New Forms of Capital in the Digital Society and Their Distributional Characteristics

Against the backdrop of a new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation, the modes of human production and life are undergoing tremendous changes, and human society is gradually moving toward an era of digitalization and intelligence. In this process of transformation, changes in the mode of production and social form have given rise to new types of capital, and the distribution of these new forms of capital has an important impact on social stratification in the digital age. Facing the opportunities and challenges brought by the technological and industrial revolution and social transformation, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council jointly issued the *Overall Layout Plan for the Construction of Digital China* in 2023, which states: "Building Digital China is an important engine for advancing Chinese-path modernization in the digital age and a strong support for building new advantages in national competition." The construction of Digital China is of strategic significance for building a new development pattern and promoting high-quality development, and it will inevitably advance the process of digital transformation in Chinese society and promote further changes in social form. In this context, a deep understanding of the distributional characteristics of new forms of capital in the digital age and the logic of social differentiation is of great significance for building an inclusive and universally beneficial digital society, stimulating the endogenous dynamics and innovative vitality of the whole society, and achieving common prosperity.

在新一轮科技革命和产业变革的背景下，人类生产和生活模式正在发生巨大变迁，人类社会逐渐走向数字化和智能化时代。在这一转型过程中，生产方式和社会形态的变化催生了新的资本类型，这些新型资本的分配对数字时代的社会分层具有重要影响。面对技术产业革命和社会转型带来的机遇和挑战，中共中央、国务院于2023年联合印发的《数字中国建设整体布局规划》指出：“建设数字中国是数字时代推进中国式现代化的重要引擎，是构筑国家竞争新优势的有力支撑。”数字中国建设对构建新发展格局、推动高质量发展具有战略性意义，也必将推进中国社会的数字化转型过程，推动社会形态的进一步变化。在此背景下，深入理解数字时代新型资本的分配特征与社会分化逻辑，对于建设普惠包容的数字社会、激发全社会内生动力和创新活力、实现共同富裕具有重要意义。

I. New Forms of Capital in the Digital Society

一、数字社会的新型资本

The distribution of important social resources has always been one of the core issues of concern in the social sciences, as it relates to social fairness, mobility, economic efficiency, and overall well-being. David B. Grusky and Katherine R. Weisshaar argue that the distribution of important social resources has three key components: first, the institutionalization process, which defines certain types of resources as valuable; second, the allocation rules, through which important resources are distributed to different positions in the division of labor system; and third, the mobility mechanism or attainment mechanism, which matches individuals in society to different positions, through which individuals obtain the aforementioned important resources. On this basis, Grusky and Weisshaar divide important social resources into eight types. Since these resources can be used for investment to create more value, they are also called important assets or capital, specifically including: economic capital, political capital, cultural capital, social capital, reputational capital, civil rights capital, human capital, and health capital (see Table 1 on the next page). The allocation rules and attainment mechanisms of these important forms of capital have an important impact on social differentiation.

社会重要资源的分配始终是社会科学关注的核心问题之一，它关系到社会的公平性、流动性、经济效率和整体福祉。格鲁斯基（David B. Grusky）和韦斯哈尔（Katherine R. Weisshaar）认为社会重要资源的分配有三个关键组成部分：一是制度化过程，这个过程定义了某些类型的资源是有价值的；第二是分配规则，重要资源经由这些规则被分配给劳动分工体系中的不同岗位；第三是流动机制或获得机制，它将社会中的个体匹配到不同的岗位上，个体经由这些岗位获取上述重要资源。在此基础上，格鲁斯基和韦斯哈尔将社会中的重要资源分为八种类型，由于这些资源可以用于投资以创造更多价值，因此也被称为重要资产或资本，具体包括：经济资本、政治资本、文化资本、社会资本、声誉资本、民权资本、人力资本和健康资本（详见下页表1），这些重要资本的分配规则和获得机制对社会分化具有重要影响。

With the rapid development and widespread application of digital technology, human society has initiated a process of digital transformation. Compared with the pre-digital society, the digital society presents two notable characteristics. The first characteristic is the digitalization of information and media. The digitalization of information means that the dissemination of information no longer uses material entities as its medium, but is instead transformed into a string of binary codes, which enables information dissemination to transcend the original limitations of time and space, and its speed, scope, and capacity continue to increase with the upgrading of digital infrastructure such as network bandwidth; while the digitalization of media makes connections and interactions between individuals more convenient, continuously expanding networks of interpersonal relationships, thereby forming a social form of "ubiquitous connectivity." The second characteristic is that, beyond the physical space of reality, a digital virtual space has been formed. This extends human social life spatially, and the digital virtual space and the physical space of reality coexist and intermingle, jointly shaping the way humans exist in the digital age.

伴随数字技术的飞速发展和广泛应用，人类社会开启了数字化转型过程。与前数字社会相比，数字社会呈现出两个显著特征。第一个特征是信息和媒介的数字化。信息的数字化使信息传播不再以物质实体为介质，而是转化为一串二进制编码，这使信息传播超越了原有的时空局限，其传播的速度、范围和容量随着网络带宽等数字基础设施的升级而不断提升；而媒介的数字化则使个体之间的连接和互动更加便捷，人际关系网络不断拓展，从而形成了一个“连接泛在”的社会形态。第二个特征是在现实物理空间之外形成了一个数字虚拟空间。这使得人类社会生活在空间上得以延展，数字虚拟空间与现实物理空间相融共生，共同形塑了人类在数字时代的生存方式。

The superimposition of the above two characteristics, on the one hand, enables rigid assets that could not previously enter the market to have the opportunity to transform into capital, using the connectivity provided by digital technology to obtain profits in larger-scale and more differentiated markets; on the other hand, it gives rise to the emergence of new forms of capital in the digital age. This article focuses mainly on three types of capital: data capital, digital skills capital, and attention capital. The value and influence of these types of capital did not exist or were not significant in the pre-digital era; after entering the digital age, they play an increasingly important role in economic and social life, reflecting the emerging relations of production and social relations of the digital age, and exerting an important influence on the operation of the digital society.

上述两个特征的叠加一方面使原本无法进入市场的僵化资产有机会转变为资本，经由数字技术提供的连通性在更具规模和差异化的市场中获取利润，另一方面则催生了数字时代新型资本的出现。本文主要聚焦三种资本类型：数据资本、数字技能资本和注意力资本。这些资本类型的价值和影响力在前数字时代并不存在或并不显著，进入数字时代之后，它们在经济社会生活中扮演着越来越重要的角色，反映了数字时代新兴的生产关系和社会关系，对数字社会的运行有着重要影响。

First, data capital. "Data" refers to the digital recording or description of objective things, and it already existed widely in the pre-digital era, but apart from uses such as taxation and demographic statistics, data did not have universal exchange value; after entering the digital age, commodification and capitalization have become prominent features of data, exerting a huge impact on the production process and relations of production of the entire society. As data has increasingly become an important factor of production and plays an important role in improving production efficiency and optimizing resource allocation, it has gradually become a key resource for enterprise competition and is called the "new oil" of the digital age. Whoever can occupy an advantage in data capital is more likely to take the lead in competition in the digital age. Some scholars have used the value-added method to measure China's data capital, estimating that China's data capital stock reached 17.4 trillion yuan in 2020; at the same time, during 2011–2019, for every 1% increase in data capital, GDP could be driven to grow by 0.19%, with an average contribution rate to economic growth of 34.5%, making it one of the most important drivers of China's economic growth.

