Reflections on Two Important Issues in the *Critique of the Gotha Programme*

Between April and May 1875, in response to statements in the workers’ movement that violated the proletarian class standpoint, the nature and mission of the proletarian revolution — such as the Lassallean tendency to obscure the class character of the state, erroneously propagate the state as a “community of the whole people,” claim the state’s mission is to develop freedom, vigorously advocate abstract freedom, and attempt to dissolve the contradiction between workers and the capitalist state — and also to purge the erroneous influence of Lassalleanism, help the Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Germany (the Eisenach faction) recognise the essence of Lassalleanism, and draw a clear principled line between scientific socialism and Lassalleanism, Marx wrote “Marginal Notes on the Programme of the German Workers’ Party,” i.e., the *Critique of the Gotha Programme*. The *Critique of the Gotha Programme* is a brilliant model of Marx’s irreconcilable struggle against opportunism and also a brilliant model of combining the fundamental principles of Marxism with the practical activities of the workers’ movement. The issues it addresses concerning the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the stages of communism still possess important theoretical and practical significance today, and also require us to engage in continuous reflection and understanding in light of the changes of the times.

1875年4至5月，针对国家工人运动中拉萨尔主义掩盖国家的阶级实质，错误地宣扬国家是“全体人民的共同体”、国家的使命在于发展自由、极力鼓吹抽象自由、试图消解工人与资本主义国家的矛盾等违背无产阶级阶级立场、无产阶级革命性质和使命任务的言论，也为肃清拉萨尔主义的错误影响，帮助德国社会民主工党（爱森纳赫派）认清拉萨尔主义的实质，划清科学社会主义与拉萨尔主义的原则界限，马克思写下了《对德国工人党纲领的几点意见》，即《哥达纲领批判》。《哥达纲领批判》是马克思对机会主义进行不调和斗争的光辉典范，也是将马克思主义基本原理和工人运动实际活动相结合的光辉典范，其中所涉及的关于无产阶级专政必要性问题和共产主义阶段性问题至今仍有重要的理论与现实意义，也需要我们依据时代变化予以不断思考认识。

I. On the Question of the Necessity of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat

一、关于无产阶级专政必要性问题

The *Critique of the Gotha Programme* first elaborates on the necessity for the advanced party of the proletariat to seize state power. Marx believed that the proletariat grows up on the basis of large-scale industry. In its struggle for self-emancipation, the proletariat must adhere to the principle of internationalism in order to deal with the bourgeoisie of its own country, which has already closely united with the bourgeoisie of all other countries to oppose the proletariat, and with Bismarck’s international policy of conspiracy.[1]1 Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 368.368 This idea of Marx’s actually emphasises that the emancipation of the proletariat is not the emancipation of this class alone in its own country, but the cause of the proletariat of all countries and of all humanity. Precisely for this reason, the struggle of the proletariat requires the establishment of an organisational body capable of organising itself and uniting the proletariat of all countries. Furthermore, both the state and freedom are class-based; there is no state or freedom that transcends classes. Therefore, Lassalle’s theory that the state should help workers establish cooperatives is reactionary: “he sinks to the level of the bourgeoisie, and from the standpoint of the workers’ movement he retreats to the standpoint of a sectarian movement.”[2]2 Gu Hailiang, *A Study of Marx’s Critique of the Gotha Programme* (Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2013), p. 49.49 In this way, not only can the proletariat not achieve emancipation, but it would instead place new and heavier shackles upon itself. The proletarian revolution “involves the most radical rupture with traditional property relations” and “the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.”[3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.421 Therefore, the proletariat can absolutely not rely on the bourgeois state power to emancipate itself; it must have its own organisations, and in particular must not neglect the power of the trade unions. Trade unions are “the true class organisations of the proletariat, by means of which it carries on its daily struggle against capital and trains itself, and which today, even under the most brutal reaction (as in Paris at present), can in no way be destroyed.”[1]1 Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 368.348 Not only is this the case in theory, but in fact there is no “free state” at all. The so-called “free state” of the bourgeoisie is merely a tool for the bourgeoisie to freely enslave and exploit the proletariat. They “replaced the exploitation masked by religious and political illusions with open, unashamed, direct, and brutal exploitation.”[3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.403 For the proletariat to achieve freedom, it must overthrow bourgeois rule and take state power into its own hands. Of course, this state power is also an instrument of oppression (for the overthrown bourgeoisie). That is to say, when the proletariat still needs the state to exist, it needs it not for the sake of freedom, but for the sake of suppressing its enemies. In communist society, the state and classes will no longer exist, and then the question of the necessity for the proletariat to establish state power will become moot.

《哥达纲领批判》首先阐述了无产阶级先进政党夺取国家政权的必要性。马克思认为，无产阶级是在大工业基础上成长起来的，在争取自我解放的斗争中，无产阶级为对付本国的为反对无产阶级而已同其他一切国家的资产阶级紧密联合起来的资产阶级和俾斯麦的国际阴谋政策必须要坚持国际主义原则。[1]368马克思的这一思想实际上已强调了无产阶级的解放不是本国本阶级的解放，而是各国无产阶级以及全人类的事业。正因如此，无产阶级的斗争需要建立起一个能够把自己组织起来，并能够联合各国无产阶级的组织机构。此外，国家和自由都是有阶级性的，不存在超阶级的国家和自由，因此，拉萨尔提出的国家帮助工人建立合作社的理论是反动的，“他把社会主义降到了资产阶级的水平，从工人运动的立场退到了宗派运动的立场”，[2]49这样，无产阶级不仅不能得到解放，反而给自己又套上了新的更沉重的枷锁。无产阶级革命“就是同传统的所有制关系实行最彻底的决裂”，“同传统的观念实行最彻底的决裂”。[3]421所以，无产阶级绝不可能依靠资产阶级国家政权来解放自己，必须要有自己的组织，特别是不能忽视工会的力量，它是“无产阶级的真正的阶级组织，无产阶级靠这种组织和资本进行日常的斗争，使自己受到训练，这种组织今天遇到最残酷的反动势力（像目前在巴黎那样）也决不会被摧毁”。[1]348不仅理论上如此，事实上也根本没有“自由国家”。资产阶级所谓的“自由国家”只是资产阶级自由地奴役和剥削无产阶级的工具，他们“用公开的、无耻的、直接的、露骨的剥削代替了由宗教幻想和政治幻想掩盖着的剥削”。[3]403无产阶级要获得自由必须推翻资产阶级统治，由无产阶级自己掌握国家政权。当然，这种国家政权也是一种压迫工具（对被推翻的资产阶级而言），也就是说，当无产阶级还需要国家存在的时候，并不是为了自由而需要它，而是为了镇压自己的敌人而需要它.到了共产主义社会，国家和阶级不再存在，也就谈不上无产阶级建立政权的必要性问题了。

