创造历史，或者说使历史创造具有合善性，不仅要符合广大人民的目的和愿望（具有应然性），而且必须符合历史发展的规律（具有实然性），历史创造的合善性就是这种合规律性与合目的性的有机统一。向善机制不仅要发现这些历史规律，还要求人们在历史创造中遵循和运用这些规律，所谓站在历史正确的一边，其实是指要站在历史大势的一边。

The conformity with purposes of the mechanism of tending toward the good is fundamentally manifested in the need to pay attention to and safeguard the interests of the broad masses of the people. However, the interest understood by the mechanism of tending toward the good is a kind of interest in a universal sense, that is, common benefit. Common benefit is an inevitable requirement of conformity with purposes. For example, "common prosperity is the essential requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics" [2]2 Samuel P. Huntington (1927–2008), American political scientist, author of *The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order*. and is an important feature of Chinese-path modernization. Common prosperity embodies the historical progressiveness and superiority of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "The common prosperity we speak of is the common prosperity of all the people, the prosperity of both the material and spiritual life of the people, not the prosperity of a few, nor is it uniform egalitarianism." [3]3 The 20th National Congress of the CPC was held in October 2022, at which Xi Jinping delivered a report outlining the Party's guiding principles for the next five years. Although the mechanism of interest reveals the question of the driving force for creating history, the question of interest itself is very complex. It includes individual interests and also collective interests; there are reasonable interest demands and also unreasonable interest demands; in realizing interests, there is the use of reasonable means, and also the use of unreasonable means, even unscrupulous methods. The function of the mechanism of tending toward the good is to use reasonable means to pursue benefit and avoid harm. This mechanism particularly guards against the emergence of severe wealth disparity or even polarization within a country's historical creation. If such a situation occurs, it means that historical creation has fallen into disorder, imbalance, and unsustainability, which will inevitably seriously hinder historical progress. In the book *Why Nations Fail*, the authors explore the reasons for the huge gap in income and living standards between rich countries like the United States, Britain, and Germany and poor countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Central America, and South Asia. In the authors' view, it is precisely the difference between inclusive institutions and extractive institutions that creates such a huge gap. Both types of institutions involve the pursuit of common benefit and the issues of fairness and justice manifested thereby. "Rich countries are rich mainly because at some point in the past 300 years they managed to develop inclusive institutions," [4]4 "resultant force" (合力): A concept from physics (vector sum of forces) used metaphorically in Marxist theory to describe the overall outcome of interacting social forces, as elaborated by Engels. and "under inclusive economic institutions, wealth is not concentrated in the hands of a few, so there will be no phenomenon of using economic strength to enhance political power." [5]5 Acemoglu and Robinson, *Why Nations Fail*, p. 431. It can be seen that for a country to create its own successful history, it must adhere to institutions that possess the quality of common benefit.

向善机制的合目的性，在根本上表现为要关注和维护广大人民的利益。然而，向善机制所理解的这个利益，是一种普遍意义的利即共利，共利是合目的性的必然要求。例如，“共同富裕是中国特色社会主义的本质要求”是中国式现代化的重要特征。共同富裕体现着中国特色社会主义事业的历史进步性和优越性。习近平总书记强调：“我们说的共同富裕是全体人民共同富裕，是人民群众物质生活和精神生活都富裕，不是少数人的富裕，也不是整齐划一的平均主义。”利益机制虽然揭示了创造历史的动力问题，但利益问题本身很复杂，其中包括着个人利益，也包括着集体利益；有合理的利益诉求，也有不合理的利益诉求；在实现利益时，有合理手段的使用，也有不合理手段的使用甚至不择手段的现象。向善机制的作用，在于使用合理的手段以趋利避害。该机制特别防范在一个国家的历史创造中，出现严重的贫富分化甚至两极对立的现象，如果出现了这样的情况，就意味着历史创造出现了失序、失衡、不可持续的现象，必然会严重阻碍历史的进步。在《国家为什么会失败》一书中，作者探讨了像美国、英国和德国这样的富国以及像撒哈拉以南非洲、中美洲和南亚的穷国之间收入和生活水平巨大差距的原因。在作者看来，正是包容性制度和汲取性制度的不同才造成了如此巨大的差距。这两种制度背后都涉及到了对共利的追求以及由此所表现出的公平正义问题。“富国之所以富，主要是因为它们在过去300年中的某个点上尽力发展出了包容性制度”，“在包容性经济制度下，财富不会集中在少数人手中，所以也就不会出现依靠经济实力提升政治权力的现象”。可见，一个国家要创造自己成功的历史，就必须坚持具有共利性的制度。

