The Scientific Construction of the Marxist Discourse System in *The Communist Manifesto* and Its Significance

At present, changes of a kind unprecedented in the world, in our times, and in history are unfolding, and “what is wrong with the world” and “where is humanity heading” have become major issues of the era, urgently calling for theoretical and discursive innovation. Constructing a Marxist discourse system with Chinese characteristics that reflects the essence of the times, and answering the questions posed by China, the world, the people, and the era, is not only a major concern of contemporary Chinese philosophy and social sciences but also the epochal mission of innovating and developing 21st-century Marxism. This is of great significance for leading the trend of world history and enriching and developing new forms of human civilization. Currently, academic research in this area mainly focuses on the systematic sorting and theoretical interpretation of the Party’s innovative theoretical achievements. To deepen research on this issue, it is necessary to base it on classic Marxist texts, summarize and condense the main themes and discursive paradigms of the fundamental principles of Marxism, and provide basic theories and logical methods for strengthening systematic and original research. *The Communist Manifesto* (hereinafter referred to as the *Manifesto*), as the founding work of Marxism, is a programmatic document and theoretical model for scientifically constructing the Marxist discourse system. Deeply exploring the basic content and scientific methods of constructing the Marxist discourse system in the *Manifesto*, and comprehensively grasping the thinking logic of Marx and Engels in developing the Marxist discourse system, is of great value and significance for innovating the Marxist discourse system in the New Era and enhancing the discursive influence of 21st-century Marxism.

当前，世界之变、时代之变、历史之变前所未有，“世界怎么了”“人类向何处去”成为重大时代课题，迫切呼唤理论创新和话语创新。构建具有中国特色并反映时代本质的马克思主义话语体系，回答好中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问，不仅是当代中国哲学社会科学的重要关切，更是创新发展21世纪马克思主义的时代使命，对于引领世界历史潮流、丰富发展人类文明新形态具有重要意义。当前，学界相关研究主要集中在对党的创新理论成果的系统性梳理和学理化阐释上。深化对这一问题的研究，需要立足马克思主义经典文本，总结凝练马克思主义基本原理的主题主线和话语范式，为强化体系化和原创性研究提供基础理论和逻辑方法。《共产党宣言》（以下简称《宣言》）作为马克思主义创立之作，是科学构建马克思主义话语体系的纲领性文件和理论范本。深入挖掘《宣言》构建马克思主义话语体系的基本内容和科学方法，全面掌握马克思恩格斯发展马克思主义话语体系的思维理络，对创新新时代马克思主义话语体系，提升21世纪马克思主义的话语影响具有重要的价值意义。

I. The *Manifesto* Is a Programmatic Document for Scientifically Constructing the Marxist Discourse System

一、《宣言》是科学构建马克思主义话语体系的纲领性文件

The public publication of the *Manifesto* inaugurated an entirely new era for the Marxist discourse system. For the first time, it fully presented the fundamental principles and laws of the Marxist discourse system, holding monumental significance in the history of Marxism and the history of socialism. First, the discourse system is subordinate to and serves the theoretical system; the fundamental principles of Marxism constitute the ideological content of the Marxist discourse system, inaugurating the cognitive system of scientific socialism. Second, both the theoretical system and the discourse system must become socially mainstream; the Marxist discourse system will inevitably occupy a dominant position with the victory of the proletariat. Finally, the discourse system is the external expression of the theoretical system; the *Manifesto*, adopting the narrative form of a party manifesto in place of the script format of dialogues and questions, constructs a Marxist discourse system with powerful expressiveness and influence.

《宣言》的公开问世开创了马克思主义话语体系的全新时代，它首次完整提出了马克思主义话语体系的基本原理规律，在马克思主义发展史和社会主义发展史上具有丰碑性意义。首先，话语体系服从并服务于理论体系，马克思主义基本原理构成马克思主义话语体系的思想内容，开创了科学社会主义的认知体系；其次，理论体系和话语体系必须成为社会主流，马克思主义话语体系必将随着无产阶级的胜利占据统治地位；最后，话语体系是理论体系的外在表达，《宣言》以政党宣言的叙事形式取代对话问答的话本形式，构建出具有强大表达力和影响力的马克思主义话语体系。

(I) The *Manifesto* Is a Theoretical Program Guiding the Construction of the Marxist Discourse System

（一）《宣言》是指导马克思主义话语体系构建的理论纲领

The Marxist discourse system is the discursive representational mode of Marxist theory. The *Manifesto* submitted the “birth certificate” of Marxism. It not only pioneered the Marxist discourse system with scientific theory but also, as a “pocket-sized encyclopedia of Marxism,” laid the overall content of the Marxist discourse system.

马克思主义话语体系是马克思主义理论的话语表征方式。《宣言》提交了马克思主义的“出生证”，不仅以科学的理论开创了马克思主义话语体系的先河，还作为“袖珍版马克思主义百科全书”奠定了马克思主义话语体系的整体内容。

On the one hand, historical materialism is the ideological main thread running through the entire *Manifesto*. It is a completely new worldview, including ontology, epistemology, methodology, and axiology, that guides the construction of the Marxist discourse system. First, the *Manifesto* reversed the erroneous ontological notion of idealist history, which stood things on their head, and pointed out that the mode of material production is the true subject of the movement of social history. The *Manifesto* states, “The economic production and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch,” [1]1 Marx and Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, Chapter II. The English translation follows the standard Samuel Moore edition authorized by Engels. overcoming the inadequacy of abstractly understanding the social process from spiritual consciousness and attributing historical development to ideological motives, thereby achieving a correct understanding of the laws of social history over thousands of years. Second, starting from the epistemological principle that social being determines social consciousness, the *Manifesto* established the correct guidance of historical materialism. Marx and Engels emphasized that “men’s ideas, views, and conceptions, in one word, their consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of their material existence, in their social relations, and in their social life,” [2]2 Ibid. revealing the subordinate position of spiritual production in the realm of social history, penetrating into the actual conditions of material life, and elucidating the general laws of the Marxist discourse system. Third, based on the method of class analysis, the *Manifesto* reveals the close connection between the discourse system and class interests. After examining the history of human thought, the *Manifesto* concludes: “The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.” [3]3 Ibid. Since the dissolution of primitive communes, the discourse system has always been subordinate to the struggle for material interests between classes. The Marxist discourse system has a distinct attribute and stance; it must serve the historical subject of the proletariat. Fourth, the *Manifesto* takes the realization of the freedom and liberation of the majority as its value requirement and firmly affirms that the masses of the people create history. The *Manifesto* emphasizes, “The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority.” [4]4 Ibid. The Marxist discourse system must take seeking benefits for the majority as its value orientation, ultimately realizing a communist society where each individual can freely and fully develop.