In the *Critique of the Gotha Programme*, Marx systematically elaborated on the question of the transition period and the dictatorship of the proletariat, emphasising that the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary for the transition from capitalism to communism. Marx said: “Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.”[1]1 Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 368.373 This idea is the theoretical sublimation and concrete proposition of the conception in Marx and Engels’ *Communist Manifesto* that “the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy”[3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.421 and of Marx’s own bold revolutionary battle cry in *The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850*: “Overthrow of the bourgeoisie! Dictatorship of the working class!”[3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.469 The reason Marx so strongly advocated smashing the old bourgeois state machine and establishing the proletariat’s own political organs is indeed because the state has a class character. The bourgeois republic serves the interests of the bourgeoisie; the democracy advocated by the bourgeoisie is merely the precise expression of the so-called republican politics they have established. In reality, the bourgeois republic is maintained by naked violence and the declaration of a state of siege; it is impossible for them to design and formulate a state system according to the true meaning of democracy — the people being the masters of the country. Under these conditions, any attempt by the proletariat to slightly improve its situation within the framework of the bourgeois republic is very difficult. The bourgeoisie may adopt some measures to alleviate crises under various pressures, but they will only make concessions to the proletariat that do not affect their fundamental interests, let alone use the bourgeois state machine to emancipate the proletariat and enable it to gain political rule. Through these analyses, Marx pointed out the necessity for the proletariat to smash the bourgeois state machine and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. That is, the dictatorship of the proletariat is the inevitable product of the transition period from capitalist society to communist society, the form of political power organisation corresponding to this transition period, and a powerful tool for the proletariat to defend its revolutionary achievements, ensure socialist transformation, and build a socialist state.[2]2 Gu Hailiang, *A Study of Marx’s Critique of the Gotha Programme* (Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2013), p. 49.57 Thus it can be seen that this transition period is a historical period of gradually making the most radical rupture with traditional property relations and the most radical rupture with traditional ideas, an unavoidable stage of development for all countries moving towards communist society. The establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat transforms “communism from a distant future into a practical goal pursued by the working class, from resistance to bourgeois state power into the proletariat’s own state organs.”[2]2 Gu Hailiang, *A Study of Marx’s Critique of the Gotha Programme* (Beijing: Renmin University of China Press, 2013), p. 49.58 In terms of the emancipation of the proletariat and the emancipation of humanity, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat during this period is also a necessary measure for people to gradually liberate themselves from various forms of servitude, gradually restore human dignity, and gradually enable the realisation and manifestation of the human essence. It lays a solid socio-political foundation for the true arrival of communist society and the true realisation of the emancipation of the proletariat and humanity.

马克思在《哥达纲领批判》中较系统地阐述了过渡时期与无产阶级专政的问题，强调了无产阶级专政是从资本主义过渡到共产主义的需要。马克思说：“在资本主义社会和共产主义社会之间，有一个从前者变为后者的革命转变时期。同这个时期相适应的也有一个政治上的过渡时期，这个时期的国家只能是无产阶级的革命专政”。[1]373这一思想是马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中“工人革命的第一步就是使无产阶级上升为统治阶级，争得民主”[3]421的构想和马克思本人在《1848年至1850年的法兰西阶级斗争》中提出的“推翻资产阶级！工人阶级专政！”[3]469这些大胆的革命战斗口号的理论升华和具体主张。马克思之所以极力主张打碎旧的资产阶级国家机器、建立无产阶级自己的政权机构，确实是因为国家具有阶级性。资产阶级共和国是为资产阶级利益服务的，资产阶级所主张的民主也只不过是他们建立的所谓的共和主义政治的精确表现形式，实际上资产阶级共和国是依靠赤裸裸的暴力和宣布戒严状态来维持的，他们是不可能按照民主的真实含义——人民当家作主——来设计和制定国家制度的。在这种状况下，无产阶级在资产阶级共和国范围内试图稍稍改善一下自己的处境的任何一种想法都很难，资产阶级在各种压力下会采取一些措施缓解危机，但只会对无产阶级做出一些不涉及其根本利益的让步，更谈不上利用资产阶级国家机器来解放无产阶级和使无产阶级取得政治统治权。马克思通过这些分析指出了无产阶级打碎资产阶级国家机器和建立无产阶级专政的必要性，即无产阶级专政是由资本主义社会向共产主义社会全面转变的过渡时期的必然产物，是与这一过渡时期相适应的政权组织形式，是无产阶级用来保卫自己的革命成果、保障社会主义改造、建设社会主义国家的有力工具。[2]57由此可见，这个过渡时期是逐步同传统所有制关系彻底决裂、同传统观念彻底决裂的历史时期，是一切走向共产主义社会的国家不可逾越的发展阶段。无产阶级专政的建立使“共产主义从遥远的将来转变为工人阶级实际追求的目标，从对资产阶级政权的反抗转向无产阶级自己的国家机关”。[2]58从无产阶级解放和人的解放意义上讲，这个时期无产阶级专政的建立还是人从各种奴役下逐渐解放出来，逐渐恢复人的尊严，并逐步使人的本质得以呈现和实现的必要举措，它为共产主义社会的真正到来，为无产阶级解放和人的解放的真正实现奠定了牢固的社会政治基础。

In the course of revolutions in various countries, how a proletarian party combines the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat with its own practice, and what specific form the dictatorship of the proletariat should take, is both a political puzzle and a bottleneck in the combination of theory and practice that must be solved. In response to this, Mao Zedong, based on the fundamental principle of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, carried out creative exploration and research in his work *On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship*.

在各国革命的过程中，无产阶级政党如何把马克思主义的无产阶级专政学说与各自实践结合起来，无产阶级专政究竟应该采取什么形式，既是一道政治难题，也是一个必须要破解的理论与实践相结合的瓶颈。对此，毛泽东以马克思主义中国化的基本原则，在《论人民民主专政》中进行了创造性探索和研究。

Mao Zedong integrated the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the practice of the Chinese revolution and creatively put forward a theory of people’s democratic dictatorship with Chinese characteristics that suited China’s actual conditions. “Democracy for the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries – the combination of these two aspects constitutes the people’s democratic dictatorship.”[4]4 The Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则) are the four fundamental principles upheld in China’s political life: the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. They were first articulated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979.1475 This is also Mao Zedong’s most essential summary of the people’s democratic dictatorship. Mao Zedong also made some concrete analyses of the people’s democratic dictatorship. For example, the foundation of the people’s democratic dictatorship is the alliance of the working class, the peasant class and the urban petty bourgeoisie, with the alliance of workers and peasants as the main component; the leadership of the people’s democratic dictatorship can only belong to the working class, “because only the working class is most far-sighted, most selfless, and most thoroughly revolutionary.”[4]4 The Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则) are the four fundamental principles upheld in China’s political life: the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. They were first articulated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979.1479 Mao Zedong believed that China was a country oppressed by imperialism, and that the only road for the Chinese people to achieve liberation was to establish a people’s republic led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. At the time of the founding of New China, one of the main and basic experiences the Chinese people gained concerning the establishment of the people’s democratic dictatorship was to form two united fronts, one domestic and one international. Domestically, “unite the working class, the peasant class, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie under the leadership of the working class to form a domestic united front, and from this develop into a state of the people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.”[4]4 The Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则) are the four fundamental principles upheld in China’s political life: the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. They were first articulated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979.1472 Internationally, unite with all “nations and peoples that treat us as equals … unite with all people’s democratic states, unite with the proletariat and the broad masses of the people in all other countries, and form an international united front.”[4]4 The Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则) are the four fundamental principles upheld in China’s political life: the socialist path, the people’s democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. They were first articulated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979.1472 From this, especially from the formation and development of the domestic united front, we can conclude that the people’s democratic dictatorship is the product of the practice and development of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Chinese revolution. It emphasizes both dictatorship over the enemy, striving for and ensuring the liberation of the proletariat itself through dictatorship over the enemy, and at the same time clearly puts forward the importance of upholding democracy in the process of the proletariat’s struggle for liberation, so as to realize the full expression of the people’s subject consciousness and their wisdom and talent. Furthermore, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, not only applied the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat to the struggle to seize political power and build a new China, but also applied the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat to socialist construction. In *On the Ten Major Relationships*, Mao Zedong specifically discussed the relationship between revolution and counter-revolution. He pointed out: “As long as there is class struggle in China and in the world, we must never relax our vigilance,”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.37 and “the methods for dealing with counter-revolutionaries are: execution, imprisonment, control, and release.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.36 This played an important role in consolidating the newly born socialist political power.