The Organizational Mechanism of Historical Creation

创造历史的组织机制

From a specific spatial dimension, historical creation is not the affair of a few people, but a grand undertaking of millions of the masses. That is to say, the people as the subject of historical creation are, in terms of quantity, not a minority but the vast majority. From a temporal dimension, historical creation is not the activity of a single generation but a continuous process of creation across generations. To mobilize and unite millions of people with different circumstances, to turn individuals into a collective, to turn separate persons into the people, to turn the creation of the present into a necessary link connecting the entire process of historical creation, an organizational mechanism is necessary. As Lenin pointed out: "Unorganized masses will not have a unified will." [6]6 V. I. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution" (1917). The function or significance of the organizational mechanism for the activity of historical creation lies in: uniting and mobilizing the broad masses, awakening their enthusiasm and consciousness for creating history, turning a heap of loose sand [7]7 "A heap of loose sand" (一盘散沙) is a Chinese idiom describing a state of disunity and lack of organization. into a powerful force that sifts through the waves, [8]8 "Sifts through the waves" (大浪淘沙) is a Chinese idiom meaning that time and events test people, washing away the weak and leaving the strong. and forming a strong resultant force for creating history. Specifically, through methods such as theoretical instruction and guidance, propaganda and mobilization in public opinion, organizational discipline and constraints, and especially the leadership and guidance of political parties and leaders, the consciousness and initiative of the broad masses in creating history are stimulated and mobilized, enabling the broad masses to be placed, to the greatest extent possible, on the correct track of being in the same direction, the same pace as historical development, and of one mind with other subjects.

基于特定的空间维度来看，历史创造并非少数人的事情，而是千百万人民大众的宏大事业，或者说，作为历史创造主体的人民群众在数量上并非少数人而是大多数人；基于时间维度看，历史创造并非一代人的活动而是一种跨代际的持续不断的创造过程。要把千百万境遇不同的人发动和团结起来，把个体变成群体，把个人变成人民，把当下的创造变成连接整个历史创造进程中的必要一环，就必须有一种组织机制。正如列宁所指出的：“没有组织的群众是不会有统一意志的”。组织机制之于历史创造活动的功能或意义在于：团结调动广大民众，唤醒他们创造历史的热情和觉悟，把一盘散沙变成大浪淘沙，形成一种创造历史的强大合力。具体而言，通过理论上的说教引导、舆论上的宣传动员、组织上的纪律约束，特别是政党和领袖的领导指引等做法，以激励、调动广大群众历史创造的自觉性、积极性，使广大民众最大限度地置身于与历史发展同向、同步、与其他主体同心的正确轨道上。

Since the masses of the people are the subject of historical creation, the key to historical creation lies in organizing and mobilizing the broad masses. The greatest mission of the founding of the Communist Party of China was to awaken the sleeping Chinese people, transforming the "sick man of East Asia" into true "warriors" who created the history of the New Democratic Revolution. At the beginning of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong pointed out, "The main reason Japan dares to bully us is the unorganized state of the Chinese masses." [13]511 Therefore, the CPC regarded mobilizing the masses, organizing the masses, and relying on the masses as the most fundamental condition for winning the War of Resistance, firmly believing that "the deepest roots of the great power of war lie in the masses." [13]511 If the broad masses were a "rabble" or an atomized, scattered existence each acting on their own, they clearly could not form the true force for creating history. A sheet of loose sand of masses, their will and power are often spontaneous, random, fragmented, and each acts on its own and follows its own course, causing the actions of historical creation to manifest as low-level, slow-process, and high-cost phenomena. The broad masses not only cannot be their own masters but are instead bullied and invaded by external powers. Only by being organized and mobilized can "I" be transformed into "we," thereby forming a powerful and unstoppable resultant force of history. This is precisely the manifestation of the key role of the organizational mechanism in the process of historical creation.

由于人民群众是历史创造的主体，因而，历史创造的关键就是要把广大民众组织发动起来。中国共产党的成立，其最大使命就是唤醒了沉睡中的中国人民，使“东亚病夫”变成了创造新民主主义革命历史的真正的“勇士”。毛泽东在抗战之初就指出，“日本敢于欺负我们，主要的原因在于中国民众的无组织状态”。因此，中国共产党将动员民众、组织民众、依靠民众视为争取抗战胜利最基本的条件，始终坚信“战争的伟力之最深厚的根源，存在于民众之中”[13]511。如果广大民众是一群“乌合之众”，或是各自为政的原子化、散沙化的存在，显然无法形成创造历史的真正力量。一盘散沙的民众，其意志、力量往往是自发的、随机的、块状化的，并且还是各自为政、自行其是的，这就使得创造历史的行动呈现出低水平、慢进程、高代价的现象。广大民众非但不能自己当家做主人，反而倍受外强的欺侮、侵略。只有组织发动起来，才能把“我”变成“我们”，从而形成强大的不可阻挡的历史合力。这正是组织机制在历史创造进程中的关键作用的表现。