一方面，唯物史观是贯穿于《宣言》始终的思想主线，是包括本体论、认识论、方法论和价值论在内的指导构建马克思主义话语体系的全新世界观。其一，《宣言》扭转了唯心史观头足倒置的错误本体观念，指明物质生产方式是社会历史运动的真正主体。《宣言》指出，“每一历史时代的经济生产以及必然由此产生的社会结构，是该时代政治的和精神的历史的基础”，克服了从精神意识出发抽象理解社会进程、将历史发展归结为思想动机的不足，实现对几千年来社会历史规律的正确理解。其二，《宣言》从社会存在决定社会意识的认识原则出发，确立起唯物史观的正确指引。马克思恩格斯强调，“人们的观念、观点和概念，一句话，人们的意识，随着人们的生活条件、人们的社会关系、人们的社会存在的改变而改变”，揭示出精神生产在社会历史领域的从属地位，深入到现实的物质生活条件，阐明了马克思主义话语体系的一般规律。其三，《宣言》立足阶级分析方法，揭示出话语体系同阶级利益的紧密关联。对人类思想史进行考察后，《宣言》得出结论：“任何一个时代的统治思想始终都不过是统治阶级的思想”。自原始公社解体以来，话语体系一直从属于阶级间的物质利益斗争。马克思主义话语体系具有鲜明的属性立场，必须服务于无产阶级的历史主体。其四，《宣言》以实现大多数人自由解放为价值要求，坚定人民群众创造历史。《宣言》强调，“无产阶级的运动是绝大多数人的，为绝大多数人谋利益的独立的运动。”马克思主义话语体系必须将为多数人谋利益作为价值指向，最终实现每个人自由全面发展的共产主义社会。

On the other hand, the *Manifesto* comprehensively analyzes the multi-dimensional manifestations of the bourgeois era, providing rich perspectives and materials for constructing the Marxist discourse system. First, from the perspective of theoretical structure, the *Manifesto* laid the foundation for the Marxist discourse system across multiple dimensions, including economic, political, cultural, and social aspects. Taking the bourgeoisie as an example: economically, the bourgeoisie is a product of economic transformation; the Industrial Revolution, the world market, and colonial trade jointly promoted the birth of the modern bourgeoisie. Politically, the bourgeoisie continuously strove for its own power within the state apparatus, ultimately achieving exclusive political domination. Culturally, the bourgeoisie destroyed all feudal patriarchal morality and established a cultural ideology oriented toward egoism. Socially, the bourgeoisie shaped a state of constant social flux, where only by continuously revolutionizing social relations could the normal existence of society be maintained. Second, from the perspective of disciplinary approach, the *Manifesto* integrated multiple disciplinary perspectives for the Marxist discourse system, including philosophy, political economy, political science, and history. In the philosophical dimension, the *Manifesto* elucidates the completely new materialist worldview in clear and penetrating language, serving as the scientific theory guiding the construction of the Marxist discourse system. In the political economy dimension, the *Manifesto* explains the succession of social formations around changes in economic relations, concretely analyzing the insurmountable internal contradictions of bourgeois private property. In the political science dimension, the *Manifesto* emphasizes the decisive role of the economic base over the political superstructure; specifically, in class society, the conflict between opposing classes is the main content of the political science dimension of the Marxist discourse system. In the historical dimension, the *Manifesto* discusses the driving forces and laws of historical development based on the mode of material production, providing a historical disciplinary paradigm for constructing the Marxist discourse system.

另一方面，《宣言》全面剖析了资产阶级时代的多维表现，为构建马克思主义话语体系提供了丰富的视角和材料。第一，从理论结构介入，《宣言》为马克思主义话语体系奠定了经济、政治、文化和社会等多种维度。以资产阶级为例，在经济方面，资产阶级是经济变革的产物，工业革命、世界市场、殖民贸易等共同推动现代资产阶级的诞生；在政治方面，资产阶级不断争取自身在国家政权中的权力，最终获得独占的政治统治地位；在文化方面，资产阶级破坏了一切封建的宗法道德，建立起以利己主义为导向的文化思想；在社会方面，资产阶级塑造出不停变动的社会状态，只有对社会关系加以不断变革才能维持社会的正常生存。第二，从学科角度切入，《宣言》为马克思主义话语体系综合了哲学、政治经济学、政治学、历史学等多种层次的学科视野。在哲学维度，《宣言》以鲜明透彻的语言阐明了唯物主义的崭新世界观，是指导构建马克思主义话语体系的科学理论；在政治经济学维度，《宣言》围绕经济关系变迁阐明社会形态的更迭，具体剖析了资产阶级所有制无法克服的内在矛盾；在政治学维度，《宣言》强调经济基础对政治上层建筑的决定性作用，具体到阶级社会，对立阶级的矛盾冲突是马克思主义话语体系政治学维度的主要内容；在历史学维度，《宣言》基于物质生产方式论述了历史发展的动力规律，为构建马克思主义话语体系提供了史学的学科范式。

(II) The *Manifesto* Is a Party Manifesto Marking the Emergence of the Marxist Discourse System

（二）《宣言》是标志马克思主义话语体系问世的政党宣言

The Marxist discourse system is a strategic means for the proletariat and its party to dominate discourse power. As the manifesto of the world’s first proletarian political party, the *Manifesto* not only established the dominant position of the Communists in constructing the Marxist discourse system but also, rising from discursive elaboration to the struggle for discourse power, demonstrated the historical trend that the Marxist discourse system would inevitably seize discursive dominance.

马克思主义话语体系是无产阶级及其政党主导话语权的策略手段。《宣言》作为世界上第一个无产阶级政党成立的宣言，不仅确立起共产党人构建马克思主义话语体系的主体地位，还从话语阐述上升到话语权争夺，论证了马克思主义话语体系必将夺取话语统治的历史趋势。