首先，数据资本。“数据”指的是对客观事物的数字化记录或描述，在前数字时代便已广泛存在，但除了税收、人口统计等用途，数据并没有普遍的交换价值；进入数字时代之后，商品化和资本化成为数据的突出特征，对整个社会的生产过程和生产关系都具有巨大影响。由于数据日益成为一种重要的生产要素，并在提高生产效率、优化资源配置方面发挥着重要作用，因此逐渐成为企业竞争的关键资源，被称为数字时代的“新石油”。谁能够在数据资本上占据优势，谁就更容易在数字时代的竞争中取得领先地位。有学者使用增值法对我国的数据资本进行测算，估计我国数据资本存量在2020年达到17.4万亿元，同时，在2011—2019年期间，数据资本每增长1%，可以带动GDP增长0.19%，对经济增长的平均贡献率达到34.5%，成为中国经济增长最重要的动能之一。

Second, digital skills capital. Digital skills capital refers to the knowledge, skills, and experience that individuals possess in the field of digital technology, especially digital skills that can improve productivity and creatively solve problems, such as programming, data processing and analysis, machine learning, and large language model development. In the pre-digital era, professional knowledge and skills in fields such as medicine, law, engineering, and finance were highly recognized in the labor market; after entering the digital age, the importance of digital skills has become increasingly prominent, and software developers, information security analysts, data scientists, and others have become high-paying occupational categories. Among the new occupations released in China in recent years, those related to digital technologies such as artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, big data, and cloud computing occupy the mainstream of professional and technical categories; the World Economic Forum's *Future of Jobs* report released in 2023 shows that the surveyed enterprises expect that "the fastest-growing jobs in the next five years" are mostly related to digital skills, with artificial intelligence and machine learning specialists ranking first among the fastest-growing jobs. It can thus be seen that in the digital age, possessing abundant digital skills capital may become one of the important advantages for workers to obtain economic returns and higher social status.

其次，数字技能资本。数字技能资本是指个体在数字技术领域所拥有的知识、技能和经验等，特别是能够提高生产力和创造性解决问题的数字技能，如编程、数据处理与分析、机器学习与大语言模型开发等。在前数字时代，医疗、法律、工程、金融等领域的专业知识和技能在劳动力市场中受到较高认可；进入数字时代之后，数字技能的重要性愈加凸显，软件开发人员、信息安全分析师、数据科学家等成为高薪职业类别。近年来我国发布的新职业中，与人工智能、物联网、大数据、云计算等数字技术相关的职业占据专业技术类主流；世界经济论坛2023年发布的《未来就业》报告显示，受访企业预计“未来五年增长最快的职位”大多与数字技能相关，其中人工智能和机器学习专家位列增长最快职位之首。由此可见，在数字时代，拥有丰厚的数字技能资本可能成为劳动者获取经济回报和较高社会地位的重要优势之一。

Third, attention capital. The development of digital technology has pushed human society into an era of information explosion, and one of the direct consequences of information overload is the scarcity of attention. This scarcity, combined with the value brought by converting attention into traffic, gives attention economic and financial attributes. Therefore, attention is considered a new currency and capital of the digital age. For media, enterprises, and merchants, obtaining and maintaining public attention can increase profits; for ordinary users, the acquisition of attention capital can expand social influence, increase career development opportunities, and enhance perceived social support; some social media users also build self-brands to become "internet celebrities" or "micro-celebrities," thereby converting the attention capital they have obtained into economic income, and the attention they attract and their advertising effectiveness can even rival those of traditional celebrities. Therefore, in the digital age, obtaining attention is no longer the privilege of a few, but a daily activity in which the majority participate, and attention has become a widely distributed new form of capital. This not only makes attention a main mechanism for the formation of social relations in the digital age, but also makes it a widely distributed new form of capital. The importance of the above three types of capital has gradually become prominent in the digital society, and their attainment mechanisms and distributional characteristics have an important impact on the social structure and social differentiation of the digital society. Below, this article will first introduce the paths of attainment of the above three types of capital, and then discuss in detail their distributional characteristics.

再次，注意力资本。数字技术的发展将人类社会推向了一个信息爆炸的时代，信息过载带来的直接后果之一便是注意力的稀缺，这种稀缺性叠加注意力转化为流量所带来的价值，使注意力具有了经济金融属性。因此，注意力被认为是数字时代的新型货币和资本。对于媒体、企业、商家而言，获取和维系大众的注意力能够增加利润；对于普通用户而言，注意力资本的获取能够扩大社会影响力、增加职业发展机会、提高感知到的社会支持；还有的社交媒体用户通过构建自我品牌成为“网红”或“微名人”（micro-celebrity），进而将自己获得的注意力资本转化为经济收入，其吸引的关注度和广告效果甚至与传统明星不相上下。因此，在数字时代，获取注意力不再是少数人的特权，而是多数人参与其中的日常活动，注意力成为一种广泛分布的新型资本。这不仅使注意力成为数字时代社会关系形成的主要机制，还使其成为一种广泛分布的新型资本。上述三种资本类型的重要性在数字社会中逐渐凸显，其获得机制和分配特征对数字社会的社会结构和社会分化状况具有重要影响。下面，本文将首先介绍上述三种资本的获得路径，进而对其分配特征进行详细论述。

II. Paths of Attainment of New Forms of Capital in the Digital Society

二、数字社会新型资本的获得路径

The paths of attainment of data capital, digital skills capital, and attention capital each differ, and this has an important impact on the distributional characteristics of the above forms of capital.

数据资本、数字技能资本和注意力资本的获得路径各不相同，这对上述资本的分配特征具有重要影响。

The acquisition of data capital relies mainly on two types of labor: non-wage digital labor and wage digital labor. Non-wage digital labor refers mainly to the social interaction, consumption, information searching, and other activities that the broad mass of users carry out on digital platforms; wage digital labor mainly includes the data cleaning, processing, and analysis activities performed by data engineers employed by enterprises. The former is the process of data production, while the latter processes the raw data materials produced by the former to form data commodities. On this basis, enterprises complete the process of data capitalization and capital appreciation by selling data commodities to third-party enterprises such as advertisers and service providers to obtain profits. Of course, this capitalization process is also inseparable from the construction of public infrastructure such as the Internet and enterprises' capital investment in data storage and large-scale computing facilities. In short, the main path to acquiring data capital is, on the basis of certain digital infrastructure and hardware equipment, to aggregate the digital labor achievements of users and data engineers, and to sell data commodities, thereby completing the capitalization and appreciation of data.

数据资本的获得主要依赖两种劳动：无雇佣数字劳动和雇佣数字劳动。无雇佣数字劳动主要指广大用户使用数字平台进行的社交、消费、信息搜寻等活动；雇佣数字劳动主要包括企业雇佣数据工程师所进行的数据清洗、加工、分析等活动。前者是数据生产的过程，后者将前者生产的数据原材料进行加工，形成数据商品。在此基础上，企业通过将数据商品出售给广告商、服务商等第三方企业获取利润，从而完成了数据资本化和资本增值的过程。当然，这一资本化的过程还离不开互联网等公共基础设施的搭建、企业在数据存储与大型计算设施上的资金投入等等。简而言之，获取数据资本的主要路径是在一定数字基础设施和硬件设备的基础上，汇聚用户和数据工程师的数字劳动成果，并将数据商品进行出售，从而完成数据的资本化和增值过程。

There are two main paths to acquiring digital skills capital: one is to acquire digital skills through organized channels such as formal education and vocational training; the other is to accumulate relevant skills through non-organized channels such as individual digital practice. The OECD divides the population into three categories based on the use of information and communication technology: ICT specialists, advanced users, and basic users. ICT specialists possess the skills to develop, operate, and maintain information and communication systems; advanced users possess the skills to use industry-specific software tools; and ordinary users possess the skills to use general tools such as basic office software. Some scholars have defined the digital skills required by these three groups as professional skills, complementary skills, and general skills. As for general skills, individuals can acquire them not only through formal education and training but also through their own digital practice. Research has shown that the time of Internet access and the experience of use themselves have a significant positive effect on the acquisition of digital skills. However, as for professional skills and complementary skills, most individuals cannot acquire them through their own digital practice; formal education and training are the main paths to acquiring these skills. Therefore, for digital skills, especially digital skills capital that can bring economic returns, formal education or vocational training is the main acquisition path.