"Historical activity is the activity of the masses, and as historical activity deepens, the ranks of the masses will inevitably expand." To expand the ranks of the masses, great importance must be attached to the work of organizing and mobilizing the broad masses. The classical Marxist writers, especially the Chinese Communists, have attached great importance to the role of the organizational mechanism in historical creation. As early as in the *Communist Manifesto*, Marx and Engels clearly stated: "The proletariat organizes itself into a class, and consequently into a political party, a process which is constantly disrupted by the competition among the workers themselves. But this organization always re-emerges, and each time it is stronger, more solid, and more powerful." It can be seen that the strength of the proletariat and its political party is synchronous and in the same direction as the strength of its organizational capacity. In Lenin's view, "The strength of a country lies in the consciousness of the masses. Only when the masses know everything, can judge everything, and consciously do everything, does the country have strength." Therefore, "organizing the millions of working masses is the most favorable condition for revolution, the deepest source of victory in revolution." Mao Zedong, based on China's national conditions and the needs of the Chinese revolution, also attached great importance to the work of organizing and mobilizing the worker and peasant masses. Mao Zedong pointed out: "Because the revolutionary war is a war of the masses, it can only be waged by mobilizing the masses, and it can only be waged by relying on the masses." In Mao's view, as long as the masses are organized and mobilized, we will surely win the revolutionary victory and establish a new China. "If our comrades learn to organize the labor of the masses... unleash the creativity and initiative of the masses, plus other skills, we will surely be able to drive out Japanese imperialism and, together with the people of the whole country, build a new country." In 1937, after the full-scale outbreak of the War of Resistance, the Central Committee of the CPC issued the mobilization order "Strive to Mobilize All Forces for Victory in the War of Resistance," stating that "the task from now on is to 'mobilize all forces to win the War of Resistance'" [13]353, and called on the people of the whole country to mobilize, arm themselves, and participate in the war. General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out: "In those years, 'arousing the millions of workers and peasants to work with one heart' gathered a powerful force for our Party to rely on the people to win the revolutionary victory." General Secretary Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasizes, "The masses of the people are the main force in historical development and social progress" and "Adhering to the principal position of the people and fully mobilizing the people's initiative has always been the strong foundation for our Party to remain invincible."

“历史活动是群众的活动，随着历史活动的深入，必将是群众队伍的扩大”。要扩大群众队伍，就必须高度重视对广大群众的组织发动工作。马克思主义经典作家特别是中国共产党人高度重视组织机制在历史创造中的作用问题。马克思恩格斯早在《共产党宣言》中就明确指出：“无产者组织成为阶级，从而组织成为政党这件事，不断地由于工人的自相竞争而受到破坏。但是，这种组织总是重新产生，并且一次比一次更强大、更坚固、更有力”。可见，无产阶级及其政党的强大是和其拥有的组织能力的强大同步和同向的。在列宁看来，“一个国家的力量在于群众的觉悟。只有当群众知道一切，能判断一切，并自觉地从事一切的时候，国家才有力量”。因而，“把千百万劳动群众组织起来，这是革命最有利的条件，这是革命取得胜利的最深的泉源”。毛泽东更是基于中国国情和中国革命的需要，高度重视对工农群众的组织发动工作。毛泽东指出：“因为革命战争是群众的战争，只有动员群众才能进行战争，只有依靠群众才能进行战争”。在毛泽东看来，只要把群众组织发动起来，我们就一定能赢得革命胜利，建立新中国。“我们的同志学会了组织群众的劳动……发动群众的创造力和积极性，加上旁的各项本领，我们就一定可以把日本帝国主义打出去，一定可以协同全国人民，把一个新国家建立起来”。1937年，全面抗战爆发后，中共中央发出了《为动员一切力量争取抗战胜利而斗争》的宣传动员令，提出“今后的任务是‘动员一切力量争取抗战胜利’”[13]353，并号召全国人民动员起来，武装起来，参加抗战。习近平总书记就深刻指出：“当年，‘唤起工农千百万，同心干’，为我们党依靠人民赢得革命胜利凝聚了强大力量”。习近平总书记反复强调，“人民群众是历史发展和社会进步的主体力量”“坚持人民主体地位，充分调动人民积极性，始终是我们党立于不败之地的强大根基”。