On the one hand, the Marxist discourse system is the historical necessity for the proletariat to express its concepts and consciousness and to form a political party to contend for discourse leadership. First, the *Manifesto* reveals that the proletariat is the real subject constructing the Marxist discourse system. The disintegration of the dominant ideas within the old bourgeois society “keeps pace with the disintegration of the old conditions of existence”; as the conditions for the existence and rule of the bourgeoisie perish, the bourgeois discourse system will be replaced by a discourse system more imbued with truth. The proletariat, as a product of large-scale capitalist industry, is the revolutionary subject that transforms the old world and builds a new society; it must conform to the trend of historical development and shoulder the historical mission of constructing the Marxist discourse system. Second, only by forming a political party can the proletariat, as a speaking subject, seize the initiative in discourse and achieve self-interpretation and defense of its ideological阵地. [5]5 The Chinese term *阵地* (zhèndì), literally “battlefield position,” is a standard metaphor in CPC discourse for the ideological or cultural sphere that must be held or contested. As early as before the *Manifesto* was published, the already influential leaders of the workers’ movement had developed a communist discourse based on class instinct, and thinkers with socialist leanings had also striven to promote their doctrines to the workers. However, they all acted only out of sympathy and pity for the proletariat, without clearly recognizing the proletariat’s historical mission and neglecting its historical initiative. For Marx and Engels, after completing *The German Ideology*, the two had shifted their focus from academia to politics, seeking support from workers’ organizations by establishing the Brussels Communist Correspondence Committee. Yet it was only the public publication of the *Manifesto* that marked their becoming founders of the proletarian political party, shifting the subject of the discourse system from individuals to the party. Finally, the Communist Party is an advanced organization composed of class-conscious elements of the proletariat, representing the interests of the entire class, and bears the direct responsibility for constructing the Marxist discourse system. As the party program announcing the birth of the Communist League, the *Manifesto* marks the first attempt by the Communists to construct a discourse system. Marx and Engels, starting from the mode of production, delineated the different stages of social-historical development, both affirming the positive role the bourgeoisie played in eliminating the fetters of feudal discourse and clarifying the fundamental principle of the “two inevitables” [6]6 The “two inevitables” refers to the conclusion in the *Communist Manifesto* that “the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.” that the Marxist discourse system must follow, thereby prominently imbuing the discourse system with the subjectivity of the proletarian party.

一方面，马克思主义话语体系是无产阶级表达观念意识，组建政党争夺话语领导权的历史必然。首先，《宣言》揭示出无产阶级是构建马克思主义话语体系的现实主体。资产阶级旧社会内部主导思想的瓦解“是同旧生活条件的瓦解步调一致的”，随着资产阶级生存和统治条件的灭亡，资产阶级话语体系将为更具真理性的话语体系所替代。无产阶级作为资本主义大工业的产物，是变革旧世界、建设新社会的革命主体，必须顺应历史发展潮流，肩负起构建马克思主义话语体系的历史使命。其次，无产阶级只有组建政党，才能以言说者身份掌握话语主动权，实现对无产阶级思想阵地的自我诠释和捍卫。早在《宣言》问世前，工人运动中初具影响力的领袖已经发展出基于阶级本能的共产主义话语，具有社会主义倾向的思想家也竭力向工人推广自己的学说。但是，他们都仅是出于对无产阶级的同情和悲悯，尚未明确无产阶级的历史使命，忽略了无产阶级的历史主动精神。对马克思恩格斯而言，《德意志意识形态》完成后两人已经将重心从学术转向政治，通过建立布鲁塞尔共产主义通讯委员会争取工人组织的支持。但是，《宣言》的公开发表才标志着两人成为无产阶级政党的创始人，将话语体系的主体从个人转向政党。最后，共产党是由无产阶级有觉悟分子组成的、代表整个阶级利益的先进组织，承担构建马克思主义话语体系的直接职责。作为共产主义者同盟宣告诞生的政党纲领，《宣言》标志着共产党人构建话语体系的首次尝试。马克思恩格斯从生产方式出发划清社会历史的不同发展阶段，既肯定了资产阶级在消除封建话语羁绊上发挥的积极作用，又明确了马克思主义话语体系必须遵循的“两个必然”的根本原则，将无产阶级政党的主体性鲜明地贯穿于话语体系之中。

On the other hand, the core of the Marxist discourse system is the question of discursive power; only when the proletariat rises to become the ruling class that dominates discursive power can the Marxist discourse system be truly constructed. First, based on the decisive role of material production, the *Manifesto* indicates that the proletariat will inevitably become the ruling class. The bourgeois era has not shed the social characteristic of class antagonism; on the contrary, periodically intensifying economic crises constantly approach the historical inevitability of the bourgeoisie’s demise, and the sharpening of class conflict is giving rise to broader and larger-scale united struggles of the proletariat. The *Manifesto* emphasizes, “The fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.” Second, the Marxist discourse system must completely break with all conceptions of private property and rise to become the dominant discourse system. In the historical process of the proletariat’s thorough abolition of traditional relations of ownership, Marxist theoretical discourse must fundamentally sever its ties with old class consciousness, using the Communists’ “own views, own purposes, own intentions” to clarify its distinction from other ideological discourses and construct a scientific discourse system with independence and autonomy. Finally, the influence of the Marxist discourse system depends on the advanced role of the Communists. “In theory, they have the advantage over the rest of the proletariat in that they understand the conditions, course, and general results of the proletarian movement.” Facing the disadvantageous situation of old Europe slandering and vilifying communism, the Communists courageously took responsibility, actively spoke out, and, through the conscious speech of the historical subject, refuted the distortions and misunderstandings of hostile forces. The publication of the *Manifesto* marks the great beginning of the proletariat’s seizure of leadership in the realm of ideology and public opinion.

另一方面，马克思主义话语体系的核心是话语权问题，无产阶级只有上升为主导话语权的统治阶级，马克思主义话语体系才能真正构建起来。首先，《宣言》基于物质生产的决定性作用，指明无产阶级必然上升为统治阶级。资产阶级时代并没有摆脱阶级对立的社会特征；相反，周期性加剧的经济危机不断接近资产阶级必然灭亡的历史必然，阶级冲突的尖锐化正催生无产阶级更大范围和规模的联合斗争。《宣言》强调，“资产阶级的灭亡和无产阶级的胜利是同样不可避免的。”其次，马克思主义话语体系必须同一切私有制观念彻底决裂，上升为占据统治地位的话语体系。在无产阶级彻底消灭传统所有制关系的历史进程中，马克思主义理论话语必须根本割裂同旧有阶级意识的联系，以共产党人“自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图”廓清与其他思想话语的区别，构建具有独立性和自主性的科学话语体系。最后，马克思主义话语体系的影响有赖于共产党人的先进作用。“在理论方面，他们胜过其余无产阶级群众的地方在于他们了解无产阶级运动的条件、进程和一般结果。”面对旧欧洲抹黑污蔑共产主义的话语劣势局面，共产党人勇于承担，主动发声，以历史主体的自觉言说反驳敌对势力的歪曲和误解。《宣言》的发表标志着无产阶级夺取思想舆论领域领导权的伟大开端。

(III) The *Manifesto* is the practical banner for strengthening and developing the Marxist discourse system

（三）《宣言》是壮大发展马克思主义话语体系的实践旗帜

The Marxist discourse system is the symbolic form through which the theoretical system is presented and disseminated. The *Manifesto* selected the connotative paradigm of a party program, concretizing abstract theory into vivid discourse through diverse narration. The history of the *Manifesto*’s publication and dissemination bears witness to the powerful expressiveness, persuasiveness, and penetrative force of its discourse.