数字技能资本的获得主要有两种路径：其一是通过正式教育、职业培训等组织化途径习得数字技能；其二是通过个体的数字实践等非组织化途径积累相关技能。OECD根据信息通信技术的使用情况将人群划分为三类：信息通信技术专家、高级用户和基础用户。信息通信技术专家具有开发、操作、维护信息通信系统的技能，高级用户具有使用行业特定软件工具的技能，普通用户具有使用基础办公软件等通用工具的技能。有学者将上述三种人群所需的数字技能定义为专业技能、补充技能和普通技能。对于普通技能而言，个体不仅可以通过正式教育和培训的方式习得，还可以通过自身的数字实践进行积累。有研究表明，互联网接入时间和使用经历本身对数字技能的获得具有显著的正向影响。然而，对于专业技能和补充技能而言，大多数个体并不能够通过自身的数字实践获得，正式教育与培训是获取这些技能的主要路径。因此，对于数字技能，特别是能够带来经济回报的数字技能资本而言，正式教育或职业培训是其主要获得路径。

The acquisition of attention capital mainly follows an individual path, which stems from the combined effect of three factors. First, from the perspective of the form of existence of attention capital, it exists in a dispersed, decentralized form among the general public; the main way to acquire attention capital is to reach a broader audience and compete for the attention of countless scattered individuals. Second, from the perspective of information dissemination channels, in the digital age, Internet users can bypass the "gatekeeper" of mass media and directly publish information or create content through platforms such as social media, so that the aggregation of attention capital does not need to pass through intermediary organizations but directly points to individuals. Third, from the perspective of the scope that individuals can reach, because information dissemination has broken through the limitations of time and space, the scope of connections that individuals can establish has been greatly expanded; the unprecedented speed and scale of dissemination in digital space enable individuals to easily establish broad connections and display diverse selves, thereby creating conditions for individuals to acquire attention capital. Therefore, the main path to acquiring attention capital is individual media presentation or content creation. Table 2 shows the acquisition paths of the above three types of capital. In addition to the main acquisition paths, individuals can also acquire the above capital through other paths. For example, individuals can acquire data capital through purchase, cooperation, and sharing, but this does not constitute the main path to acquiring data capital; the owners of data capital remain mainly enterprises or organizations that can invest in hardware equipment, aggregate digital labor, and sell data commodities. Similarly, there are also other paths to acquiring digital skills capital and attention capital. Whether it is data capital, digital skills capital, or attention capital, although there are multiple acquisition paths, the main acquisition paths of the above three new forms of capital still have the most direct and important impact on their distributional conditions. Below, this article will discuss in detail the distributional characteristics of the three forms of capital.

注意力资本的获得主要遵循个体化路径，这源于三个因素的共同作用。首先，从注意力资本的存在形式来看，它以分散、去中心化的形态存在于普罗大众当中，获取注意力资本的主要途径是触达更广泛的受众群体，竞争分散于万千个体的注意力。第二，从信息传播途径来看，在数字时代，互联网用户可以不依赖大众传媒这一“把关人”，而直接通过社交媒体等平台进行信息发布或内容创作，使注意力资本的汇聚不需要通过中介组织而直接指向个体。第三，从个体可触达的范围来看，由于信息传播突破了时空的局限，使个体所能建立的连接范围得到极大扩展，数字空间前所未有的传播速度和传播规模使个体能够轻松建立广泛连接并展现多样自我，从而为个体获得注意力资本创造了条件。因此，注意力资本的主要获得路径是个体的媒介呈现或内容创作。表2展示了以上三种资本类型的获得路径。在主要获得路径之外，个体还可以通过其他路径获得上述资本。例如，个体可以通过购买、合作与共享等方式获得数据资本，但它并不构成获取数据资本的主要路径，数据资本的拥有者仍然以能够投资硬件设备、汇聚数字劳动、出售数据商品的企业或组织为主。同理，数字技能资本和注意力资本的获得也存在其他路径。无论是数据资本、数字技能资本还是注意力资本，虽然存在多种获得路径，但上述三种新型资本的主要获得路径仍然对其分配状况具有最直接和最重要的影响。下面，本文将对三种资本的分配特征进行详细论述。

III. Distributional Characteristics of New Forms of Capital in the Digital Society

三、数字社会新型资本的分配特征

This article discusses the distributional characteristics of the above new forms of capital from three aspects: the degree of inequality in capital distribution, the degree of rigidity, and the degree of crystallization. Among them, the degree of inequality reflects the degree of imbalance in the distribution of a certain form of capital among the population. The higher the degree of inequality, the greater the gap between different groups. The degree of rigidity, also called the degree of closure, is mainly measured by the persistence of social members' possession of a certain form of capital. The higher the degree of rigidity or closure, the greater the influence of individuals' prior capital possession on their current capital possession; in this case, capital mobility is often restricted. The degree of crystallization refers to the degree of consistency and interconnection between different forms of capital. A higher degree of crystallization means that the possession of one type of capital is accompanied by the possession of other types of capital, which often leads to a situation where the winner takes all in society. The above three aspects together shape the distributional characteristics of new forms of capital in the digital society.

本文从三个方面论述上述新型资本的分配特征，分别是资本分配的不平等程度、刚性程度以及结晶化程度。其中，不平等程度（inequality）反映的是某种资本在人群中分配不均衡的程度。不平等程度越高，意味着不同群体之间的差距越大。刚性程度（rigidity）也被称为封闭程度，主要通过社会成员占有某种资本的持续性来衡量。刚性或封闭性程度越高，意味着个体先前的资本占有情况对其当前资本占有情况的影响越大，在这种情况下，资本的流动性往往受到限制。结晶化程度（crystallization）是指不同资本之间的一致性和相互关联的程度。较高的结晶化程度意味着某一类资本的拥有也伴随着其他资本的拥有，往往会造成社会中赢者通吃的局面。以上三个方面共同形塑了数字社会新型资本的分配特征。

(1) The Degree of Inequality in the Distribution of New Forms of Capital

（一）新型资本分配的不平等程度

Data capital shows a significant unequal distribution globally, which is reflected not only between technology giants and other enterprises but also between different industries and groups of people. First, from a global perspective, a small number of digital giants control an extremely large amount of data capital; these companies can use large-scale data analysis to optimize products, services, and advertising placement, and achieve market monopoly through data-driven network effects. Second, some industries (such as artificial intelligence, autonomous driving, and e-commerce) are highly dependent on data, and enterprises in these industries often gain market share through data-driven business models. Based on calculations using data from listed companies in China, some scholars have found that in 2020, the data capital stock of the information transmission, computer services, and software industry ranked first among all industries, far higher than other industries. Third, from the perspective of population distribution, because the threshold for acquiring data capital is relatively high, apart from enterprise owners and senior managers, ordinary people find it difficult to possess data capital, and ordinary people are at a clear disadvantage when facing enterprises' data collection and use activities, which is especially obvious for groups with weaker privacy protection awareness. As for the domestic situation, the distribution of data capital is extremely unbalanced between regions and between urban and rural areas; at the same time, the phenomenon of data capital concentrating in leading enterprises also exists, and different industries and groups also show relatively large differences in data capital accumulation.

数据资本在全球范围内呈现出显著的不平等分布，这不仅体现在科技巨头与其他企业之间，也体现在不同行业和人群之间。首先，从全球范围来看，少数几家数字巨头掌握了极大量的数据资本，这些公司能够利用大规模的数据分析来优化产品、服务和广告投放，并经由数据驱动的网络效应实现市场垄断。其次，某些行业（如人工智能、自动驾驶和电子商务）对数据的依赖程度非常高，这些行业中的企业往往通过数据驱动的商业模式获取市场份额。有学者基于我国上市公司数据进行测算发现，2020年，信息传输、计算机服务和软件业的数据资本存量在各行业中排名第一，远高于其他行业。再次，从人群分布来看，由于数据资本的获取门槛较高，因此除了企业的拥有者和高级管理者，普通人群很难占有数据资本，并且普通人群面对企业的数据收集和使用活动时处于明显劣势，这对于隐私保护意识较弱的群体而言尤为明显。就国内状况而言，数据资本的分布在区域之间、城乡之间极不均衡，同时，数据资本向头部企业集中的情况同样存在，不同产业和人群在数据资本积累方面也呈现出较大差异。

Compared with data capital, the distribution of digital skills capital is more dispersed; it can be internal to individual users without relying on enterprises or organizations for its existence. However, the distribution of digital skills capital among the population is also not balanced. Initially, scholars focused on a single dimension of digital skills, such as whether one can use the Internet to search for information; with the development and evolution of digital technology, researchers began to pay attention to different dimensions of digital skills, such as media-related skills (such as using a browser for navigation) and content-related skills (such as evaluating information sources); this framework was later further adjusted to include four dimensions: operational skills, information navigation skills, social skills, and creative skills. In recent years, as the importance of information security has become increasingly prominent, some scholars have advocated adding security skills to the conceptual framework of digital skills. Although scholars have not yet reached a consensus on how to measure digital skills, based on existing measurement tools, many empirical studies have found that individuals with higher education levels usually show advantages in digital skills, indicating a strong correlation between digital skills and traditional human capital.