The Resultant Force Mechanism of Historical Creation

创造历史的合力机制

The masses of the people are a group with a large number and complex composition. In the process of creating history, they must have a fulcrum, that is, they must form a resultant force, and this resultant force is precisely the inevitable result of the functioning of the organizational mechanism. The most direct and fundamental purpose of organizing and mobilizing the broad masses is to generate a force of unity and cooperation among the numerous, even scattered, masses. "As long as millions of working people unite like one person, following the advanced elements of their own class, victory is guaranteed." [18]270 The so-called resultant force mechanism refers to the revelation, affirmation, and pursuit of a situation of unity and cooperation that must be formed among the broad masses in their activities of historical creation, based on the organizational mechanism. Of course, within the perspective of the resultant force mechanism, the resultant force of historical creation includes both factors of unity and cooperation and factors of opposition and conflict. Thus, the resultant force is actually generated in the struggle between unity and opposition, cooperation and conflict among the broad masses. The resultant force mechanism is precisely the revelation, affirmation, and pursuit of this objective force, seeking to benefit from it and avoid its harms. The essence of the resultant force lies not in it being a collectivized or holistic force, nor in it containing elements of opposition and conflict, but rather in forming a synergistic force that promotes historical progress amidst opposition and conflict, and in confining opposition and conflict within limits tolerable for historical progress.

人民群众是一个数量众多、成分复杂的群体，他们在创造历史的进程中，必须要有一个支点，即要形成合力，而合力恰恰是组织机制发挥作用的必然结果。组织发动广大民众的最直接和最根本的目的就是要在数量众多甚至散沙化的民众中产生一种团结协作的力量。“只要千百万劳动者团结得像一个人一样，跟随本阶级的优秀分子前进，胜利也就有了保证”[18]270。所谓合力机制，是指在组织机制的基础上对广大民众在历史创造活动中必须形成一种团结合作局面的揭示、肯定与追求。当然，在合力机制的视阈内，创造历史的合力，既包括团结合作的因素，也包括对立冲突的因素，这样，合力实际上是在广大民众的团结与对立、合作与冲突的斗争中生成的，合力机制正是对这一客观力量的揭示、肯定与趋利避害式的追求。合力的本质不在于它是一种集体化的或整体性的力量，也不在于其中包含着对立和冲突的因素，关键是要在对立冲突中形成一种对历史进步有助推作用的协同性的力量，并将对立冲突限定在为历史进步所能容忍的限度内。

The main theoretical basis for the formation of the resultant force mechanism is the theory of the resultant force of historical forces in historical materialism. Marx and Engels expounded their theory of the resultant force of history in many of their works, including letters. In 1890, in his letter to Joseph Bloch, Engels gave a profound and systematic exposition of the connotation and manifestation of the resultant force in historical creation. Engels pointed out: "History is made in such a way that the final result always emerges from the conflict of many individual wills, each of which is in turn made what it is by a host of particular conditions of life. Thus there are innumerable intersecting forces, an infinite number of parallelograms of forces, which give rise to one resultant force—the historical event. This event may again be viewed as the product of a power which, taken as a whole, works unconsciously and without volition. For what each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed. Thus far, history has proceeded like a natural process and is essentially subject to the same laws of motion." The theory of the resultant force of history in historical materialism provides direct theoretical guidance for us to grasp and construct the resultant force mechanism.

合力机制形成的主要理论依据是历史唯物主义的合力论。马克思恩格斯在其多部著作包括书信中阐述了他们的历史合力论。1890年，恩格斯在致约瑟夫·布洛赫的信中，就对历史创造中的合力的内涵及其表现等问题给予了深刻而系统的阐述。恩格斯指出：“历史是这样创造的：最终的结果总是从许多单个的意志的相互冲突中产生出来的，而其中每一个意志，又是由于许多特殊的生活条件，才成为它所成为的那样。这样就有无数互相交错的力量，有无数个力的平行四边形，由此就产生出一个合力，即历史结果，而这个结果又可以看做一个作为整体的、不自觉地和不自主地起着作用的力量的产物。因为任何一个人的愿望都会受到任何另一个人的妨碍，而最后出现的结果就是谁都没有希望过的事物。所以到目前为止的历史总是像一种自然过程一样地进行，而且实质上也是服从于同一运动规律的”。历史唯物主义的合力论为我们把握和构建合力机制提供了直接的理论指导。

Although the components constituting the resultant force of history are very complex, when people create history, it is impossible for there to be as many wills and directions as there are people, with each acting on its own and making its own decisions. This is clearly not a resultant force, but a scattered force. Such a scattered force has little effect on the creation and advancement of history, and may even have negative effects. In a scattered state, the power of the subject often only has the significance of self-preservation, mainly simply maintaining the operation of its own history. Only by forming a collective force greater than the individual can a truly substantive effect on historical progress be produced. Especially during periods of social transformation, such as revolutionary periods of dynastic change, a collective resultant force is even more important and decisive.