马克思主义话语体系是理论体系呈现和传播的符号样式。《宣言》选定政党纲领的内涵范式，通过多样叙述将抽象理论具化为生动话语，《宣言》出版发行的传播史见证了《宣言》话语强大的表达力、说服力和穿透力。

On the one hand, the *Manifesto* established the party manifesto as the stylistic form of discourse expression, encompassing rich narrative methods. First, Marx and Engels abandoned the expression form of secret-society catechisms and adopted the manifesto form suited to a party program. The literary form of the *Manifesto* was a focal issue in the transformation of the Marxist theoretical system into a discourse system. When compared with the catechism form represented by the *Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith* and *Principles of Communism*, the discourse form of the *Manifesto* once became a watershed for testing theoretical spontaneity versus consciousness. Marx and Engels firmly adhered to the manifesto genre, systematically demonstrating from the height of in-depth human historical development the inevitable historical trend of communist revolution, publicly displaying the proletariat’s fearless spirit of transforming heaven and earth. Second, Marx and Engels composed the *Manifesto* in a polemical discourse form, effectively clarifying the bourgeoisie’s demonization of Marxism. The *Manifesto* closely revolves around criticizing the bourgeoisie’s theoretical attacks, refuting eight accusations such as “abolition of private property” and “abolition of individuality and freedom,” effectively clearing up ideological confusion within the workers’ ranks about the communist revolution. Third, the writing of the *Manifesto* runs through a methodological discourse form of historical narration, using the rhetorical method of narrating history to transcend the bourgeoisie’s abstract logical argumentation. Out of the need to maintain their ruling interests, the bourgeoisie “treat their production relations and property relations as eternal natural laws and rational laws, which are in fact historical and temporary in the process of production,” subordinating historical writing to self-interested ideas. Therefore, although the bourgeoisie also saw the objective trend of history turning into world history, it was the *Manifesto* that noticed that world history had led to four unbalanced relations of subordination: “from belonging to.” [7]7 This refers to the four “from belonging to” relations listed in the *Communist Manifesto*: the country from belonging to the town, the barbarian from belonging to the civilized, the peasant from belonging to the bourgeois, and the East from belonging to the West. Finally, the construction of the *Manifesto*’s discourse follows the requirement of a developing discourse that keeps pace with the times, continuously innovating and improving in light of the needs and experience of the era. Marx and Engels adjusted the application of the *Manifesto*’s discourse in different historical contexts by adding prefaces. For example, the 1872 German edition preface summarized the basic experience of the Paris Commune, emphasizing that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery”; the 1882 Russian edition preface, addressing the Russian region, clarified the real conditions for the Russian commune to move toward communism. In addition, the two also paid attention to the group differences among the discourse audience, adjusting the textual discourse expression with emphasis, thereby constituting a valuable asset of the Marxist discourse system.

一方面，《宣言》确定政党宣言作为话语表达的文体内涵，容括了丰富的叙事方式。首先，马克思恩格斯抛弃秘密组织的话本表达形式，采用与政党党纲相适应的宣言形式。《宣言》的文体是马克思主义理论体系向话语体系转化中的焦点问题，在对比《共产主义信条草案》和《共产主义原理》为代表的教义问答形式时，《宣言》的话语形式一度成为检验理论自发性与自觉性的分水岭。马克思恩格斯坚定宣言的文体类型，从深入人类历史发展的高度系统论证共产主义革命必然胜利的历史潮流，公开展现出无产阶级改天换地的无畏气魄。其次，马克思恩格斯以论战话语形式创作《宣言》，有力厘清资产阶级对马克思主义的妖魔化。《宣言》紧紧围绕资产阶级的理论攻击展开批判，批驳了“消灭个人财产”“消灭个性和自由”等八个方面的责难，有效澄清了工人内部关于共产主义革命的思想困惑。再次，《宣言》写作贯穿历史叙事的方法话语形式，以叙述历史的修辞方法超越资产阶级抽象的逻辑论证。出于维护统治利益的需要，资产阶级“把自己的生产关系和所有制关系从历史的、在生产过程中是暂时的关系变成永恒的自然规律和理性规律”，历史书写服从于利己观念。因此，虽然资产阶级也看到历史向世界历史转变的客观趋势，但《宣言》才注意到世界历史导致了四个“从属于”的不平衡依附关系。最后，《宣言》话语的构建遵循与时俱进的发展话语要求，结合时代需要和经验不断创新完善。马克思恩格斯通过增添序言的方式调整不同历史场景下《宣言》话语的运用。例如，1872年德文版序言总结巴黎公社基本经验，强调“工人阶级不能简单地掌握现成的国家机器”；1882年俄文版序言针对俄国地区，明确了俄国公社迈向共产主义的现实条件。此外，两人还注重话语对象的群体差别，有侧重地调整文本话语表现，构成了马克思主义话语体系的宝贵财富。

On the other hand, the *Manifesto* is “the most widespread and most international product of all socialist literature,” becoming a benchmark and banner for the dissemination and promotion of the Marxist discourse system. First, in the course of the development of scientific socialism, translations of the *Manifesto* have proliferated in large numbers. The *Manifesto* “has been translated into more than 200 languages, published in thousands of editions, and become one of the most widely circulated books in the world,” presenting a unique *Manifesto* phenomenon in discourse dissemination. Among these, the 1922 Russian annotated edition of the *Manifesto* compiled and organized by David Riazanov, the 1945 Japanese translation of the *Manifesto* revised and published by Sakai Toshihiko—the Shōkō Shoin edition, and the 1998 English edition of the *Manifesto* with an introduction by Eric Hobsbawm titled *On the Communist Manifesto* have all exerted widespread influence. Second, the *Manifesto* “describes the new worldview with genius, penetrating, and clear language,” serving as an important standard for measuring the level of subjective understanding of proletarian political parties. The *Manifesto* clearly elucidates the historical status and mission of the proletariat in transforming the world; it is a spiritual weapon for resisting the exploitation and oppression of the bourgeoisie. The conscious need for the *Manifesto* is an important dividing line for the proletarian consciousness to move from passivity to initiative. Third, the *Manifesto* organically integrates scientific theory, class interests, and revolutionary movement, serving as an important reference for testing the level of discourse development. As Engels pointed out, “The *Manifesto* has become to a certain extent a measure of the development of large-scale industry on the European continent.” The situation of the translation and publication of the *Manifesto* not only reflects the conditions of industrial development in specific regions but is also an important basis for predicting the future trends of the Marxist discourse system.