相较于数据资本，数字技能资本的分布更加分散，它可以内在于个体用户，而不必依托企业或组织存在。然而，数字技能资本在人群中的分布也并不均衡。最初，学者们关注单一维度的数字技能，例如是否能够使用互联网查找信息等；随着数字技术的发展和演进，研究者开始关注数字技能的不同维度，例如媒介相关技能（如使用浏览器进行导航等）和内容相关技能（如评估信息来源等），该框架后来被进一步调整为包括操作技能、信息导航技能、社交技能和创造技能四种维度。近年来，随着信息安全的重要性日益凸显，又有学者主张将安全技能添加到数字技能的概念框架中。尽管学者们尚未就如何测量数字技能达成共识，但基于已有的测量工具，许多实证研究发现，教育水平较高的个体通常在数字技能方面展现出优势，表明数字技能与传统的人力资本之间存在较强的相关性。

The aforementioned discussion of digital skills is mainly presented in research on the "second-level digital divide"—scholars have found that, amid the trend of rising Internet access rates and gradually narrowing access gaps, the digital divide has not disappeared but is instead more prominently reflected in differences in digital skills; even when controlling for Internet use experience, individuals with higher levels of education still possess higher levels of digital skills. It is worth noting that the academic discussion of the "second-level digital divide" mainly revolves around skills commonly used by the public, which fall within the category of ordinary skills. If one shifts the focus to professional skills and supplementary skills—that is, digital skills that can yield greater economic returns—the effect of education becomes even more significant. Some scholars have analyzed the full-sample data of LinkedIn users in China and found that, among those possessing professional skills and supplementary skills, those with a bachelor's degree or above account for 97.2%, with professional backgrounds concentrated in technical disciplines such as computer science, software engineering, and electrical and electronic engineering. It is thus evident that the distribution of digital skills represented by professional skills and supplementary skills is more unequal than that of ordinary skills.

上述关于数字技能的讨论主要呈现在关于“第二级数字鸿沟”的研究当中——学者们发现，在互联网接入率不断提高、接入差异逐渐缩小的趋势下，数字鸿沟并没有消失，而是更多地体现在数字技能的差异上，即便在控制了互联网使用经历的情况下，受教育程度较高的个体依然具有更高水平的数字技能。值得注意的是，学界关于“第二级数字鸿沟”的讨论主要围绕大众常用的技能展开，属于普通技能范畴，如果将视野聚焦于专业技能和补充技能，即能够带来更多经济回报的数字技能，则教育水平的影响更为显著。有学者对领英（LinkedIn）中国用户的全样本数据进行分析，发现在掌握专业技能和补充技能的人群当中，拥有本科以上学历者占比达97.2%，并且专业背景集中在计算机科学、软件工程、电气和电子工程等技术类学科。由此可见，以专业技能和补充技能为代表的数字技能的分布较普通技能而言更不均衡。

The distribution of attention capital likewise exhibits a relatively high degree of inequality, reflected in the following two aspects. First, there is a vast disparity between online celebrities and ordinary users in their possession of attention capital. For example, Instagram, as one of the world's largest photo and video sharing platforms, has approximately 2 billion monthly active users globally. Among them, only about 35,000 users have follower counts reaching the million level; these are the platform's online celebrities, and their number accounts for merely 0.002% of the platform's total users. In contrast, the vast majority of users have follower counts below 1,000, accounting for over 96.5%. Assuming that each follower contributes roughly the same amount of attention capital on the platform, the average attention capital possession rate of ordinary users is less than one-thousandth of that of online celebrities. Second, attention capital also varies considerably among ordinary users themselves. Taking the interaction of young domestic groups on acquaintance-based social platforms as an example, the 15% of users who receive the most attention collectively attract 50% of peer attention, while the 50% of users who receive less attention collectively attract less than 8% of peer attention, with the degree of inequality calculated by the Gini coefficient at approximately 0.64.

注意力资本的分配同样呈现出较高的不平等程度，这体现为以下两个方面。首先，网络明星与普通用户在注意力资本占有方面差距悬殊。例如，Instagram作为世界上最大的照片和视频分享平台之一，在全球范围内拥有约20亿月活跃用户数。其中，只有约3.5万用户的粉丝数量达到百万级别，他们是该平台的网络明星，这些明星用户的数量仅占该平台总体用户数的0.002%；而绝大多数用户的粉丝数量低于1000人，占比超过96.5%。假定每个粉丝在该平台付出的注意力资本大致相同，那么普通用户的平均注意力资本占有率不足网络明星的千分之一。其次，注意力资本在普通用户内部也存在较大差异。以国内年轻群体在熟人社交平台的互动为例，获得最多关注的15%的用户共计吸引同侪群体注意力的比例达50%，而获得较少关注的50%的用户共计吸引同侪群体注意力的比例不足8%，以基尼系数计算的不平等程度约为0.64。

(2) The Rigidity of New Forms of Capital

（二）新型资本的刚性程度

Rigidity measures the influence of an individual's prior capital possession on their current capital possession. With respect to data capital, prior data capital stock has a significant impact on current data capital possession, owing to the combined effect of the following three factors. First, data capital has positive externalities. The data of a single user has almost no value; only data aggregated on a large scale has economic value, and the value of aggregated data is typically greater than the sum of the value of individual data. As the number of users increases, the value of an enterprise's data also grows, highlighting the value of data capital stock. Second, data capital exhibits obvious network effects: the more data stock an enterprise has previously accumulated, the more conducive it is to improving its products and services, thereby attracting more users and more data. For example, Google is able to leverage the vast amounts of data generated by its billions of users to improve search results and enhance user experience, thereby strengthening user dependence and attracting more users. Thus, the more stock data capital one has, the more data capital one can generate. Third, digital platforms often possess monopolistic characteristics; in particular, the emergence of super-large platforms has highlighted the monopolistic features of data capital. Scholars refer to the platform giants that have emerged globally as "big-capital digital platforms." These platforms, by virtue of their aggregation effects, attract an increasing number of users and gradually attain market dominance or even monopoly status. This leads to further restrictions on market competition: emerging enterprises find it difficult to compete with monopolistic enterprises, while monopolistic enterprises can suppress the development of emerging enterprises based on their incumbent advantages. This may result in data-based monopolies being more enduring than previous monopolies. The superposition of the above three effects renders data capital relatively high in rigidity; in the absence of strong intervention, the established advantageous position of data capital owners is often difficult to shake.