虽然构成历史合力的成分很复杂，但人们创造历史，不可能有多少人就有多少种意志和方向、并且都自行其是、自作主张，这显然不是合力，而是散力，这样的散力对于历史的创造和推进作用很小甚至还有负作用。在散沙化的状态下，主体的力量往往只具有自我生存的意义，主要是简单地维持着自我历史的运转，只有形成一种大于个人的集体力量才会对历史进步真正产生实质性的作用，特别是在社会变革时期如改朝换代的革命时期，集体性的合力就更重要，更具决定性意义。

So, what is the sign that a resultant force has formed? The key lies in the group's cognition, maintenance, and pursuit of its own "commonality"—that is, the majority of social members must have a collective choice of consensus, common interests, common action, common direction, common sharing, and common empathy. Only then can a resultant force for creating history truly form. Therefore, in this regard, there is still a clear difference between the resultant-force mechanism and the organizational mechanism. The organizational mechanism emphasizes organization and mobilization, that is, to organize and mobilize many people; the resultant-force mechanism emphasizes the character of "resultant" or "common," that is, to produce a collective force with the qualities of consensus, common interests, common action, common sharing, and common empathy. Here, the organizational mechanism and the resultant-force mechanism have a causal relationship. Without organizational mobilization, there is no resultant force; to have a resultant force, organizational mobilization is necessary; the resultant force is the endpoint and result of organizational mobilization. Our emphasis on the resultant-force mechanism means we must value the unity of the broad masses of the people. The so-called "unity is strength" means that only in unity can a resultant force be generated; only by uniting the broad masses of the people, with millions of hearts beating as one and working together with concerted effort, can historical progress be truly achieved. If a country's people are disunited, scattered, divided into factions, and different groups fight among themselves, it is clear that neither a resultant force will form, nor can history be effectively created. The subversive "regime change" activities of the United States and Western countries against nations not on their path adopt the method of dividing and alienating the people of the target country, that is, they try to disintegrate and weaken the "resultant force" of that country's broad masses. If a country's people are united as one and united against external forces, so-called "color revolutions" cannot succeed. Therefore, the resultant-force mechanism for creating history enlightens us that we must strengthen the unity of the Chinese people, because only in this unity can we truly create our glorious history. As the report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out: "Unity and struggle are the only way for the Chinese people to create historical achievements."

那么，合力形成的标志是什么？关键在于群体对于自身“共性”的认知、维护和追求，即大多数社会成员要有共识、共利、共行、共向、共享、共情的集体选择，如此才能真正形成创造历史的合力。所以，就此而言，合力机制和组织机制还是有明显区别的。组织机制重在组织发动，即要把众多的人组织调动起来；合力机制重在合字或共字上，即要产生一种具有共识性、共利性、共行性、共享性、共情性的集体力量。在这里，组织机制和合力机制具有因果关系。没有组织动员就没有合力，要有合力就必须组织动员；合力是组织动员的落脚点和结果。我们重视合力机制，就是要重视广大人民的团结，所谓团结就有力量是指只有在团结中才能产生一种合力，只有将广大人民团结统一起来，万众一心、齐心协力，才能真正实现历史的进步。如果一个国家的民众离心离德、涣散不齐、派系林立、不同群体间相互争斗，显然既不会形成合力，也无法有效创造历史。美西方国家针对与它们不在一条道上的国家的颠覆“变色”活动，就是采取离间分化对方国家民众的做法，即设法瓦解消弱一个国家广大民众的“合力”。如果一个国家的民众万众一心、一致对外，所谓“颜色革命”是无法得逞的。所以，创造历史的合力机制启示我们，务必要加强国人的团结，因为只有在这种团结中方能真正创造我们辉煌的历史。正如党的二十大报告所指出的：“团结奋斗是中国人民创造历史伟业的必由之路”。

It needs to be pointed out that the resultant force includes not only the power of unity among the broad masses within a single country, but also the unified force formed through interactions among a certain cross-border regional organization or different countries worldwide. With the formation of a global pattern of social development, or with the transformation of social development from national history and ethnic history to world history, we need to view the issue of historical creation from the perspective of all humanity. That is, the resultant-force mechanism for creating history is a mechanism that encompasses all of humanity or the globe. In the process of creating history today, humanity must form a practical resultant force that transcends national and ethnic boundaries on a global scale to jointly address a series of major global issues. The implementation of the "three global initiatives" is precisely based on the formation of a "global resultant force."