另一方面，《宣言》是“全部社会主义文献中传播最广和最具有国际性的著作”，成为传播和推广马克思主义话语体系的标杆旗帜。第一，在科学社会主义发展历程中，《宣言》的译介作品大量涌现。《宣言》“被译成200多种文字，出版数千个版本，成为世界上发行量最大的书籍之一”，呈现出话语传播中特有的《宣言》现象。其中，1922年由梁赞诺夫组织编译的俄文版《宣言》注释读本、1945年由堺利彦重新修订出版的《宣言》日本译本——彰考书院版、1998年由霍布斯鲍姆撰写导言——《论〈共产党宣言〉》的《宣言》英文版等都产生了广泛影响力。第二，《宣言》“以天才的透彻而鲜明的语言描述了新的世界观”，是衡量无产阶级政党主体认识高度的重要标准。《宣言》清晰阐明了无产阶级变革世界的历史地位和使命，是反抗资产阶级剥削压迫的精神武器，对《宣言》的自觉需求是无产阶级意识从被动走向主动的重要分界线。第三，《宣言》将科学理论、阶级利益和革命运动有机融合，是检验话语发展水平的重要参照。正如恩格斯指出，“《宣言》在某种程度上已经成为测量欧洲大陆大工业发展的一种尺度。”《宣言》翻译出版的情况不仅反映出特定地区的工业发展条件，还是预测马克思主义话语体系未来趋势的重要依据。

II. The Logical Path and Discursive Method of the *Manifesto* in Constructing the Marxist Discourse System

二、《宣言》构建马克思主义话语体系的逻辑理路和话语方式

The *Manifesto* is a theoretical model for the original creation of the Marxist discourse system, elucidating the logical framework and principles and methods of discourse system construction. On the one hand, the *Manifesto* follows the scientific theory of historical materialism, laying the historical narrative path of the Marxist discourse system. On the other hand, the *Manifesto* is based on the uneven discourse pattern and the need to seize discursive power, focusing on rebutting discursive accusations. The political proclamation style and historical writing style adopted by the *Manifesto* further enhance the impact and persuasiveness of discursive expression.

《宣言》是马克思主义话语体系原型初创的理论范本，阐明了话语体系构建的逻辑架构和原则方法。一方面，《宣言》遵循唯物史观的科学理论，奠定了马克思主义话语体系的历史叙事理路。另一方面，《宣言》立足不均衡的话语格局和夺取话语权的需要，围绕话语责难进行重点阐述。《宣言》采用的政治宣告文体和历史书写文风，进一步增强了话语表达的冲击力和说服力。

(1) A Comprehensive Elaboration of the Marxist Discourse System Based on the Logical Path of Historical Materialism

（一）基于唯物史观的逻辑理路全面阐述马克思主义话语体系

Historical materialism is the theoretical foundation supporting the Marxist discourse system. First, the *Manifesto* delves into the existential essence of social history, understanding the logical laws of discourse system construction from the perspective of social structure. Marx and Engels pointed out that the “social structure” determined by the economic mode of production is the real foundation of human social history, a holistic category encompassing politics, economy, and culture, and the overall horizon for scientifically understanding the discourse system. The “social structure” of the capitalist era is based on bourgeois private ownership. Capital, as a “social power,” shines like a universal light, reflecting in all spheres of society, and the bourgeois discourse system is also decisively influenced. Concepts such as “freedom,” “self-interest,” and “human rights,” which reflect this ownership, occupy the primary position in the discourse system, becoming “discourse currency” widely circulated in the realm of ideology and public opinion. Consequently, the bourgeois discourse system begins to dominate the production and circulation of ideas such as morality, religion, and philosophy, becoming the ideological handle for understanding the existing world. In the historical stage of the gradual demise of bourgeois society, the Marxist discourse system must consciously reflect the new elements of social structure, serve class discursive conflicts, and seize ideological leadership.

唯物史观是支撑马克思主义话语体系的理论根基。首先，《宣言》深入社会历史的存在本质，从社会结构出发理解话语体系构建的逻辑规律。马克思恩格斯指出，经济生产方式决定的“社会结构”是人类社会历史的现实基础，是包含政治、经济和文化在内的整体性范畴，是科学认识话语体系的总体视域。资本主义时代的“社会结构”建立在资产阶级私有制基础上，资本作为“一种社会力量”像普照的光反映在社会各个领域，资产阶级话语体系也受到决定性影响。反映这一所有制的“自由”“利己”“人权”等概念占据话语体系的首要地位，成为思想舆论领域广泛流通的“话语货币”。随之，资产阶级话语体系开始主导道德、宗教、哲学等观念的生产和流通领域，成为认识现存世界的思想抓手。在资产阶级社会逐渐灭亡的历史阶段，马克思主义话语体系必须自觉反映新的社会结构要素，服务阶级话语冲突并夺取意识形态领导权。

Second, the *Manifesto* integrates social historical changes to point out the fundamental laws of discourse system development. The contradictory movement between productive forces and relations of production, and between the economic base and the superstructure, constitutes the basic elements of social structure and the driving force of all social historical evolution, and the discourse system exhibits laws of development that correspond to this. First, in the historical period when bourgeois society replaced feudal society, the bourgeois discourse system pointed out the falsity and backwardness of feudal discourse. Concepts such as “honor” and “loyalty,” woven into “religious and political illusions,” were specific means of concealment characteristic of feudal exploitation. The bourgeoisie not only stripped away the sacred halo that enveloped all feudal relations but also hired scholars, priests, and others to spiritually produce the self-interested discourse of the bourgeoisie, occupying all the positions of the old discourse in the form of “world literature.” Second, in the historical era of the transition from capitalism to communism, the bourgeois discourse system began to decline. Marx and Engels pointed out that “the foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products is itself undermined from under its feet,” and concepts such as “freedom” and “justice,” which the bourgeois discourse trumpets as eternal truths, will also disintegrate with the end of the old society. Constructing the Marxist discourse system must conform to the laws of social history, consciously creating new concepts and categories such as “labor” and “liberation” that reflect the interests of the proletariat, and demonstrating powerful truth-force in exposing the reactionary discourse of the bourgeoisie.

其次，《宣言》结合社会历史变迁，指明话语体系发展的根本规律。生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的矛盾运动是社会结构的基本要素，构成全部社会历史演进的动能，话语体系呈现出与之相适应的发展规律。第一，在资产阶级社会取代封建社会的历史时期，资产阶级话语体系指出了封建话语的虚假性和落后性，“荣誉”“忠诚”等概念编织的“宗教幻想和政治幻想”是封建剥削特有的掩盖手段。资产阶级不仅破除了笼罩在一切封建关系上的神圣光环，还出资雇佣学者、教士等将资产阶级的利己话语在精神上生产出来，以“世界文学”的形式占领旧有话语的全部阵地。第二，在资本主义向共产主义过渡的历史时代，资产阶级话语体系开始走向衰亡。马克思恩格斯指出，“资产阶级赖以生产和占有产品的基础本身也就从它的脚下被挖掉了”，“自由”“正义”等被资产阶级话语鼓吹为永恒真理的概念，也将随着旧社会的终结而瓦解。构建马克思主义话语体系必须符合社会历史规律，自觉打造“劳动”“解放”等反映无产阶级利益的新概念新范畴，在揭露资产阶级反动话语中展现强大的真理力量。

(2) A Focused Elaboration of the Marxist Discourse System in Response to the Real Needs of the Discursive Pattern

（二）针对话语格局的现实需要重点阐发马克思主义话语体系

Marx and Engels, starting from the discursive pattern of the bourgeois era, focused on elaborating in response to existing discursive challenges. First, the uneven discursive pattern of capitalism provided the real conditions for creating the Marxist discourse system and seizing discursive power. The bourgeoisie spread capitalist civilization throughout the world, creating a unitary discourse system while “creating a world after its own image.” However, the bourgeoisie could not conceal the unequal and inequitable social realities of the countryside’s subordination to the city and the East’s submission to the West; the sharp antagonism between the two major classes further highlighted the power imbalance in the discursive pattern. The *Manifesto* makes clear from the outset that although communism had been recognized as a force in Western Europe, it still faced a disadvantage in the realm of ideological discourse. The publication of the *Manifesto* marked the beginning of the proletariat, having ascended the historical stage, to openly express its views and intentions, opening a new journey in the struggle for discursive power.