刚性程度衡量个体先前的资本占有情况对其当前资本占有情况的影响。就数据资本而言，先前的数据资本存量对当前数据资本占有情况有重要影响，这源于以下三方面因素的共同作用。首先，数据资本具有正外部性。单个用户的数据几乎没有价值，只有大规模聚合的数据才具有经济价值，而且聚合数据的价值通常大于单一数据价值的总和。随着用户数量的增多，企业的数据价值也随之增大，这凸显了数据资本存量的价值所在。第二，数据资本存在明显的网络效应，企业此前的数据存量越多，越有利于其改进产品和服务，从而带来更多用户和更多数据。例如，谷歌能够利用其数十亿用户产生的大量数据改进搜索结果、提高用户体验，从而增强用户的依赖，并吸引更多用户。因此，存量数据资本越多，越能够产生越多的数据资本。第三，数字平台往往具有垄断特性，特别是超级大平台的出现，使数据资本的垄断特征凸显出来。学者将全球范围内出现的平台巨头称为“大资本数字平台”，这些平台凭借聚合效应吸引了越来越多的用户，逐渐获得了市场支配甚至垄断地位。这导致进一步的市场竞争受到限制，新兴企业难以与垄断企业竞争，而垄断企业可以基于其在位优势压制新兴企业的发展，这可能导致基于数据的垄断比以往的垄断更持久。以上三重效应的叠加使数据资本具有较高的刚性程度，在缺乏强力干预的情况下，数据资本所有者既有的优势地位往往难以被撼动。

With respect to digital skill capital, its rigidity is relatively low. On the one hand, prior accumulation of digital skills facilitates the acquisition of new digital skills. As noted earlier, individuals with higher digital skill capital typically have professional backgrounds in technical disciplines such as computer science and software engineering, and this professional education lays the foundation for them to acquire more digital skills. On the other hand, the rapid development and swift iteration of digital technology weaken, to a certain extent, the influence of existing digital skill capital; individuals need to continuously update their technical capabilities to maintain competitiveness. For example, the rapid development of artificial intelligence technology has brought about new skill demands, including skills related to machine learning, natural language processing, and algorithm optimization—skills that differ from traditional digital skills associated with software development or usage. Research shows that the demand for new skills in enterprises related to artificial intelligence technology grew rapidly during 2010–2018, while demand for traditional digital skills declined; the latest data indicate that demand for the former continues to grow at a high rate. Surveys of software engineers show that this group experiences persistent anxiety about skill substitution in the course of their career development, and the perception that mastering new programming languages or software systems is difficult increases with age. It is thus evident that, although prior digital skills can lay some foundation for individuals to acquire new digital skills, overall, the rigidity of digital skill capital is relatively low, and individuals cannot easily secure their advantageous position solely through past digital skills.

就数字技能资本而言，其刚性程度相对较低。一方面，先前的数字技能积累对于获得新的数字技能而言具有促进作用。如前文所述，拥有较高数字技能资本的个体通常具有计算机科学、软件工程等技术类学科的专业背景，这些专业教育为他们获取更多的数字技能奠定了基础。另一方面，数字技术的飞速发展和快速迭代在一定程度上弱化了既有数字技能资本的影响，个体需要通过不断更新自己的技术能力以保持竞争力。例如，人工智能技术的快速发展带来了新的技能需求，包括对机器学习、自然语言处理、算法优化等技能的需求，这些技能不同于传统与软件开发或使用相关的数字技能。有研究表明，与人工智能技术相关的企业对新技能的需求在2010—2018年期间快速增长，而对传统数字技能的需求量下降；最新数据显示，对前者的需求继续保持高速增长。有关软件工程师群体的调查显示，该群体在职业发展过程中面临技能替代方面的持续焦虑，认为掌握新的编程语言或软件系统存在困难的情况随年龄增长而上升。由此可见，尽管先前的数字技能能够为个体获取新的数字技能奠定部分基础，但总体而言，数字技能资本的刚性程度较低，个体难以仅凭以往的数字技能确保其优势地位。

The rigidity of attention capital is likewise relatively low. Owing to the finite size of the Internet user base and the finiteness of each user's attention capital, the total amount of attention capital that can be captured within a given period is capped; therefore, numerous media outlets, merchants, and ordinary users must compete fiercely for limited attention capital. Existing research has pointed out that people tend to pay attention to signals that are unusual, emotionally charged, or related to existing cognitive frameworks. In the digital age, many grassroots users without authoritative backgrounds or accumulated reputations have risen overnight to become internet celebrities or micro-celebrities on social media, precisely because they are adept at sending signals with the above characteristics: they are typically based on personal charisma or expertise, presenting themselves through social platforms while creating a genuine and credible image, and actively interacting with followers, making their accounts a familiar signal source to audiences. They possess qualities of individuality, authenticity, and accessibility, which enable them to attract substantial attention capital, thereby breaking the traditional monopoly of celebrities over mass attention. Once these internet celebrities or micro-celebrities increase their follower counts, they can further enhance their influence through the diffusion and dissemination of their existing audience base; however, they also face competition from emerging internet celebrities or micro-celebrities for user attention and must maintain a certain quantity and frequency of content updates to sustain their follower base and attention capital. This characteristic also applies to ordinary user groups; research based on a domestic acquaintance-based social platform indicates that attention capital has weak stickiness and is prone to change and transfer.

注意力资本的刚性程度同样较低。由于互联网用户规模的有限性以及每个用户注意力资本的有限性，一定时间内可被获取的注意力资本的总量是有上限的，因此众多媒体、商家、普通用户需要为有限的注意力资本进行激烈竞争。已有研究指出，人们倾向于关注不同寻常的、含有情绪的、与既有认知框架相关的信号，在数字时代，很多没有权威背景或名声积累的草根用户一跃成为社交媒体上的网红或微名人，正是由于他们善于发送具有上述特征的信号：他们多以个人魅力或特长为基础，通过社交平台展现自我并营造出真实可信的形象，同时与粉丝积极互动，使自己的账号成为受众熟悉的信号源。他们具有个性化、真实性以及可接近的特质，这使他们能够吸引大量注意力资本，从而打破了传统名人对大众注意力的垄断。当这些网红或微名人的粉丝数量提升之后，他们能够经由既有受众群体的扩散和传播进一步提升影响力，但同时他们也面临新兴网红或微名人对用户注意力的争夺，必须保持一定数量和频率的内容更新才能维系粉丝群体及其注意力资本。该特征同样适用于普通用户群体，基于国内某熟人社交平台的研究表明，注意力资本的黏着性较弱，易于发生变动和转移。

Furthermore, the distribution of attention capital is significantly influenced by algorithmic logic. The search and recommendation systems of digital platforms can direct dispersed attention toward specific directions, thereby causing certain information to receive more attention. Due to the existence of the "algorithmic black box," users find it difficult to know the specific rules and operational mechanisms of recommendation systems. Many bloggers or content creators interpret algorithmic recommendation logic based on their own experience, adjust and respond to algorithmic logic, and discuss and share within specific communities, thereby enhancing their visibility on algorithm-driven social platforms. Even so, algorithmic logic still exists in a hidden manner. Although bloggers or content creators can interpret algorithmic logic based on their subjective experience and adjust their specific strategies for acquiring attention capital accordingly, they are ultimately unable to open the "algorithmic black box." The invisibility of algorithmic logic is a hidden influencing factor in the distribution of attention capital, further increasing the uncertainty of attention capital distribution. Overall, the easily transferable nature of attention capital and the uncertain influence of algorithmic logic mean that attention capital has a relatively low degree of rigidity, and individuals find it difficult to maintain their advantageous position permanently after acquiring attention capital.

此外，注意力资本的分配还受到算法逻辑的重要影响。数字平台的搜索和推荐系统能够将分散的注意力引向特定方向，从而使某些信息得到更多关注。由于“算法黑箱”的存在，用户很难知晓推荐系统的具体规则和运作方式。很多博主或内容创作者会基于自己的经验对算法推荐逻辑进行解读，围绕算法逻辑进行调试与应对，并在特定社群中进行讨论和分享，从而提高在算法驱动的社交平台上的可见性。即便如此，算法逻辑仍然以隐秘的方式存在，博主或内容创作者虽然可以依据其主观经验对算法逻辑进行解读，并据此调整其获取注意力资本的具体策略，但始终无法打开“算法黑箱”。算法逻辑的不可见性是注意力资本分配过程中的隐秘影响因素，使注意力资本分配的不确定性进一步增强。总体而言，注意力资本容易转移的特点以及算法逻辑的不确定性影响使得注意力资本的刚性程度较低，个体很难在获得注意力资本之后一劳永逸地维系其优势地位。

(3) The Degree of Crystallization of New Forms of Capital

（三）新型资本的结晶化程度

The degree of crystallization measures the extent of consistency and interconnection between one form of capital and other forms of capital. As far as data capital is concerned, since data often emerges as a by-product of economic activities, the more economic activities there are, the more data can be generated. This means that enterprises with larger user bases and market shares are often able to master more data and convert it into more abundant data capital. This makes data capital highly correlated with the possession of economic capital, so large enterprises and platform enterprises have a natural advantage in data capital.