需要指出的是，合力既包括一国内部广大民众团结的力量，还包括着某一跨国的地区性组织或全世界不同国家在交往中所形成的统一力量。随着社会发展的全球格局的形成，或者说随着社会发展的国家史、民族史向世界历史的转变，我们需要从整个人类的角度来看待历史创造问题，即创造历史的合力机制是一种涵盖整个人类或全球的机制。当今人类在创造历史的进程中，要从全球范围内形成一种超越国家民族界限的实践合力，共同应对一系列重大的全球性问题，“三大全球倡议”的施行正是基于“全球合力”的形成。

VI. The Mechanism of Exchange and Mutual Learning in Creating History

六、创造历史的交流互鉴机制

In a certain sense, creating history is actually a kind of civilization creation. Social civilization signifies social history, and historical progress is embodied in civilizational progress. The creation of history and the progress of civilization are highly unified. General Secretary Xi Jinping, based on the objective process of human civilization development, has revealed the law of exchange and mutual learning in the development of human civilization. He pointed out: "Civilizations become colorful through exchange, and civilizations become rich through mutual learning. Any civilization, no matter which country or nation's social soil it grows from, is fluid and open. This is an important law of the spread and development of civilization." Precisely because creating history and promoting civilizational progress have an inherent unified relationship, based on the law of exchange and mutual learning in human civilization revealed by General Secretary Xi Jinping, we must inevitably derive the mechanism of exchange and mutual learning by which the people create history. The so-called mechanism of exchange and mutual learning is a revelation, affirmation, and pursuit of the phenomenon of exchange and interaction in terms of achievements and experiences in the process of creating history. Of course, this mechanism of exchange and mutual learning exists both between different regions within a country and between different countries.

在某种意义上说，历史创造其实是一种文明创造，社会文明表征着社会历史，历史进步体现为文明进步。历史创造和文明进步是高度统一的。习近平总书记根据人类文明发展的客观进程，揭示了人类文明发展的交流互鉴规律。他指出：“文明因交流而多彩，文明因互鉴而丰富。任何一种文明，不管它产生于哪个国家、哪个民族的社会土壤之中，都是流动的、开放的。这是文明传播和发展的一条重要规律”。正由于创造历史和推动文明进步具有内在的统一性关系，因而我们根据习近平总书记所揭示的人类文明交流互鉴规律，必然要引伸出人民创造历史的交流互鉴机制。所谓交流互鉴机制，是对历史创造进程中在成果和经验等方面进行交流互动现象的揭示、肯定与追求。当然，这种交流互鉴机制既存在于国内不同地区之间，也存在于不同国家之间。

An important objective basis for the generation of the mechanism of exchange and mutual learning in creating history is the state form or state form that drives historical development. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Development ultimately depends on a country's own efforts." Since the emergence of states, human history has been concretized into the history of states and nations. Therefore, creating history is mainly a creation with the state as the platform. The people create history always taking the state as the unit, carried out within different states. In Huntington's view, "The state is and will remain the dominant entity in world affairs." [22]12 In the era of globalization, regarding the state of existence of states, on the one hand, states have diversity and difference; on the other hand, different states have interdependence and mutual constraint. Against such a background, historical creation, which mainly takes the state as the unit or subject, must engage in exchange and mutual learning. The complex diversity of state existence provides the possibility for this exchange and mutual learning in historical creation, while the gradual formation of a community with a shared future for mankind provides the reality for it. In the era of global development, this exchange and mutual learning in historical creation has an objective inevitability independent of human will.

创造历史的交流互鉴机制生成的重要客观基础是推动历史发展的国家形态或国家形式。习近平总书记指出：“发展归根到底要靠本国自身努力”。自有国家以来，人类历史具象化为了国家民族的历史，因而历史创造主要是一种以国家为平台的创造，人民创造历史总是以国家为单位，是在不同的国家内部进行的。在亨廷顿看来，“国家是而且仍将是世界事务中起支配作用的实体”[22]12。全球化时代，就国家的存在状态来看，一方面，国家具有多样性和差异性；另一方面，不同国家之间具有相互依存性和相互制约性。在这样一种时代背景下，主要以国家为单位或为主体的历史创造就必须进行交流互鉴。国家存在的复杂多样性为这种历史创造的交流互鉴提供了可能性，人类命运共同体的逐步形成则为这种交流互鉴提供了现实性。在全球发展时代，这种历史创造的交流互鉴具有不依人的意志为转移的客观必然性。