毛泽东把马克思主义的无产阶级专政学说与中国革命实践相结合，创造性地提出了符合中国实际的具有中国特色的人民民主专政理论。“对人民内部的民主方面和对反动派的专政方面，互相结合起来，就是人民民主专政”，[4]1475这也是毛泽东对人民民主专政最本质的概括。毛泽东对人民民主专政还做了一些具体分析，如人民民主专政的基础是以工人和农民联盟为主的工人阶级、农民阶级和城市小资产阶级的联盟；人民民主专政的领导权只能是工人阶级，“因为只有工人阶级最有远见，大公无私，最富于革命的彻底性”。[4]1479毛泽东认为，中国是一个受帝国主义压迫的国家，中国人民要求得解放的唯一的道路就是建立工人阶级领导的、工农联盟为基础的人民共和国。新中国成立时，中国人民所取得的关于建立人民民主专政的一条主要的和基本的经验就是结成国内和国际两条统一战线。在国内，“团结工人阶级、农民阶级、城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级，在工人阶级领导之下，结成国内的统一战线，并由此发展到建立工人阶级领导的以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政的国家。”[4]1472在国外，联合一切“平等待我的民族和各国人民……联合各人民民主国家，联合其他各国的无产阶级和广大人民，结成国际统一战线”。[4]1472由此，特别是从国内统一战线的建立和发展，我们可以得出人民民主专政是无产阶级专政在中国革命中的实践和发展的产物，它既强调了对敌人的专政，通过对敌人的专政争取和保证无产阶级自身的解放，同时又明确提出无产阶级在争取解放的过程中坚持民主的重要性，以此来实现人民主体意识和聪明才智的充分发挥。此外，以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，不但把马克思主义的无产阶级专政学说运用于夺取政权、建设新中国的斗争，而且还将无产阶级专政学说运用于社会主义建设。毛泽东在《论十大关系》中专门论述了革命和反革命的关系问题。他指出：“只要中国和世界上还有阶级斗争，就永远不可以放松警惕”，[5]37“对待反革命分子的办法是：杀、关、管、放”。[5]36这为巩固新生的社会主义政权发挥了重要作用。

Through in-depth research on the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its practical application in the Chinese revolution and construction, Mao Zedong also specifically put forward the theory of correctly handling contradictions among the people, and made correctly handling contradictions among the people the theme of the country’s political life. Mao Zedong said: “The unity of the country, the unity of the people, and the unity of all ethnic groups within the country – these are the basic guarantees for the inevitable victory of our cause. However, this does not mean that there are no longer any contradictions in our society.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.204 “Two types of social contradictions confront us – contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and contradictions among the people. These are two types of contradictions of completely different natures.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.204-205 “Contradictions between ourselves and the enemy are antagonistic contradictions. Contradictions among the people, among the working people, are non-antagonistic,”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.205 and “are contradictions based on the fundamental identity of the people’s interests.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.206 “Since the nature of the two types of contradictions – between ourselves and the enemy and among the people – is different, the methods for resolving them are also different.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.206 One is a question of enemy versus ourselves, the other a question of right versus wrong. Contradictions between ourselves and the enemy need to be resolved by coercive, dictatorial methods, using dictatorship to “suppress the reactionary classes, reactionaries, and exploiters who resist the socialist revolution within the country, and suppress those who sabotage socialist construction.”[5]5 The “four major tests” refer to the tests of governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment.207 Contradictions among the people can only be resolved by democratic, persuasive and educational methods, that is, the method of unity – criticism – unity. Mao Zedong’s theory of correctly handling contradictions among the people is a concrete application and development of the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat in socialist construction. It has extremely profound theoretical significance and a very important practical role, laying the theoretical foundation for the development of China’s socialist cause, and also representing an important enrichment and development of the Marxist theory of scientific socialism.

通过对马克思主义的无产阶级专政学说的深入研究和在中国革命、建设中的实践运用，毛泽东还特别提出了正确处理人民内部矛盾的学说，并把正确处理人民内部矛盾作为国家政治生活的主题。毛泽东说：“国家的统一，人民的团结，国内各民族的团结，这是我们的事业必定要胜利的基本保证。但是，这并不是说在我们的社会里已经没有任何的矛盾了”。[5]204“在我们的面前有两类社会矛盾，这就是敌我之间的矛盾和人民内部的矛盾。这是性质完全不同的两类矛盾”。[5]204-205“敌我之间的矛盾是对抗性的矛盾。人民内部的矛盾，在劳动人民之间说来，是非对抗性的”，[5]205“是在人民利益根本一致的基础上的矛盾”。[5]206“敌我之间和人民内部这两类矛盾的性质不同，解决的方法也不同”。[5]206它们一个是敌我的问题，一个是是非的问题。敌我矛盾需要用强制的、专政的方法来解决，用专政“压迫国家内部的反动阶级、反动派和反抗社会主义革命的剥削者，压迫那些对于社会主义建设的破坏者”。[5]207人民内部矛盾只能用民主的、说服教育的方法，也就是团结—批评—团结的方法去解决。毛泽东正确处理人民内部矛盾的学说是对马克思主义无产阶级专政学说在社会主义建设中的具体运用和发展，具有极其深刻的理论意义和十分重要的现实作用，为我国社会主义事业的发展奠定了理论基础，也是对马克思主义的科学社会主义理论的重要丰富和发展。

In summary, Mao Zedong, integrating the practice and experience of the Chinese revolution, scientifically inherited and developed the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Through the new-democratic revolution, the socialist transformation of the means of production from private to public ownership, and the complete establishment of the socialist system, he continuously established and realized the people’s democratic dictatorship, setting an example and making contributions for the world proletarian revolution. These ideas still possess certain theoretical significance and practical guiding role in contemporary China’s socialist construction, reform, and the world socialist movement. It is still necessary to further inherit, develop, and perfect them, especially in terms of how to better embody and perfect people’s democracy, how to better consolidate and develop socialism, and other issues, making explorations and practices that are rich in national character, contemporary relevance, and reflect the advanced nature of the Party. The Chinese Communists, with Comrades Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao as their chief representatives, during the new period of reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, still upheld the people’s democratic dictatorship, wrote it into the Party Constitution and the state Constitution as one of the Four Cardinal Principles, and resolutely defended the glorious banner of socialism.