马克思恩格斯从资产阶级时代的话语格局出发，针对现存的话语诘难展开重点阐述。首先，资本主义不平衡的话语格局为创建马克思主义话语体系、夺取话语权提供了现实条件。资产阶级将资本主义文明推广到世界各地，在“按照自己的面貌为自己创造出一个世界”的同时也塑造出一元性的话语体系。但资产阶级难掩农村从属于城市、东方屈服于西方等不平衡、不平等的社会现实，两大阶级的尖锐对立更凸显话语格局的权力不均。《宣言》开篇就明确，虽然共产主义在西欧已经被公认为一种势力，但依然在思想话语领域面临劣势。《宣言》的发表标志着登上历史舞台的无产阶级开始公开表达其观点意图，开辟了话语权争夺的新征程。

Second, the Communists directly confronted the discursive accusations of the bourgeoisie, demonstrating the scientific nature of Marxism in the discursive struggle over ownership. First, centering on the core issue of ownership, the *Manifesto* refuted the bourgeois discursive claim that conflates “private property” with “private ownership.” Marx and Engels, on the one hand, emphasized the particularity of private ownership in bourgeois society, pointing out that “private property” manifests as “capital” and “labor” manifests as “wage labor”; on the other hand, they clarified the true meaning of “abolishing private ownership,” namely, abolishing private ownership of the means of production in the form of capital, abolishing the individual freedom that exists only for the bourgeoisie, and abolishing the wage labor that enslaves the labor rights of others. Second, centering on the issue of ideological production under ownership, the *Manifesto* refuted the bourgeois discursive claims about “all education” and “eternal truths.” Marx and Engels emphasized the class nature and power characteristics of ideas and concepts, clarifying that “all education” in bourgeois society is “class education,” and “eternal truths” are merely “truths of class antagonism.” Behind the confusion and slander lies the power desire of the bourgeoisie to maintain its spiritual rule. Third, centering on other public opinions regarding the abolition of private ownership, the *Manifesto* refuted slanderous discourses such as “abolishing the family,” “introducing community of women,” and “abolishing the fatherland and nationality.” Marx and Engels emphasized the fundamental position of the transformation of ownership, pointing out that existing social relations such as the family and husband-wife relations are merely manifestations of specific historical stages, and these accusations will inevitably disappear with the demise of capitalism.

其次，共产党人直面资产阶级的话语责难，在所有制的话语斗争中彰显马克思主义的科学性。第一，围绕所有制的核心问题，《宣言》驳斥了资产阶级用“私有财产”混淆“私有制”的话语主张。马克思恩格斯一方面强调资产阶级社会私有制的特殊性，指明“私有财产”表现为“资本”，“劳动”表现为“雇佣劳动”；一方面澄清了“消灭私有制”的真实含义，即消灭资本形式下的生产资料私有制、消灭仅存于资产者的个性自由、消灭奴役他人劳动权利的雇佣劳动。第二，围绕所有制的精神生产问题，《宣言》驳斥了资产阶级关于“一切教育”和“永恒真理”的话语主张。马克思恩格斯强调了思想观念的阶级属性和权力特质，澄清了资产阶级社会的“一切教育”都是“阶级的教育”，“永恒真理”不过是“阶级对立的真理”，在混淆与污蔑的背后，是资产阶级维护其精神统治的权力欲望在作祟。第三，围绕消灭私有制的其他舆论，《宣言》驳斥了“消灭家庭”“实行公妻制”和“取消祖国和民族”等抹黑话语。马克思恩格斯强调了所有制变革的根本地位，指明现存的家庭、夫妻等社会关系都只是特定历史阶段的表现，这些指控必将随着资本主义的灭亡而消失。

Finally, the Communists analyzed the heterogeneous socialist and communist discourses, demonstrating the subjectivity and self-consciousness of the Marxist discourse system. The *Manifesto* categorizes the erroneous discourses of the workers’ movement into three types: “reactionary socialism,” “conservative or bourgeois socialism,” and “critical-utopian socialism and communism,” exposing that their peddling of the concepts of “socialism” and “communism” was merely to safeguard the interests of their own class. Marx and Engels criticized and defended the theory of scientific socialism point by point, eliminated the ideological confusion left over from the League, consolidated the discursive subject status of the proletarian party, and provided a strong guarantee for creating a discourse system with autonomy and originality.

最后，共产党人辨析了杂多的社会主义和共产主义话语，彰显了马克思主义话语体系的主体性和自觉性。《宣言》将工人运动的错误话语界定为“反动的社会主义”“保守的或资产阶级的社会主义”和“批判的空想的社会主义和共产主义”三类，揭露其卖弄“社会主义”和“共产主义”概念不过是为了维护本阶级的利益需要。马克思恩格斯逐一批判并捍卫了科学社会主义理论，消除了同盟遗存的思想混乱，巩固了无产阶级政党的话语主体地位，为开创具有自主性和原创性的话语体系提供了坚强保障。

(III) The *Manifesto* Formed a Distinctive Method for Constructing the Marxist Discourse System

（三）《宣言》形成了马克思主义话语体系构建的特色方式

The *Manifesto*, with its unique manifesto genre and concise, powerful style, shaped a Marxist discourse system of great appeal and influence. On the one hand, the *Manifesto* is presented in the literary form of a party manifesto, ensuring the complete and smooth flow of historical analysis and historical narrative. As early as the stage of writing the text, Marx and Engels had realized that “it would be better not to adopt the catechetical form” and that the manifesto genre should be used to present the historical conclusions of the examination of class society through historical materialism. The *Manifesto* emphasizes that the theoretical principles of the Communists “are merely a general expression of actual relations springing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes.” Only by describing objective history can the irreversible trend of the “two inevitables” [12]12 The “two inevitables” (两个必然) refers to the Marxist conclusion that the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and the eventual triumph of socialism over capitalism are historically inevitable. be truly explained. Based on a macroscopic grasp of the脉络 of human history, Marx and Engels pointed out the great transformative role of the bourgeoisie and the inevitability of its internal crisis, emphasized the progressive significance and bright prospects of the proletariat, conveyed the historical confidence and historical initiative of “Workers of the world, unite!”, achieved a dialectical unity of historical analysis and historical narrative, and successfully fulfilled the mission of proclaiming the views and intentions of the proletariat.