结晶化程度衡量某种资本与其他资本之间的一致性和相互关联的程度。就数据资本而言，由于数据往往作为经济活动的副产品出现，因此经济活动越多，可产生的数据也越多，意味着拥有更大用户规模和市场份额的企业往往能够掌握更多数据并将其转化为更丰厚的数据资本，这使得数据资本与经济资本占有量高度相关，因此大型企业和平台企业在数据资本上具有天然优势。

Conversely, abundant data capital can be converted into economic capital and massive profits. Taking platform enterprises as an example, Chinese netizens spend an average of 29 hours online per week. Before using platform services, users generally need to click "agree" on the user permission agreement that pops up on the page. Some scholars have pointed out that this agreement contains no negotiation process, and its real purpose is not to seek consent but to compel submission. In this way, users transfer the ownership and usage rights of their data to the platform free of charge, and also tacitly permit the platform to obtain the huge revenues derived from user data. Although small, medium, and micro enterprises can improve their operating revenues by connecting to platforms, they not only need to pay platform rent but also data rent, thereby transferring profits to the platform. In particular, the characteristics of data capital, such as multi-attribution and replicability, make the issue of data rights confirmation complex. Under conditions where data property rights are unclear, data attribution is often handled ambiguously and is usually tacitly assigned to platform enterprises by default. This enables platforms to obtain excess profits through data capital, while small and micro enterprises cede substantial profits and ordinary users receive negligible compensation. There is a huge disparity in performance between a small number of large platform companies and ordinary companies, which to a certain extent creates a winner-take-all situation. Large platform companies such as Microsoft, Apple, Alphabet (Google's parent company), Amazon, and Facebook have established their position as the world's most valuable companies based on the massive data capital they control, with their market values all exceeding one trillion US dollars in 2023.

反过来，丰厚的数据资本又能转换为经济资本和海量利润。以平台企业为例，我国网民人均每周上网时长达到29小时，用户在使用平台服务之前，一般需要在页面弹出的用户许可协议上点击“同意”选项。有学者指出，这一协议不含协商流程，其真正目的并非征求同意，而是强迫服从。由此，用户将数据的所有权和使用权无偿转移给了平台，也默许平台获取由用户数据带来的巨额收益。中小微企业虽然可以通过接入平台提升经营收益，但它们不仅需要支付平台租金，还要支付数据租金，由此向平台让渡利润。特别地，数据资本的多归属性、可复制性等特点，使数据确权问题变得复杂。在数据产权不明晰的情况下，数据归属常常被模糊处理，并通常默认归属平台企业所有。这使得平台经由数据资本获得了超额利润，小微企业让渡了大量利润，而普通用户得到的报酬微乎其微。一小部分大型平台公司与普通公司之间的绩效存在巨大差异，并在一定程度上创造了赢者通吃的局面。微软、苹果、谷歌母公司Alphabet、亚马逊、脸书等大型平台公司基于其掌握的巨额数据资本确立了自己作为世界上最有价值公司的地位，其市值在2023年均超过万亿美元。

In addition, data capital can in certain circumstances be converted into political capital. The algorithmic recommendation of social media platforms has a potential influence on users' political attitudes and positions. For example, research has shown that 62% of American adults obtain news on social media, and the dissemination of information on social media may play an important role in political election processes, although some scholars hold different views on this. Furthermore, platform enterprises that control data capital can monitor and analyze public opinion, thereby predicting the political positions of the populace and taking actions favorable to themselves, thus converting data capital into abundant political capital.

此外，数据资本在某些情况下还可以转化为政治资本。社交媒体平台的算法推荐对用户的政治态度和立场具有潜在影响，例如，有研究表明，62%的美国成年人在社交媒体上获取新闻，而社交媒体上的信息传播在政治选举过程中可能发挥着重要作用，尽管有学者对此持不同看法。此外，掌握数据资本的平台企业可以通过对舆情的监测和分析，进而对民众的政治立场进行预测并采取对自身有利的行动，从而将数据资本转化为丰厚的政治资本。

As far as digital skills capital is concerned, there is a positive correlation between human capital (such as level of education) and digital skills capital, and at the same time, digital skills capital can be converted into economic capital to a certain extent. As mentioned above, individuals with higher levels of education tend to have higher levels of digital skills. This is reflected not only in the mastery and application of ordinary skills, but is even more evident in professional skills. In addition, individuals with higher digital skills generally also show advantages in income returns. For example, the widespread application of automation technology and artificial intelligence has different effects on the incomes of employees in different roles. Since it is first applied to tasks that can be standardized and are highly repetitive, positions dominated by standardized and repetitive tasks are more easily replaced; at the same time, non-repetitive tasks become more important, especially those requiring creativity, problem-solving ability, and higher-order analytical skills, thereby driving up demand for highly skilled employees. On the one hand, this reduces the incomes of low-skilled groups; on the other hand, it promotes the incomes of high-skilled workers, further widening the income gap between workers with different skill levels. Research based on Chinese listed companies has found that the higher the level of corporate digital transformation, the greater the wage gap between R&D personnel and ordinary employees. Other research has pointed out that within the software engineer community, individuals with higher technical qualifications generally also have higher income returns.

就数字技能资本而言，人力资本（如受教育程度）与数字技能资本之间存在正相关关系，同时，数字技能资本能够在一定程度上转化为经济资本。如前所述，受教育程度较高的个体往往具有更高水平的数字技能，这不但体现为对普通技能的掌握和应用，而且在专业技能方面表现得更为明显。另外，拥有更高数字技能的个体通常也在收入回报方面展现出优势。例如，自动化技术和人工智能的广泛应用对不同角色的员工收入具有不同影响。由于它首先被用于可以标准化和重复性强的任务，因此那些以标准化和重复性任务为主的岗位更容易被替代；与此同时，非重复性任务变得更加重要，特别是那些需要创造力、解决问题能力和高阶分析能力的任务，因此推动了对高技能员工的需求。这一方面降低了低技能人群的收入，另一方面对高技能劳动者的收入有促进作用，使得不同技能劳动者之间的收入差距进一步拉大。基于我国上市公司的研究发现，公司的数字化转型水平越高，研发人员与普通员工的工资差距越大；还有研究指出，在软件工程师群体内部，拥有更高技术资质的个体也通常具有更高的收入回报。

Of course, considering factors such as technological iteration, the income returns of specific digital skills may show a declining trend over time, until they can no longer be converted into economic capital. Some scholars have also pointed out that although differences in digital skills bring about income inequality, in the initial stage of technological change, a favorable social environment (such as one that can provide relevant skills training) can offer development opportunities to groups disadvantaged in digital skills, enabling them to share in the dividends of technological change and thereby narrowing the income gap brought about by digital skills capital. These factors reduce the degree of crystallization of digital skills capital to a certain extent.

当然，考虑到技术迭代等因素，特定数字技能的收入回报可能随时间呈现下降趋势，直至不再能够转化为经济资本。还有学者指出，虽然数字技能的差异会带来收入的不平等，但在技术变革的初始阶段，有利的社会环境（如能够提供相关技能培训等）可以为数字技能弱势群体提供发展机会，使他们分享技术变革的红利，从而缩小数字技能资本带来的收入差距。这些因素在一定程度上降低了数字技能资本的结晶化程度。

As far as attention capital is concerned, traditional forms of capital can be converted into attention capital under specific circumstances. For example, political celebrities, business elites, and well-known experts find it easier to obtain public attention. Some scholars believe that although social media gives ordinary people the opportunity to obtain attention, it multiplies the discourse power and degree of attention of elite groups even more; however, other scholars point out that the degree of consistency between the amount of attention users obtain and their existing resources is relatively low. Apart from a small number of elite groups, a large number of internet celebrities or micro-celebrities come from grassroots users, many of whom are groups with lower levels of education and more marginalized occupations. Therefore, overall, the acquisition of attention capital does not presuppose existing economic and social capital. In addition, attention capital can under certain conditions be converted into other forms of capital, such as economic returns, influence over others, broader social networks, and positions of power in information flows. This conversion is especially common for users with large amounts of attention capital. Table 3 summarizes the distributional characteristics of the above three new forms of capital. It can be seen that data capital has a high level in terms of degree of inequality, degree of rigidity, and degree of crystallization. Although digital skills capital and attention capital also have relatively high degrees of inequality, their degrees of rigidity and crystallization are at medium or low levels. The distributional characteristics of these three new forms of capital have an important influence on the stratification structure of the digital society and also promote the formation of new advantageous groups and disadvantaged groups.