总之，毛泽东结合中国革命的实践和经验，科学地继承和发展了马克思主义的无产阶级专政学说，并通过新民主主义革命、变生产资料私有制为公有制的社会主义改造和社会主义制度的完全建立，不断建立和实现着人民民主专政，为世界无产阶级革命树立了榜样，做出了贡献。这些思想在当代中国社会主义建设、改革以及世界社会主义运动中仍然具有一定的理论意义和现实的指导作用，仍然有必要再继承、发展和完善，特别是在如何更好地体现和完善人民民主，更好地巩固和发展社会主义等问题上更要做出富有民族性、时代性以及体现党的先进性的探索与实践。以邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛同志为主要代表的中国共产党人在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，仍然坚持人民民主专政，并把它作为四项基本原则之一写入党章和宪法，坚决捍卫了社会主义的光辉旗帜。

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has profoundly summarized the Party’s century-long historical experience, and with a new horizon has further deepened its understanding of the laws governing the exercise of power by the Communist Party, the laws governing the building of socialism, and the laws governing the development of human society. Whether in putting forward the theories of the “Ten Clarifications,” the “Fourteen Perseverances,” and the “Achievements in Thirteen Aspects,” or in the major principles that must be firmly grasped on the path to comprehensively building a modern socialist country, as well as in adhering to and skillfully applying the positions, viewpoints, and methods that run through Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, it has continued to uphold and apply the doctrine of scientific socialism, while also developing the theory of the people’s democratic dictatorship, leading the people to take more solid steps in building socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics. “We actively developed socialist democratic politics and advanced law-based governance in all respects. We stepped up institution building across the board to ensure the unity of the Party’s leadership, the people’s running of the country, and law-based governance; we constantly improved the institutions and mechanisms for Party leadership; we steadily developed socialist democracy; we expanded intraparty democracy; we advanced socialist consultative democracy in all respects; we consolidated and developed the patriotic united front; and we took innovative steps in work related to ethnic and religious affairs.” [6]6 The “four dangers” refer to the dangers of mental slackness, incompetence, disengagement from the people, and corruption.4 The 20th National Congress further proposed that “whole-process people’s democracy is the essential attribute of socialist democratic politics.” [7]7 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership.37 Its proposal, practice, and development have achieved the unity of procedural democracy and substantive democracy, direct democracy and indirect democracy, people’s democracy and the will of the state, fully demonstrating the nature of the socialist state and the principal position of the people, and enabling the people’s role as masters of the country to be better reflected in national political life and social life. We have also fully recognized that the leadership of the Communist Party of China is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and have soberly analyzed the “four major tests” [n5] and “four dangers” [n6] facing the Party, thereby comprehensively strengthening strict governance of the Party and resolutely changing the lax and soft state of Party management and governance. We have promoted the entire Party to respect the Party Constitution, strengthened the “Four Consciousnesses,” [n7] consolidated the “Four Confidences,” [n8] and achieved the “Two Upholds.” [n9] By strengthening the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, strictly enforcing the Party’s political discipline and political rules, implementing the political responsibility for Party management and governance, and carrying out a series of centralized Party-wide study and education campaigns, we have strengthened ideals, upheld convictions, and fortified Party spirit, forming a good atmosphere of intraparty democracy, and also promoting a marked improvement in the social democratic atmosphere, thereby exploring a new path for socialist democratic construction suited to China’s actual conditions. In the process of democratic construction in the New Era, we have not only resolutely exercised dictatorship over hostile elements who oppose the Party and socialism, obstruct, undermine national unity and the socialist modernization drive, and resolutely defended the Party’s leadership, the socialist system, national unity, and the achievements of socialist construction, but we have also, with the determination and perseverance of a warrior cutting off his own wrist, carried out a self-revolution that turns the blade inward, focusing on solving the most prominent problems that the people have strongly reflected upon and that pose the greatest threat to the Party’s governing foundation. For example, we introduced the Eight-Point Regulations of the Central Committee, severely rectifying formalism, bureaucracy, hedonism, and extravagance, and resolutely opposing privilege; we established an inspection system, achieving full coverage of inspections at the central and local levels; we insisted on no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance in the fight against corruption, unswervingly pursuing a multi-pronged approach of “hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes,” [n10] so that the goal of not daring to be corrupt is constantly being achieved, the cage of not being able to be corrupt is constantly being fastened, and the embankment of not wanting to be corrupt is constantly being built, and the overwhelming momentum in the fight against corruption has taken shape and been consolidated and developed. It can be seen that the theory of the people’s democratic dictatorship in the New Era has gained new connotations, which has also ensured that our achievements are all-round and pioneering. Facing major risks and challenges and prominent problems within the Party, the Party, with tremendous political courage, a strong sense of responsibility, and tenacious willpower, has eliminated serious hidden dangers within the Party and the state, “solved many long-standing problems that had been difficult to solve, and accomplished many major tasks that had been desired but not accomplished, promoting historic changes in the cause of the Party and the state.” [6]6 The “four dangers” refer to the dangers of mental slackness, incompetence, disengagement from the people, and corruption.8 These historic changes have had a major and far-reaching impact on the development of the cause of the Party and the state, and also represent a new development of the people’s democratic dictatorship.

党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央深刻总结了党的百年历史经验，以全新的视野进一步深化了对共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律、人类社会发展规律的认识，无论是在提出“十个明确”“十四个坚持”“十三个方面成就”的理论中，还是在全面建设社会主义现代化国家的前进道路上必须牢牢把握的重大原则以及坚持好、运用好贯穿于习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的立场观点方法中，都继续坚持和运用了科学社会主义学说，同时也发展了人民民主专政理论，领导人民在中国特色社会主义民主建设上迈出了更坚实的步伐。“积极发展社会主义民主政治，推进全面依法治国，党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一的制度建设全面加强，党的领导体制机制不断完善，社会主义民主不断发展，党内民主更加广泛，社会主义协商民主全面展开，爱国统一战线巩固发展，民族宗教工作创新推进”。[6]4党的二十大又提出“全过程人民民主是社会主义民主政治的本质属性”。[7]37它的提出、实践和发展，实现了过程民主和成果民主、程序民主和实质民主、直接民主和间接民主、人民民主和国家意志相统一，充分彰显了社会主义国家性质和人民主体地位，使人民当家作主更好体现在国家政治生活和社会生活之中。我们还充分认识到中国共产党的领导是中国特色社会主义最本质的特征，并清醒分析到党面临的“四大考验”和“四种危险”，从而全面加强从严治党，坚决改变管党治党宽松软状况。推动全党尊崇党章，增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”，通过加强党中央集中统一领导，严明党的政治纪律和政治规矩，落实管党治党的政治责任，开展一系列党的集中性学习教育活动，坚定理想、坚守信念、坚强党性，形成了好的党内民主氛围，也推动了社会民主风气明显好转，探索出一条符合中国实际的社会主义民主建设新途径。在新时代民主建设的过程中，我们不但坚决对反党反社会主义，阻挠、破坏国家统一和社会主义现代化建设的敌对分子实行专政，坚决捍卫党的领导、社会主义制度、国家统一和社会主义建设成果，而且还以壮士断腕的决心和毅力进行了刀刃向内的自我革命，着力解决人民群众反映最强烈、对党的执政基础威胁最大的突出问题。如出台中央八项规定，严厉整治形式主义、官僚主义、享乐主义和奢靡之风，坚决反对特权；建立巡视制度，实现中央和地方巡视全覆盖；坚持反腐败无禁区、全覆盖、零容忍，坚定不移进行“打虎”“拍蝇”“猎狐”多管齐下，不敢腐的目标不断实现，不能腐的笼子不断扎牢，不想腐的堤坝不断构筑，反腐败斗争压倒性态势已经形成并巩固发展。可见，新时代人民民主专政理论有了新的内涵，这也保证了我们取得的成就是全方位的、开创性的。党面对重大风险考验和党内存在的突出问题，以巨大的政治勇气、强烈的责任担当和顽强的意志品质，消除了党和国家内部存在的严重隐患，“解决了许多长期想解决而没有解决的难题，办成了许多过去想办而没有办成的大事，推动党和国家事业发生历史性变革”。[6]8这些历史性变革，对党和国家事业发展具有重大而深远影响，也是人民民主专政的新发展。