《宣言》以其独有的宣言文体和凝练磅礴的文风，塑造出极具感染力和影响力的马克思主义话语体系。一方面，《宣言》通过政党宣言的文体形式呈现出来，保证了历史分析和历史叙述的完整流畅。早在文本的创作阶段，马克思恩格斯已经意识到“最好不要采用那种教义问答形式”，应采用宣言文体呈现唯物史观考察阶级社会的历史结论。《宣言》强调，共产党人的理论原理“不过是现存的阶级斗争、我们眼前的历史运动的真实关系的一般表述”，只有以客观历史为对象展开描述，才能真正说明“两个必然”的不可逆趋势。马克思恩格斯基于对人类历史脉络的宏观把握，指明资产阶级的伟大变革作用及其内在危机的不可避免，强调无产阶级的进步意义和光明前景，传递出“全世界无产者，联合起来！”的历史自信和历史主动，实现了历史分析和历史叙事的辩证统一，圆满完成了宣告无产阶级观点和意图的使命任务。

On the other hand, based on the manifesto genre, the *Manifesto* employs concise, powerful, and majestic narrative means, creating a strong sense of scene and impact, greatly enhancing the appeal and persuasiveness of the discourse system. First, the *Manifesto* repeatedly elaborates on the regular changes of historical epochs, forming a discourse rhythm surging like ocean tides. The text of the *Manifesto* runs through the entire process of human history. Through the parallel rhetoric of class oppression, it captures the orderly tidal surges of the long river of history, points out that the existing bourgeois society is undergoing “similar movements,” highlights the historical yardstick of “social structure,” and introduces the new historical subject of the proletariat and the future beautiful scene. Second, the *Manifesto* conveys the distinct revolutionary will of the Communists through short paragraphs and concise sentences. The entire text replaces the trivial links of theoretical reasoning with highly condensed historical conclusions, using history to enlighten the present and announce the future. Therefore, the language of the entire text is compact, with frequent aphorisms, expressing the views and intentions of the Communists without reservation. Third, the writing of the *Manifesto* frequently uses the first person for direct narration, creating an engaging sense of presence. Expressions such as “We Communists” not only directly express the value stance of the Communists but also highlight the author’s own fearless courage, possessing a strong sense of immersion and empathy, strengthening the working class’s recognition and acceptance of Marxist discourse.

另一方面，《宣言》基于宣言文体，采用言简意赅、气势磅礴的叙事手段，塑造出强烈的场景感和冲击感，极大增强了话语体系的吸引力和说服力。第一，《宣言》反复阐述历史时代的规律变迁，形成如海潮般涌动的话语节奏。《宣言》行文贯通全部人类历史进程，通过对阶级压迫的排比修辞捕捉到历史长河的有序性潮涌，指明了现存资产阶级社会正在上演“类似的运动”，凸显出“社会结构”的历史标尺，引出无产阶级的崭新历史主体和未来美好场景。第二，《宣言》以短小的段落和精简的语句，传达出共产党人鲜明的革命意志。《宣言》全篇以高度凝练的历史结论取代理论推理的琐碎环节，以历史启示现在、宣告未来。因此，全文用语紧凑，金句频出，将共产党人的观点和意图直言不讳地表现出来。第三，《宣言》写作多次采用第一人称进行直叙，营造出引人入胜的画面感。“我们共产党人”等表述不仅将共产党人的价值立场直截了当地表现出来，更凸显出作者本人英勇无畏的气魄，具有强烈的代入感和共情力，强化了工人阶级对马克思主义话语的认可和接纳。

III. The Basic Content and Scientific Method of the *Manifesto*’s Construction of the Marxist Discourse System

三、《宣言》构建马克思主义话语体系的基本内容与科学方法

The *Manifesto* implements the theoretical theme of Marxism, takes “seeking liberation for humanity” as its core, reflects the essential requirements of the historical era, and defines the fundamental dimension for the unfolding of discourse. Centering on this theme, the *Manifesto* takes “communist revolution” as its main line for argumentation, starts from the category of “class” to construct the basic content of the Marxist discourse system, and forms a series of iconic terminological concepts and discursive expressions. In writing the *Manifesto*, Marx and Engels elucidated the general laws and scientific methods for the innovation of the Marxist discourse system.

《宣言》贯彻马克思主义的理论主题，以“为人类求解放”为核心，反映了历史时代的本质要求，规定了话语铺展的根本维度。围绕这一主题，《宣言》以“共产主义革命”为主线进行论证，从“阶级”范畴出发构建马克思主义话语体系的基本内容，形成了一系列具有标识性的术语概念及话语表达。马克思恩格斯在《宣言》写作中阐明了马克思主义话语体系创新的一般规律和科学方法。

(I) The *Manifesto* Constructed the Theme and Main Purpose of the Marxist Discourse System

（一）《宣言》构建起马克思主义话语体系的主题主旨

The discourse theme of “seeking liberation for humanity” scientifically answered the epochal question of the first half of the 19th century: “What is wrong with the world, and what should we do?” The historical era of the bourgeoisie not only propelled human society into a new model of rapid development but also unprecedentedly amplified social contradictions. The question of where the development of human civilization should go became a major epochal question urgently needing resolution. Marx and Engels accurately grasped the epochal characteristics of the transition from capitalism to communism, and built the four beams and eight pillars [13]13 “Four beams and eight pillars” (四梁八柱) is a Chinese architectural metaphor for a basic framework or main supporting structure. of the Marxist discourse system around the core meaning of “seeking liberation for humanity.”

“为人类求解放”的话语主题科学回答了十九世纪上半叶“世界怎么了，我们怎么办”的时代问题。资产阶级历史时代既推动人类社会进入快速发展的新模式，也前所未有地放大了社会的矛盾问题，人类文明发展何去何从成为亟待解决的重大时代之问。马克思恩格斯准确把握资本主义向共产主义过渡的时代特征，围绕“为人类求解放”的主旨要义构建起马克思主义话语体系的四梁八柱。

First, “seeking liberation for humanity” is the inevitable conclusion of the evolution of the laws of human social development, answering the historical question of “where is human society heading?” Marx and Engels “found the key to the understanding of all social history in the history of the development of labor,” achieving an objective description of historical development based on material production practice. Therefore, the *Manifesto* positively affirms that the productive forces of the bourgeoisie “have created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together,” laying a solid material foundation for human liberation. At the same time, bourgeois ownership also follows the general laws of historical change; it is necessary to promote the thorough transformation of relations of production, further releasing the creative kinetic energy of the proletariat as the subject of labor.