就注意力资本而言，传统的资本类型可以在特定情况下转化成注意力资本，例如政治明星、商界精英、知名专家等更容易获得公众关注。有学者认为，社交媒体虽然给了普通人获取注意力的机会，但更成倍地放大了精英群体的话语权和受关注程度；但也有学者指出，用户获取的注意力多寡与既有资源的一致性水平较低，除了少数精英群体，还有大量网红或微名人来自草根用户，其中有不少是受教育程度较低、职业较边缘的群体。因此整体来看，注意力资本的获得并不以既有的经济社会资本为前提。此外，注意力资本在一定条件下也可以转换为其他形式资本，例如经济收益、对他人的影响力、更广泛的社交网络以及在信息流中的权力地位等，特别是对于拥有大量注意力资本的用户而言，这种转换更为常见。表3总结了上述三种新型资本的分配特征。可以看出，数据资本在不平等程度、刚性程度、结晶化程度方面都具有较高水平，数字技能资本和注意力资本虽然不平等程度较高，但在刚性程度和结晶化程度方面处于中等或较低水平。这三种新型资本的分配特征对数字社会的分层结构具有重要影响，也推动了新型优势群体和弱势群体的形成。

IV. New Advantageous Groups and Disadvantaged Groups in the Digital Era

四、数字时代的新型优势群体与弱势群体

Based on the distributive characteristics of data capital, digital skills capital, and attention capital, new advantaged and disadvantaged groups have emerged in the digital age. First, data capital, owing to its high degree of inequality, high degree of rigidity, and high degree of crystallization, has become a significant force shaping the distribution of social resources. The appropriation of data capital by large platforms and leading enterprises not only creates advantages over other firms and ordinary people, but these advantages are difficult to break, and they are continuously converted into economic capital, enabling further accumulation of data capital and thereby further consolidating their dominant position. Enterprises with abundant data capital can reap enormous wealth, yet the wealth created by data capital tends to concentrate among a small minority, such as the owners and senior managers of these enterprises, thereby producing a polarizing effect in digital wealth distribution and making these groups more likely to become the new advantaged groups in the digital society.

基于数据资本、数字技能资本、注意力资本的分配特征，数字时代出现了新型优势与弱势群体。首先，数据资本因其高不平等程度、高刚性程度、高结晶化程度，成为影响社会资源分配的重要力量。大型平台和头部企业对数据资本的占有不仅造成了相对于其他企业和普通人群的优势，而且其优势地位难以被打破，这种优势地位又源源不断地转化为经济资本，使其有能力积累更多的数据资本，从而进一步巩固其优势地位。具有丰厚数据资本的企业可以获取巨额财富，同时这些由数据资本创造的财富往往向企业的所有者和高级管理者等少数人群集中，进而造成数字财富分配的极化效应，也使这些群体更容易成为数字社会的新型优势群体。

Second, groups possessing digital skills, especially professional digital skills, are also able to occupy an advantaged position in the digital age. In the process of digital transformation, the demand for digitally skilled talent in enterprises, governments, and other organizations has increased rapidly. Data analysts, cybersecurity experts, software engineers, programmers, and similar groups play key roles within organizations. With the widespread application of artificial intelligence and machine learning technologies, experts in algorithms and artificial intelligence may become an emerging advantaged group. They possess relatively scarce digital skills capital, enjoy a broad space for career choice, have cross-industry applicability, and also possess greater capacity for independent entrepreneurship, making them more likely to occupy an advantaged position in terms of career choice and income returns. Of course, because the rigidity and crystallization of digital skills are not high, the advantaged position of owners of digital skills capital is influenced by technological iteration and changes in the social environment. If they fail to adapt to new skill demands, they may lose their advantaged position in the process of technological iteration.

其次，掌握数字技能特别是专业数字技能的群体也能够在数字时代占据优势地位。在数字化转型过程中，企业、政府和其他组织对数字技能型人才的需求迅速增加，数据分析师、网络安全专家、软件工程师、程序员等群体在组织中扮演着关键角色。随着人工智能和机器学习技术的广泛应用，算法和人工智能领域的专家可能成为新兴优势群体。他们具有较为稀缺的数字技能资本，享有广阔的职业选择空间，具备跨行业的适用性，也具有更大的自主创业能力，从而更可能在职业选择和收入回报方面占据优势地位。当然，由于数字技能的刚性程度和结晶化程度不高，数字技能资本所有者的优势地位受到技术迭代和社会环境的影响，如果不能适应新的技能需求，则可能在技术迭代过程中丧失其优势地位。

In addition, content creators or internet influencers who have accumulated large amounts of attention capital through social media platforms are also a new advantaged group in the digital society. They wield enormous influence in information dissemination, brand promotion, and the steering of public opinion, and they are able to generate economic returns through the attention capital they command. For example, through content creation, brand endorsements, and promotional activities, these groups can obtain substantial remuneration. For certain top-tier content creators or influencers, their income even exceeds high-paying positions in traditional industries. They possess not only economic capital but can also accumulate social capital and cross-industry influence, thereby becoming an advantaged group in the digital society. Similar to digital skills capital, the rigidity and crystallization of attention capital are not high. Because attention is easily diverted, because of the existence of the "algorithmic black box," and because the acquisition of attention capital mostly does not depend on traditional capital and thus has a lower entry barrier for competition, advantages formed on the basis of attention capital may likewise be easily lost.

此外，通过社交媒体平台积累了大量注意力资本的内容创作者或网红群体也是数字时代的新型优势群体。他们在信息传播、品牌推广和公众舆论引导方面具有巨大的影响力，并且能够通过所掌握的注意力资本创造经济收益。例如，通过内容创作、品牌代言和推广活动等，上述群体能够从中获取丰厚的报酬，对于某些头部内容创作者或网红来说，其收入甚至远超传统行业中的高薪职位。他们不仅拥有经济资本，还可以积累社会资本和跨行业的影响力，从而成为数字社会中的优势群体。与数字技能资本类似，注意力资本的刚性程度和结晶化程度不高，由于注意力容易转移的特征、“算法黑箱”的存在、注意力资本获得大多不依赖传统资本因而竞争门槛较低等因素的影响，基于注意力资本形成的优势同样可能易于丢失。

By contrast, data capital, owing to its relatively high degree of rigidity, excludes ordinary people, while digital skills capital and attention capital, owing to their relatively low degree of rigidity, can create new opportunities for ordinary people, thereby providing the possibility of upward mobility for groups that occupy a disadvantaged position in the traditional social stratification structure. However, those groups that are disadvantaged in the existing stratification structure and also lack digital skills and are unable to obtain attention capital may fall into the category of new disadvantaged groups in the digital society. They can neither obtain sufficient resources in the traditional stratification system nor gain advantages on the new tracks opened up by the digital society, and therefore face a double disadvantage in the process of digital transformation.