II. On the Question of the Stages of Communism

二、关于共产主义阶段性问题

As Marx’s thought matured and the proletarian revolutionary movement deepened, Marx’s understanding of communism also deepened. For example, “Communism is the positive transcendence of private property, as human self-estrangement,” [8]8 The “Four Confidences” refer to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. indicating the basic value goal of communism; “in communist society, where nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each can become accomplished in any branch he wishes,” [3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.165 everyone can break free from the forced old division of labor; in the Manifesto of the Communist Party, Marx and Engels said: “In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all,” [3]3 Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, *Manifesto of the Communist Party*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 421.422 which most concentratedly and fully reveals the core value goal of communist society; after a comparative analysis of pre-capitalist society, capitalist society, and future communist society in the Grundrisse (1857–1858), Marx further concluded that “free individuality, based on the universal development of individuals and on their subordination of their communal, social productivity as their social wealth, is the third stage,” [9]9 The “Two Upholds” refer to upholding General Secretary Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. and this social historical stage is precisely the stage in which individuals have completely shaken off dependence on persons and dependence on things, and can fully develop and realize their free individuality in an all-round way, that is, communist society.

随着马克思思想的不断成熟和无产阶级革命运动的不断深入，马克思对共产主义的认识也在不断深化。如“共产主义是对私有财产即人的自我异化的积极的扬弃”，[8]说明共产主义的基本价值目标；“在共产主义社会里，任何人都没有特殊的活动范围，而是都可以在任何部门内发展”，[3]165每个人都可以摆脱强制性的旧式分工；在《共产党宣言》中，马克思、恩格斯说：“代替那存在着阶级和阶级对立的资产阶级旧社会的，将是这样一个联合体，在那里，每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件”，[3]422最集中最充分地揭示了共产主义社会的核心价值目标；马克思在《1857—1858年经济学手稿》中将前资本主义社会、资本主义社会以及未来共产主义社会进行对比分析之后，又得出了“建立在个人全面发展和他们共同的、社会的生产能力成为从属于他们的社会财富这一基础上的自由个性，是第三个阶段”，[9]而这一社会历史阶段就是个人完全摆脱了人的依赖性和物的依赖性，个人能以全面发展的方式充分发展和实现自己的自由个性的阶段，即共产主义社会。

Although the above expressions by Marx about future communist society differ in the use of language, the ideas within them are interconnected, all expressing that communist society is an ideal society for the free and all-round development of human beings. The formation of these theses and ideas is not an empty hypothesis, but gradually took shape through a series of scientific deductions. It is precisely through the understanding of communism, the profound analysis of the economic phenomena of capitalist society, and the summation of the practical experience of the proletarian revolutionary struggle that Marx, in this important document of scientific socialism, the Critique of the Gotha Programme, concretely elaborated the question of the two stages of development of communist society, providing a scientific theoretical basis for how the proletariat, after seizing political power, should carry out socialist construction. This is to use historical materialism and the dialectical view of development, starting from the reality of social development, especially economic development, to regard communist society as a continuous process of development.

尽管以上马克思对未来共产主义社会的表述在语言的使用上有所不同，但是其中的思想是相通的，都表达了共产主义社会是人的自由而全面发展的理想社会。这些论点、思想的形成不是空洞的假设，而是在一系列科学推论中逐渐形成的。正是通过对共产主义的认识以及对资本主义社会经济现象的深刻分析与无产阶级革命实践经验的总结，马克思在《哥达纲领批判》这部科学社会主义的重要文献里具体阐述了共产主义社会的两个发展阶段问题，为无产阶级取得政权之后，如何进行社会主义建设提供了科学理论依据。这就是要用唯物史观和辩证发展观，从社会发展特别是经济发展的实际出发，把共产主义社会作为一个不断发展的过程来看待。