The endogenous logic of exchange and mutual learning in historical creation, with the state as the main unit, is as follows: historical creation leads to exchange due to diversity, exchange leads to mutual learning, and mutual learning leads to development. Exchange and mutual learning are of great significance for historical creation and its development: First, only by transcending exchange and mutual learning between states can the transformation from ethnic history or national history to world history or human history be truly realized. The globalization process of historical creation inevitably requires exchange and mutual learning. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Today, the worldliness of human interaction is deeper and broader than ever before, and the mutual connections and interdependence between countries are more frequent and closer than ever before. The integrated world is right there; whoever rejects this world, this world will also reject him." [23]22 If we do not pay attention to and promote this exchange and mutual learning, human history can only be an isolated, fragmented national history, and will not form a magnificent world history that transcends individual states and nations. Truly human history can only be formed on the basis of transcending states and through exchange and mutual learning in historical creation. Second, if historical creation is confined solely to the spatiotemporal scope of one country, this creation is destined to be local and incomplete, and moreover slow or stagnant. Only by engaging in exchange and mutual learning with the historical creations of other states and nations can one learn from others' strengths and overcome one's own weaknesses, thereby enabling a country's historical creation to achieve better and faster development. Third, only through exchange and mutual learning can the value and significance of a country's historical creation be demonstrated through comparison and discernment. What is a country's history and its creation? What is its status and level? What are its roles and meanings? These can only be discovered and grasped through comparison with the historical creations of other states or nations. In other words, only through exchange and mutual learning can the characteristics and strengths of a state-nation's historical creation be discovered, and the value and significance of the country's historical creation be appreciated.

以国家为主体单位的历史创造，其交流互鉴的内生逻辑是这样的：历史创造因多样而交流，因交流而互鉴，因互鉴而发展。交流互鉴对于历史创造及其发展具有十分重要的意义：其一，只有超越国家间的交流互鉴，才能真正实现由民族史或国家史向世界历史或人类历史的转变，历史创造的全球化进程必然要求交流互鉴。习近平总书记指出：“今天，人类交往的世界性比过去任何时候都更深入、更广泛，各国相互联系和彼此依存比过去任何时候都更频繁、更紧密。一体化的世界就在那儿，谁拒绝这个世界，这个世界也会拒绝他”[23]22。如果不关注和推动这种交流互鉴，人类历史就只能是孤岛化、散沙化的国家史，而不会形成波澜壮阔且超越了一个个国家民族的世界历史，真正的人类历史只能在超越国家的基础上、在历史创造的交流互鉴中形成。其二，历史创造如果仅仅局限于一个国家的时空范围内，这种创造注定是局域的和不完整的，而且是缓慢的或迟滞的，只有和别的国家民族的历史创造交流互鉴，才能借鉴他人之长、克服自己之短，从而使一国的历史创造获得更好更快的发展。其三，只有进行交流互鉴，才能在比较鉴别中彰显一国历史创造的价值和意义。一个国家的历史及其创造怎样？处于什么样的地位和水平？有着怎样的作用和意义？只能在与别的国家或民族的历史创造的比较中发现和掌握。或者说，只有在交流互鉴中，才能发现国家民族历史创造的特性和长处，体会到国家历史创造的价值和意义。

In summary, the mechanism for creating history is a system, a unity of six aspects in one. Among them, the practice mechanism is the foundational mechanism, playing a dominant role; the interest mechanism is the core mechanism, playing a cohesive role; the goodness-oriented mechanism is the directional mechanism, playing a regulatory role; the organizational mechanism, the resultant-force mechanism, and the exchange and mutual learning mechanism are technical mechanisms, playing a sustaining role in mobilizing, uniting, learning from, and drawing on others for historical creation. Only by unifying these six mechanisms and viewing them from a systemic perspective can we truly grasp the meaning of the mechanism for creating history.

综上所述，创造历史的机制是一个系统，是六位一体的统一。其中，实践机制是基础性机制，起支配性作用；利益机制是核心性机制，起凝聚性作用；向善机制是方向性机制，起调控性作用；组织机制、合力机制、交流互鉴机制是技术性机制，对历史创造发挥着动员、团结、学习借鉴等的维持性作用。只有将六种机制统一起来，站在系统观的角度看待它们，才能真正掌握创造历史机制的意涵。

Conclusion

结语

The proposal of the "mechanism for creating history" not only further answers the question of "what" the principle that the people are the creators of history is and "why" they create, but also profoundly answers the question of how the masses of the people create history, containing important methodological significance. Grasping the mechanism for creating history can enable the activity of historical creation to achieve a transformation from spontaneity to consciousness, from sensibility to rationality, from passivity to initiative, and from high cost to low cost.