相较而言，数据资本由于较高的刚性程度将普通人群排除在外，而数字技能资本和注意力资本由于其较低的刚性程度，可以为普通人创造新的机会，从而为传统社会分层结构中处于劣势地位的群体提供向上流动的可能。然而，那些在既有分层结构中处于劣势地位又缺乏数字技能，也无法获取注意力资本的群体则可能沦为数字社会中的新型弱势群体，他们既无法在传统分层体系中获取足够的资源，也难以在数字社会开辟的新赛道上取得优势，因此在数字化转型过程中面临双重劣势。

V. Concluding Remarks: How to Build an Inclusive and Beneficial Digital Society

五、余论：如何构建普惠包容的数字社会

The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC [5]5 The 20th National Congress of the CPC, held in October 2022, adopted the political report that set out the Party's program for the following five years and beyond, including the goal of building a "digital China." explicitly proposed accelerating the building of a strong cyber country and a digital China. The "Overall Layout Plan for the Construction of a Digital China," jointly issued by the Central Committee of the CPC and the State Council in 2023, made an overall arrangement for the construction of digital China from the height of top-level design. Building digital China requires constructing an inclusive and beneficial digital society. Viewed from the distributive characteristics of new forms of capital in the digital age, sustained efforts are needed in three areas: promoting the redistribution of wealth created by data capital, providing multi-channel digital skills training, and building a social security system that covers flexibly employed people.

党的二十大报告中明确提出要加快建设网络强国、数字中国，中共中央、国务院于2023年联合印发的《数字中国建设整体布局规划》从顶层设计的高度对数字中国建设作了整体布局。建设数字中国需要构建普惠包容的数字社会，从数字时代新兴资本的分配特征来看，需要在三个方面做出持续努力：推动数据资本所创造财富的再分配、提供多渠道的数字技能培训、构建涵盖灵活就业人群的社会保障体系。

First, promote the redistribution of wealth created by data capital. The formation of data capital is based on the digital labor of multiple subjects, including both employed digital labor and the non-employed digital labor of the vast number of consumers. However, because data property rights are unclear, data capital is by default attributed to enterprises, which enables enterprises possessing data capital to obtain excess profits. The accumulation and appreciation of data capital, on the one hand, promotes technological innovation by enterprises, drives the growth and expansion of the digital economy, and stimulates employment growth; on the other hand, it may also produce a polarizing effect in wealth distribution, causing the wealth created by data capital to concentrate among a small minority and failing to effectively benefit the multiple labor subjects involved in the formation of data capital. Therefore, promoting the redistribution of wealth created by data capital—while fully unleashing the value of data capital, enabling the broad mass of workers to share in the economic benefits brought by data capital—is of positive significance for building an inclusive and beneficial digital society and advancing common prosperity.

第一，推动数据资本所创造财富的再分配。数据资本的形成基于多元主体的数字劳动，既包括雇佣数字劳动，也包括广大消费者的无雇佣数字劳动，但由于数据产权不明晰，数据资本通常默认归企业所有，这使得拥有数据资本的企业获得了超额利润。数据资本的积累和增值一方面推动了企业的技术创新，促进了数字经济的发展壮大并带动了就业增长，另一方面也可能造成财富分配的极化效应，使数据资本所创造的财富向少数人群聚集，无法有效惠及数据资本形成过程中的多元劳动主体。因此，推动数据资本所创造财富的再分配，在充分发挥数据资本价值的同时，让广大劳动者分享数据资本带来的经济利益，对于构建普惠包容的数字社会、推进共同富裕而言具有积极意义。

Second, provide multi-channel skills training. Mastering digital skills capital is one pathway to upward mobility in the digital age. At the same time, because the rigidity and crystallization of digital skills capital are both low, compared with data capital, the social mobility it brings is less likely to become entrenched and can bring more vitality to the digital society. The "Overall Layout Plan for the Construction of a Digital China" points out that it is necessary to "coordinate the layout of a number of discipline and specialty points in the digital field, and cultivate innovative, application-oriented, and interdisciplinary talent," and also to "build a digital literacy and skills development and cultivation system that covers the whole people and integrates urban and rural areas." On this basis, digital skills education should be appropriately strengthened at the basic education stage, with consideration given to incorporating introductory programming and similar content into school extension courses, so as to narrow the gap in digital skills among students from different regions and different socioeconomic backgrounds, laying a good foundation for their future mastery of more digital skills capital. At the same time, open and flexible skills training courses should be provided through online platforms, offering usable training resources to more people.

第二，提供多渠道的技能培训。掌握数字技能资本是数字时代实现向上流动的途径之一，同时，由于数字技能资本刚性程度和结晶化水平都不高，相较于数据资本而言，它带来的社会流动更不容易固化，能够为数字社会带来更多活力。《数字中国建设整体布局规划》指出，要“统筹布局一批数字领域学科专业点，培养创新型、应用型、复合型人才”，同时要“构建覆盖全民、城乡融合的数字素养与技能发展培育体系”。在此基础上，基础教育阶段应适当加强数字技能教育，考虑将初级编程等内容纳入学校拓展课程，缩小不同地区、不同社会经济背景学生之间在数字技能方面的差距，为他们未来掌握更多数字技能资本打下良好基础；同时通过线上平台提供开放灵活的技能培训课程，为更多人提供可用的培训资源。

Third, build a social security system that covers flexibly employed people. Obtaining attention capital is another important pathway to upward mobility in the digital age. Similar to digital skills capital, the advantaged position brought by attention capital is likewise not easily entrenched. However, unlike digital skills capital, the acquisition of attention capital is usually based on an individual's media presentation or content creation, with lower dependence on traditional resources or specific organizational positions, and therefore it becomes one of the effective pathways for flexibly employed people to obtain economic income. Nevertheless, these workers may face problems such as poor occupational stability and the absence of social security. In view of the nature of the work of flexibly employed people, a more flexible social insurance contribution mechanism should be established. For example, workers should be allowed to dynamically adjust the amount of their social insurance contributions according to income level, working hours, and other factors, enabling them to obtain necessary protection according to their own economic circumstances, safeguarding the rights and interests of practitioners, thereby promoting the long-term and healthy development of related industries and providing workers with better employment opportunities and career choices.

第三，构建涵盖灵活就业人群的社会保障体系。获取注意力资本是数字时代实现向上流动的另一重要途径，与数字技能资本类似，注意力资本带来的优势地位同样不容易固化；但与数字技能资本不同的是，注意力资本的获得通常基于个体的媒介呈现或内容创作，对传统资源或特定组织职位的依赖性更低，因此成为灵活就业人群获得经济收入的有效途径之一。然而，这些劳动者可能面临职业稳定性较差、社会保障缺位等问题。针对灵活就业人群的工作性质，应当构建更加灵活的社保缴纳机制。例如，允许劳动者根据收入水平、工作时间等动态调整社保缴纳金额，使他们能够根据自身的经济状况获取必要的保障，维护从业者的权益，从而促进相关行业的长远健康发展，为劳动者提供更好的就业机会和职业选择。

On the whole, the torrent of digital transformation has given rise to three types of capital: data capital, digital skills capital, and attention capital. The distributional characteristics of these new forms of capital have a significant impact on social stratification in the digital age. As a new factor of production, data capital is an important engine of economic development in the digital era; in particular, the rise of digital skills capital and attention capital has opened new channels of upward mobility for ordinary people, with the potential to bring greater vitality to society. Based on the distributional characteristics of the above three forms of capital, measures such as promoting the redistribution of wealth created by data capital, providing multi-channel skills training, and building a more complete social security system may help these new forms of capital further play their positive role. At the same time, special attention should be paid to those doubly disadvantaged groups who can neither obtain sufficient resources within the traditional stratification system nor find development opportunities in the process of digital transformation. These measures are of great significance for building an inclusive and universally beneficial digital society and for advancing the smooth implementation of the Digital China strategy.

总体而言，数字化转型的洪流催生了数据资本、数字技能资本和注意力资本三种资本类型，这些新型资本的分配特征对数字时代的社会分层具有重要影响。数字资本作为新型生产要素，是数字时代经济发展的重要引擎；特别是数字技能资本和注意力资本的崛起为普通人开辟了新的向上流动的渠道，有希望为社会带来更多活力。基于上述三种资本的分配特征，推动数据资本所创造财富的再分配、提供多渠道的技能培训、构建更完善的社会保障体系等措施或许可以促进上述新型资本进一步发挥其积极作用，同时，需要特别关注那些既无法在传统分层体系中获取足够资源，也难以在数字化转型过程中寻求发展机会的双重弱势群体。这些举措对于构建普惠包容的数字社会、推动数字中国战略的顺利实施都具有重要意义。

Web editor: Paul

网络编辑：保罗