In the first phase of communist society, the entire society still bears the traces of capitalist society in economic, moral and intellectual respects; moreover, because the level of development of the productive forces is limited, the distribution of consumer goods can only follow the principle of exchange of equivalents to realise distribution according to work: “the individual producer receives back from society — after the deductions have been made — exactly what he gives to it.” [1]1 Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 368.363 Marx’s exposition on the first phase of communist society further clarified certain erroneous understandings of communism, seriously criticised Lassalle’s “iron law of wages” for taking the appearance of things as their essence, and dispelled the utopian halo that had shrouded communism. It clearly showed the world that the first phase of communist society only eliminates the possibility of one person exploiting another; in principle, distribution according to work still remains bourgeois right, and it is still quite far from realising complete human equality and the free and all-round development of the individual. Lenin called the first phase of communist society socialism, [10]10 “Hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes” are metaphorical terms used in China’s anti-corruption campaign, referring respectively to targeting high-ranking officials, low-ranking officials, and corrupt individuals who have fled abroad.196 and socialism first builds “socialism in its初级形式” [primary form], and only later begins to build “developed socialism.” As for the second phase of communist society, i.e., the higher phase of communism, Marx discussed it as follows: “In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labour, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labour, has vanished; after labour has become not only a means of life but life’s prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-round development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly — only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” [1]1 Karl Marx, “Critique of the Gotha Programme,” in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 368.364-365 In this passage on communism, Marx clearly indicated on what basis the true communist society, i.e., the higher phase of communist society, is formed, and what economic principle it follows. In the same passage, Marx also set forth the basic conditions for realising communism. First, the high development of the productive forces — this is the prerequisite for realising communism. Without this condition, it is impossible to establish a communist society; even if one were formally established, it could only be crude or primitive. Therefore, the development of the productive forces enables people to obtain stable conditions for survival and development; the concept of labour and the attitude toward labour will undergo corresponding fundamental changes; people’s ability to free themselves from the constraints of nature and society as such grows ever stronger; hence the possibility of realising communism also grows ever greater. Second, the immense abundance of collective wealth — this is the material foundation for realising communism. Wealth belongs to the collective, i.e., to all members of society, which means it belongs to each individual, establishing social conditions most worthy of and most suited to the realisation of the human essence. Only in this way can each person truly escape the drive of material interests, no longer become a slave to matter, no longer allow blind forces to rule over them, thereby providing a powerful social material guarantee for the free and all-round development of the individual. Third, the all-round development of the individual. Communist society must be built by people; without the improvement of individual qualities, the display of talents, and the full play of creative individuality, communism cannot be established. Therefore, the most fundamental guarantee for building communist society comes from people themselves; people must be liberated from all natural and social constraints so that they can achieve all-round development. If people are merely under the domination of nature and society, without any subjective consciousness or initiative, they cannot become masters of society. People are both ends and means, both the starting point and the pursuit of spiritual belonging (归宿). The “people” that Marxism speaks of is a universal judgment, not a particular reference; therefore, there is no such thing as an alienating phenomenon where one person’s development is achieved at the expense of another’s, nor any inhuman phenomenon where the interests of the majority are deprived to satisfy the needs of a minority, or even of a single individual. In communist society, people are each other’s premises and each other’s conditions for development; the result is that each individual achieves free and all-round development. Hence, the future communist society is a truly human-centred society. Looking at the Critique of the Gotha Programme as a whole, Marx not only pointed out the goal of development for people, but also indicated that the realisation of this goal is a process of struggle full of contradictions, which cannot be achieved overnight. That is to say, establishing communist society is for the free and all-round development of the individual, and the realisation of this society is an arduous process full of contradictions; it can only be achieved through people’s own struggle and effort. It is necessary to combine the ideal with reality, to combine the exertion of people’s subjective initiative with respect for objective laws, and to combine the promotion of the development of the productive forces with the raising of people’s ideological consciousness and the transformation of their concept of labour. All of this conforms to the basic viewpoints and fundamental requirements of historical materialism, and is also full of dialectical thinking.

在共产主义社会第一阶段，整个社会在经济、道德和精神等方面都带有资本主义社会的痕迹，而且由于生产力发展水平有限，消费品的分配也只能遵循商品等价交换的原则实现按劳分配，“每一个生产者，在作了各项扣除以后，从社会领回的，正好是他给予社会的”。[1]363马克思关于共产主义社会第一阶段的论述，进一步澄清了人们对共产主义的一些错误认识，严肃地批判了拉萨尔的“铁的工资规律”是把事物的外表当作事物的本质，清除了笼罩在共产主义之上的空想光环，它清楚地向世人表明共产主义社会第一阶段只是消除了人剥削人的可能，从原则上来说，按劳分配仍是资产阶级法权，距离实现人的完全平等和自由而全面发展还相当远。列宁把共产主义社会第一阶段称为社会主义，[10]196社会主义首先建设的是“初级形式的社会主义”，而后开始建设“发达的社会主义”。关于共产主义社会第二阶段，即共产主义高级阶段，马克思又是这样论述的，他说：“在共产主义社会高级阶段，在迫使个人奴隶般地服从分工的情形已经消失，从而脑力劳动和体力劳动的对立也随之消失之后；在劳动已经不仅仅是谋生的手段，而且本身成了生活的第一需要之后；在随着个人的全面发展，他们的生产力也增长起来，而集体财富的一切源泉都充分涌流之后，——只有在那个时候，才能完全超出资产阶级权利的狭隘眼界，社会才能在自己的旗帜上写上：各尽所能，按需分配！”[1]364-365在这一段关于共产主义的论述中，马克思明确地指出了真正的共产主义社会，即共产主义社会高级阶段，是在怎样的基础上形成的，又有什么样的经济原则。同样在这一段，马克思也提出了实现共产主义的基本条件。一是生产力的高度发展，这是实现共产主义的前提条件。没有这个条件，不可能建立起共产主义社会，即使在形式上建立起来，也只能是粗陋的或原始的。所以，生产力的发展使人获得了稳定的生存和发展条件，劳动观念和劳动态度也会发生相应的根本性变化，人们从总体上摆脱自然和社会本身对人的束缚的能力也越来越强，故而实现共产主义的可能性也越来越大。二是集体财富的极大丰富，这是实现共产主义的物质基础。财富归集体所有，即归全体社会成员所有，也就是归每个人所有，建立起一个最无愧于和最适合于人的本质实现的社会条件。唯有如此，每个人才能真正摆脱物质利益的驱使，不再成为物质的奴隶，不再让盲目的力量来统治自己，从而为人的自由而全面发展提供有力的社会物质保障。三是人的全面发展。共产主义社会要人来建设，没有个人的素质的提高、才能的施展和创造性个性的充分发挥，共产主义就不可能建立起来，所以，建立共产主义社会的最根本的保证来自人，要把人从一切自然的、社会的束缚下解放出来，使人得到全面发展。如果人只是处在自然界和社会的奴役之下，没有任何主体意识和能动性，人就不能成为社会的主人。人是目的也是手段，是出发点也是归宿。马克思主义讲的这个“人”是一个全称判断，并非特指，因此，根本不存在为一个人的发展以牺牲另一个人的发展为代价的异化现象，不存在通过剥夺多数人的利益而满足少数人，甚至某一个人的需要的非人道现象。在共产主义社会，人互为前提，互为发展条件，其结果就是每个人都得到自由而全面发展。因此，未来的共产主义社会是一个真正的人本社会。纵观《哥达纲领批判》，马克思既为人指明了发展的目标，同时又指出了这一目标的实现是一个充满矛盾的斗争过程，不可能一蹴而就，也就是说，建立共产主义社会就是为了人的自由而全面发展，而这一社会的实现是一个艰巨的、充满矛盾的过程，必须要靠人自身的奋斗和努力才有可能实现，要把理想与现实结合起来，把发挥人的主观能动性与尊重客观规律结合起来，把促进生产力的发展与提高人的思想意识和改变人的劳动观念结合起来，这些都符合历史唯物主义的基本观点和根本要求，也充满了辩证思维。

From Marx’s exposition on communism in the Critique of the Gotha Programme, we can clearly see that Marx’s understanding of communism became increasingly profound, and his discussion of the path to realising communist society and the stages of its development became increasingly specific. Of course, Marx’s understanding of communism was based on exposing and criticising capitalism; he did not engage in abstract depiction or design detached from real society. We can also say that Marx’s understanding of communism was formed within the great process of social-historical development, i.e., from the overall trend of social development moving from lower to higher, from barbarism to civilisation. This understanding possesses both a factual basis in reality and historical rationality, as well as theoretical logical reasoning and value prediction, which is fundamentally different from utopian socialism. As Lenin said: “Marx raised the question of communism in the same way as a naturalist would raise the question of the development of a new biological variety, once he knew that it had originated in such and such a way and was changing in such and such a definite direction.” [10]10 “Hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes” are metaphorical terms used in China’s anti-corruption campaign, referring respectively to targeting high-ranking officials, low-ranking officials, and corrupt individuals who have fled abroad.187 “Marx’s whole theory is an application of the theory of development — in its most consistent, complete, well-considered and comprehensive form — to modern capitalism. Naturally, Marx was faced with the task of applying this theory to the impending collapse of capitalism and the future development of future communism.” [10]10 “Hunting tigers,” “swatting flies,” and “chasing foxes” are metaphorical terms used in China’s anti-corruption campaign, referring respectively to targeting high-ranking officials, low-ranking officials, and corrupt individuals who have fled abroad.186 Therefore, Marx’s exposition on communism is dialectical and scientific.