“创造历史的机制”的提出，不仅进一步回答了人民是历史的创造者原理之“是什么”的问题和“为什么”要创造的问题，而且深刻回答了人民群众是如何创造历史的问题，蕴含着重要的方法论意义。把握历史创造的机制，能使历史创造活动实现由自发向自觉、由感性向理性、由被动向主动、由高代价向低代价的转变。

In terms of methodological significance, the mechanism of creating history contains principled requirements for how creation is carried out. The practical mechanism of creating history emphasizes down-to-earth effort, solid work, and skillful action; its practical orientation demands using diligent hands to “write” a glorious history, opposing empty talk, boastful rhetoric, and flashy but insubstantial practices. It must be understood that without concrete, hardworking action, history will not fall from the sky. As General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out, “Socialism is built through hard work; the New Era is achieved through struggle.” [24] The interest mechanism of creating history focuses on concern for the interests of the broad masses of the people; its practical orientation demands “making every effort to resolve the most immediate and realistic issues of greatest concern to the people.” Realizing, safeguarding, and developing the fundamental interests of the broadest majority of the people is the starting point and ultimate goal of all our Party’s work. The goodness-oriented mechanism of creating history emphasizes the correctness of historical creation; its practical orientation demands adhering to a strong unity of conformity with laws and conformity with purposes, using laws to constrain people’s actions, and using purposes to guide people’s understanding and application of laws, thereby placing historical creation on the grand path of the development of human civilization and reflecting the general direction of historical evolution. The organizational mechanism of creating history emphasizes the organization and mobilization of the broad masses; its practical orientation demands that historical creation adhere to the mass viewpoint, follow the mass line, and embody the concept of putting the people first. That is, it requires finding ways to organize and mobilize the people, forming a situation where “not a single one can be left behind,” adhering to the practical principle of creating history for the people and relying on the people, and gathering the mighty force that drives historical development. The resultant-force mechanism of creating history emphasizes the unity and cooperation of the broad masses; its practical orientation demands “upholding the united front” and pursuing unity and struggle. Upholding the united front is an important “historical experience” gained by our Party in leading the people through great struggles over the past century. “Unity is strength. Establishing the broadest possible united front is an important magic weapon for the Party to defeat enemies and an important magic weapon for the Party to govern and rejuvenate the country.” “As long as the 1.4 billion Chinese people always join hands to march toward the future together, as long as the over 95 million Chinese Communists always share hearts with the people to march toward the future together, we will surely be able to continue creating astonishing miracles on the new road of the examination.” [9]9 “The new road of the examination” (新的赶考之路) is a metaphor used by Xi Jinping, drawing on Mao Zedong’s 1949 analogy of the CPC’s assumption of national power as “entering the capital to sit for an examination,” to describe the ongoing challenges of governance and the Party’s need to continuously prove itself. The exchange and mutual learning mechanism of creating history emphasizes openness, learning, integration, and innovation in historical creation. Since the historical creation of each country and nation is an important component of the historical creation of all humanity, the practical orientation of the exchange and mutual learning mechanism demands that we “maintain a global vision,” safeguard diversity, attend to equality, pursue mutual progress, and realize the “global development” of the histories of all nations.

就方法论意义而言，创造历史的机制蕴含着如何创造的原则性要求。创造历史的实践机制注重的是脚踏实地、实干巧干，其实践指向是要求运用勤劳的双手“书写”辉煌的历史，反对坐而论道、夸夸其谈、华而不实的做法，须知，没有踏实苦干的实际行动，历史不会从天而降。诚如习近平总书记指出的，“社会主义是干出来的，新时代是奋斗出来的”[24]。创造历史的利益机制注重的是对广大人民利益的关心，其实践指向是“要着力解决人民群众最关心最直接最现实的利益问题”。而实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民的根本利益是我们党一切工作的出发点和落脚点。创造历史的向善机制注重历史创造的正确性，其实践指向要求坚持合规律性与合目的性的强相统一，以规律约束人们的行为，以目的指引人们对规律的认识和运用，从而将历史创造置于人类文明发展的大道，并体现出历史演进的大方向。创造历史的组织机制注重的是对广大群众的组织发动，其实践指向要求历史创造要坚持群众观点、走群众路线，体现人民至上的理念，即要设法把民众组织发动起来，形成“一个都不能少”的局面，坚持历史创造为了人民、历史创造依靠人民的实践原则，汇聚起推动历史发展的磅礴力量。创造历史的合力机制注重的是广大民众的团结合作，其实践指向就是要“坚持统一战线”、追求团结奋斗。坚持统一战线是一百年来，我们党领导人民进行伟大奋斗所得出的重要“历史经验”。“团结就是力量。建立最广泛的统一战线，是党克敌制胜的重要法宝，也是党执政兴国的重要法宝”，“只要14亿多中国人民始终手拉着手一起向未来，只要9500多万中国共产党人始终与人民心连着心一起向未来，我们就一定能在新的赶考之路上继续创造令人刮目相看的奇迹”。创造历史的交流互鉴机制注重的是历史创造中的开放学习、融合创新，由于每一个国家民族的历史创造都是整个人类历史创造中的重要组成部分，因而交流互鉴机制的实践指向，是要求我们“坚持胸怀天下”，维护多样性、关照平等性、追求共进性，实现各民族历史的“全球发展”。

Online Editor: Paul

网络编辑：保罗