从马克思在《哥达纲领批判》关于共产主义的论述中，我们能够清楚地看到，马克思对共产主义的认识越来越深入，对如何实现共产主义社会的途径以及共产主义社会发展阶段的探讨也越来越具体。当然，马克思对共产主义的认识是在揭露和批判资本主义基础上进行的，并没有脱离现实社会进行抽象的描绘和设计。我们也可以这样说，马克思关于共产主义的认识是在大的社会历史发展过程中，即从社会发展总体呈现出由低级到高级、由野蛮到文明的发展态势中来认识的。这种认识既有现实的事实基础和历史合理性，又有理论的逻辑推理和价值预测，与空想社会主义有着本质不同。正如列宁所言：“马克思提出共产主义的问题，正像一个自然科学家已经知道某一新的生物变种是怎样产生以及朝着哪个方向演变才提出该生物变种的发展问题一样”。[10]187“马克思的全部理论，就是运用最彻底、最完整、最周密、内容最丰富的发展论去考察现代资本主义。自然，他也就要运用这个理论去考察资本主义的即将到来的崩溃和未来共产主义的未来的发展”。[10]186因此，马克思关于共产主义的论述是辩证的、科学的。

Marx’s *Critique of the Gotha Programme* discusses the two stages of the development of communist society. In particular, from the exposition of the first stage of communist society, it can be seen that this stage is a contradictory unity in which the past and the future, the ideal and the reality, are interconnected. With regard to this contradictory unity, we need to pay attention to two points. First, the connection between the first stage of communist society and capitalist society must not be overlooked; factors of a capitalist nature must not be allowed to spread arbitrarily within the first stage of communist society. Otherwise, it will be impossible to consolidate the hard-won social foundation of the first stage of communist society, and the proletarian state power may even be lost. Second, the difference between the first stage of communist society and the higher stage must not be ignored; characteristics that belong only to the higher stage of communist society cannot be transferred to the first stage and applied there.[11]11 The term “初级形式的社会主义” (socialism in its primary form) is a direct quotation from Lenin’s works, referring to the initial, underdeveloped stage of socialism as discussed in the context of the Critique of the Gotha Programme.[13] Of course, while we note these two points, we must also recognise that the transition from the first stage of communist society to the second stage is not a natural process; it requires active guidance and positive construction. This has important theoretical significance for our understanding of the development of contemporary socialism, especially for how we understand the primary stage of socialism. It has important practical significance for our understanding of socialism with Chinese characteristics, especially for how we firmly believe that socialism with Chinese characteristics will certainly achieve greater successes. And it has important value significance for strengthening our communist conviction, especially for how we firmly believe that human society will certainly move towards communism. The unity of the ideal and the reality must start from the present moment and be realised in practice. This requires both the sentiment of looking up at the starry sky and the spirit of keeping our feet on the ground. In this way, the realisation of Chinese-path modernization will be just around the corner. Facing the changes unseen in a century in the world, and facing the profound changes in the global situation, the national condition, and the Party’s condition, the Communist Party of China has deeply recognised the importance of firmly establishing communist ideals and convictions, as well as the importance of firmly establishing confidence in the path, confidence in the theory, confidence in the system, and confidence in the culture.[14] It is precisely on the basis of such ideals, convictions, and high confidence that, after long-term effort, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era. This is a new historical juncture in the process of China’s development within the first stage of communist society. The report of the 19th National Congress of the CPC contains a meaningful passage on this New Era: “The advent of the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics means that the Chinese nation, which has endured so much since modern times, has achieved a great leap from standing up and growing prosperous to becoming strong, and has ushered in a bright prospect for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It means that scientific socialism is full of vitality in 21st-century China, and that the banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics is held high in the world. It means that the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics have continued to develop, broadening the path for developing countries to achieve modernization, offering a new choice for those countries and nations that wish to accelerate their development while maintaining their independence, and contributing Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach to solving the problems of mankind.”[6]6 The “four dangers” refer to the dangers of mental slackness, incompetence, disengagement from the people, and corruption.10 In this passage, the first “it means” points out that the transition from the former socialist society to the first stage of communist society was achieved by the Chinese people liberating themselves through their own efforts. To this end, the Chinese people chose the Communist Party of China, which comes from the people, represents the people, and serves the people. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people threw off the suffering of exploitation and oppression, won democracy, became masters of their own destiny, and, through arduous and selfless struggle, laid a solid political, economic, and social foundation for China to truly move towards socialism. The second “it means” points out that Marxism is the truth, and that China’s taking the socialist road is a scientific proof of Marxism, fully in line with the laws of historical development. Practice has proven that “the reason why the Communist Party of China can succeed and why socialism with Chinese characteristics can work is, ultimately, that Marxism works, and that Marxism adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times works.”[7]7 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership.16 The socialist system is an advanced social system suited to China’s developmental needs. Scientific socialism has radiated its due strong vitality and dynamism in China. Socialism with Chinese characteristics is the only way to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. All this has laid a solid foundation in terms of path, theory, and system for China to truly move towards socialism. The third “it means” points out that the Communist Party of China is a faithful practitioner of Marxism. It not only leads the Chinese people in seeking their own liberation and development, but also advocates building a community with a shared future for mankind to achieve common development for all countries. Therefore, the successful entry of the Chinese people, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, into the first stage of communist society and its practice in China—socialism with Chinese characteristics—has significance that is not limited to China. In the world, it has opened up a new development model for the historical process of mankind. As the report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC points out, “Scientific socialism is brimming with renewed vitality in 21st-century China. Chinese-path modernization offers a new choice for mankind to achieve modernization. The Communist Party of China and the Chinese people will provide more and better Chinese wisdom, Chinese approaches, and Chinese strength to solve the common problems facing mankind, and make new and greater contributions to the noble cause of human peace and development!”[7]7 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership.16 Thus it can be seen that socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era not only conforms to Marx’s theoretical exposition of the first stage of communist society, but also possesses many new features with Chinese characteristics. For example, since entering the New Era, the principal contradiction in Chinese society has indeed undergone new changes. However, this has not altered the basic situation of Chinese society: the basic national condition that China is still and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism has not changed, and China’s international status as the world’s largest developing country has not changed. Firmly grasping this basic national condition of the primary stage of socialism, firmly basing ourselves on this greatest reality of the primary stage of socialism, and firmly adhering to the Party’s basic line, which is the lifeline of the Party and the state and the road to happiness for the people, “uniting and leading the people of all ethnic groups across the country in comprehensively building a great modern socialist country, achieving the Second Centenary Goal, and comprehensively advancing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization”[7]7 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership.21—this is the central task of the Communist Party of China on the new journey of the New Era.

马克思的《哥达纲领批判》关于共产主义社会发展的两个阶段论述，特别是从对共产主义社会第一阶段的论述中可知这个阶段是一个过去和将来、理想和现实相互关联的矛盾统一体。对这个矛盾统一体，我们需要注意两点：一是不可忽视共产主义社会第一阶段与资本主义社会的联系，不能让资本主义性质因素在共产主义社会第一阶段中任意蔓延，否则不可能巩固来之不易的共产主义社会第一阶段的社会基础，甚至还会丧失无产阶级政权。二是不可忽视共产主义社会第一阶段与高级阶段的差别，不能把在共产主义社会高级阶段才具有的特征搬到共产主义社会第一阶段来加以运用。[11]当然，在我们注意到这两点的同时，也必须认识到从共产主义社会第一阶段进入共产主义社会第二阶段也不是一个自然过程，需要主动引导和积极建设，这对我们认识当代社会主义发展，特别是对如何认识社会主义初级阶段具有重要的理论意义；对我们认识中国特色社会主义，特别是对如何坚信中国特色社会主义一定能够取得更大的成就具有重要的现实意义；对我们坚定共产主义信念，特别是对如何坚信人类社会一定能够走向共产主义具有重要的价值意义。理想与现实的统一需要从当下做起，需要在实践中实现。这既需要我们有仰望星空的情怀，更需要我们有脚踏实地的精神，如此一来，中国式现代化的实现必将指日可待。面对世界百年未有之大变局，面对世情、国情和党情的深刻变化，中国共产党深刻认识到坚定共产主义理想信念的重要性，以及坚定道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信的重要性。正是基于这样的理想信念和高度自信，经过长期努力，中国特色社会主义进入了新时代，这是我国走上共产主义社会第一阶段发展过程中所处的一个新的历史方位。党的十九大报告就这个新时代有一段意味深长的表述，即“中国特色社会主义进入新时代，意味着近代以来久经磨难的中华民族迎来了从站起来、富起来到强起来的伟大飞跃，迎来了实现中华民族伟大复兴的光明前景；意味着科学社会主义在21世纪的中国焕发出强大生机活力，在世界上高高举起了中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜；意味着中国特色社会主义道路、理论、制度、文化不断发展，拓展了发展中国家走向现代化的途径，给世界上那些既希望加快发展又希望保持自身独立性的国家和民族提供了全新选择，为解决人类问题贡献了中国智慧和中国方案”。[6]10这段话中，第一个“意味着”指出了从前社会主义社会到共产主义社会第一阶段是靠中国人民自己解放自己实现的。为此，中国人民选择了来自人民、代表人民、服务人民的中国共产党。在中国共产党的领导下，中国人民摆脱了受剥削、受压迫的苦难，争得民主，成为主人，在艰苦卓绝的忘我奋斗中，为中国真正走向社会主义奠定了坚实的政治基础、经济基础和社会基础。第二个“意味着”指出了马克思主义是真理，中国走上社会主义道路就是对马克思主义的科学证明，是完全符合历史发展规律的。实践证明，“中国共产党为什么能，中国特色社会主义为什么好，归根到底是马克思主义行，是中国化时代化的马克思主义行”。[7]16社会主义制度是合乎中国发展需要的先进的社会制度，科学社会主义在中国焕发出了其应有的强大生机与活力，中国特色社会主义是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路，所有这些为中国真正走向社会主义奠定了坚实的道路基础、理论基础和制度基础。第三个“意味着”指出了中国共产党是马克思主义的忠实践行者，她不但领导中国人民谋求自身解放与发展，而且通过主张构建人类命运共同体来实现世界各国的共同发展。所以，中国共产党领导中国人民成功走入共产主义社会第一阶段并在中国的实践——中国特色社会主义——其意义已不限于中国，在世界，这为人类历史进程开辟了新发展样式。正如党的二十大报告中指出的，“科学社会主义在二十一世纪的中国焕发出新的蓬勃生机，中国式现代化为人类实现现代化提供了新的选择，中国共产党和中国人民为解决人类面临的共同问题提供更多更好的中国智慧、中国方案、中国力量，为人类和平与发展崇高事业作出新的更大的贡献！”[7]16由此可见，新时代中国特色社会主义既符合马克思对共产主义社会第一阶段的理论论述，又具有许多中国特色的新的特征。如进入新时代，我国社会主要矛盾确实发生了新的变化，但是这并未改变我国社会所处的基本状况，即我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情没有变，我国是世界最大发展中国家的国际地位没有变。牢牢把握住我国社会主义初级阶段这个基本国情，牢牢立足于社会主义初级阶段这个最大实际，牢牢坚持住党的基本路线这个党和国家的生命线、人民的幸福线，“团结带领全国各族人民全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现第二个百年奋斗目标，以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴”，[7]21这是中国共产党在新时代新征程的中心任务。

Conclusion

结 语

Now, restudying and researching Marx’s *Critique of the Gotha Programme* allows us to understand more deeply the interconnection between the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the first stage of communist society. This is of great significance for strengthening the Four Consciousnesses, consolidating the Four Confidences, and achieving the Two Upholds,[15] and also has a guiding role in the modernisation of China’s national governance system and governance capacity. From this, we must also recognise that Marxist theory is something that, the more one studies it, the more one gains new insights. Neglecting the study of Marxist theory will cause our ideals and convictions to waver and lead to a lack of confidence in socialism with Chinese characteristics. Xi Jinping pointed out: “To gain an advantage, seize

现在，我们再学习和研究马克思《哥达纲领批判》，可以更加深刻地认识到关于无产阶级专政必要性与共产主义社会第一阶段之间的相互关联，这对于增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”具有重要意义，也对当代中国的国家治理体系和治理能力现代化建设具有指导作用。由此，我们也要认识到马克思主义理论是常学常新的，忽视对马克思主义理论的学习，就会使我们的理想信念发生动摇，对中国特色社会主义缺乏信心。习近平指出：“要赢得优势、赢得主动、赢得未来，战胜前进道路上各种各样的拦路虎、绊脚石，必须把马克思主义作为看家本领，不断提高全党运用马克思主义分析和解决实际问题的能力，不断提高运用科学理论指导我们应对重大挑战、抵御重大风险、克服重大阻力、解决重大矛盾的能力。坚定全党马克思主义信仰和共产主义理想，原原本本学习和研读马克思主义经典著作，要深入学、持久学、刻苦学，带着问题学、联系实际学，把科学思想理论转化为认识世界、改造世界的强大物质力量，以更好坚持和发展中国特色社会主义”。[12]这些要求关系到我国改革开放的走向，也关系到中国特色社会主义的未来。

(Author’s bio: Yang Jianyi, Dean of the School of Marxism at Northwest Minzu University, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor)

（作者简介：杨建毅，西北民族大学马克思主义学院院长，教授、博士生导师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心