首先，“为人类求解放”是人类社会发展规律演进的必然结论，回答了“人类社会向何处去”的历史之问。马克思恩格斯“在劳动发展史中找到了理解全部社会史的锁钥”，基于物质生产实践实现了对历史发展的客观描述。因此，《宣言》积极肯定资产阶级生产力“比过去一切世代创造的全部生产力还要多，还要大”，为人类解放奠定坚实的物质基础。同时，资产阶级所有制也遵循历史变更的一般规律，必须推动生产关系的彻底变革，进一步释放无产阶级劳动主体的创造性动能。

Second, “seeking liberation for humanity” is the inevitable direction of the leap from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom, answering the epochal question of “where is capitalism heading?” Capitalist ownership replaced human dignity and value with money and transactions; the feudal relationship of human dependence on people was alienated into a relationship of dependence on things under the dominance of capital. Bourgeois society is the highest form of the development of private ownership, leading to sharp class antagonism and the total alienation of society. The *Manifesto* emphasizes that only by radically transforming the social structure of the bourgeoisie can the alienated relationship between people be completely eliminated, and an association be established “in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all,” achieving the liberation of all humanity through a social structure that unifies regularity and purposefulness.

其次，“为人类求解放”是从必然王国向自由王国跨越的必然指向，回答了“资本主义向何处去”的时代之问。资本主义所有制用金钱和交易取代了人的尊严和价值，人对人依赖性的封建关系被异化为资本主导下物的依赖性关系。资产阶级社会是私有制发展的最高形态，导致了阶级的尖锐对立和社会的全面异化。《宣言》强调，只有对资产阶级社会结构加以颠覆性变革，才能彻底摆脱人与人的异化关系，建立“每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件”的联合体，以合规律性和合目的性相统一的社会结构实现全人类的解放。

Third, “seeking liberation for humanity” is the inevitable future of class struggle in class society, answering the class question of “where is the proletariat heading?” The *Manifesto* delves into the social contradictions of the bourgeois era to analyze the real subject of human liberation, elucidates the internal connection between human liberation and the liberation of the proletariat, and between the prospect of human liberation and the mission of the proletariat, achieving a dialectical unity of the subject-object relationship in the history of class society. The *Manifesto* insists that the proletariat is the subject and creator of history, the most revolutionary and organized class, and stands unequivocally on the side of the vast majority represented by the proletariat. The complete exploitation suffered by the proletariat determines that it can represent the interests of the oppressed majority, liberating all humanity and itself in the unity of truth and value, of its due mission and actual responsibility.

再次，“为人类求解放”是阶级社会矛盾斗争的必然未来，回答了“无产阶级向何处去”的阶级之问。《宣言》深入资产阶级时代的社会矛盾辨析人类解放的现实主体，阐明了人类解放与无产阶级解放、人类解放前景与无产阶级使命的内在关联，实现了阶级社会历史主客体关系的辩证统一。《宣言》坚持无产阶级是历史的主体和创造者，是最具革命性和组织性的阶级，旗帜鲜明地站在无产阶级为代表的绝大多数人一边。无产阶级彻底的受剥削境况决定其能够代表受压迫的多数人利益，在真理性和价值性、应然使命与实然责任的一致中解放全人类和阶级自身。

Finally, “seeking liberation for humanity” is the historical mission of the revolutionary practice of the Communists, answering the party question of “where are the Communists heading?” The *Manifesto* is the historical program for the reorganization of the Communist League, revealing the fundamental laws and direction of Marxist party building, and is the turning point for the great leap of scientific socialism from theory to practice. By nature, the Communist Party “has no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole,” can truly represent the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people, and firmly establishes the position of the people as the creators of history. At the same time, the Communists possess the advanced character of “in the current movement simultaneously representing the future of the movement,” bear the lofty ideal of seeking liberation for humanity, and provide strong leadership guarantees for the ultimate realization of communism.

最后，“为人类求解放”是共产党人革命实践的历史使命，回答了“共产党人向何处去”的政党之问。《宣言》是共产主义者同盟改组的历史纲领，揭示出马克思主义政党建设的根本规律和指向，是科学社会主义从理论向实践伟大飞跃的转折点。共产党就其性质而言“没有任何同整个无产阶级的利益不同的利益”，能够真正代表广大人民群众的根本利益，坚定人民群众的历史创造者地位。同时，共产党人具有“在当前的运动中同时代表运动的未来”的先进品格，肩负为人类求解放的崇高理想追求，为共产主义的最终实现提供坚强的领导保障。

(II) The *Manifesto* Discussed the Main Line Content of the Marxist Discourse System

（二）《宣言》论述了马克思主义话语体系的主线内容

“The communist revolution” is a scientific extension of the theme of “seeking liberation for humanity,” constituting the mainstream and main thread of the generation and evolution of the Marxist discourse system. Marx and Engels, following the thread of the inevitable victory of the communist revolution, elucidated the bright prospect of human liberation, promoting the systematization and theorization of the discourse expression of the *Manifesto*. First, the inevitability of the communist revolution is built on the theoretical foundation of class and class struggle; “class” is the logical starting point and emblematic category of the Marxist discourse system. Marx reshaped the basic connotation of the concept of “class,” pointing out the intrinsic connection between class and production, elevating it to the essential level of social history: “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.” In the epoch of the bourgeoisie, “class” is concretely manifested as the “bourgeoisie” and the “proletariat,” and class struggle is simplified into the direct opposition of the two great classes, which is determined by the movement of the inherent contradictions of the bourgeois mode of production.

“共产主义革命”是对“为人类求解放”主题的科学延伸，构成马克思主义话语体系生成演化的主流主线。马克思恩格斯围绕共产主义革命必然胜利的脉络阐明了人类解放的光明前景，推动《宣言》话语表述的体系化和学理化。首先，共产主义革命的必然性建立在阶级和阶级斗争的理论基础上，“阶级”是马克思主义话语体系的逻辑起点和标志范畴。马克思重塑“阶级”概念的基本内涵，指明阶级与生产的内在关联，将其提升到社会历史的本质层面，“至今一切社会的历史都是阶级斗争的历史。”在资产阶级时代，“阶级”具体表现为“资产阶级”和“无产阶级”，阶级斗争简单化为两大阶级的直接对立，这是由资产阶级生产方式的内在矛盾运动所决定的。

Second, the *Manifesto* delves into the two sides of the class conflict in bourgeois society, using the laws of the movement of the material mode of production to demonstrate the inevitable victory of the communist revolution. First, from the dimension of the bourgeoisie, it emphasizes that the bourgeoisie is the historical product of the long-term transformation of the capitalist mode of production. On the one hand, the bourgeoisie “has played a most revolutionary part”; the constant revolutionizing of social relations has created unprecedented productive forces, the socialization of production has formed “world history” and the “world market,” the old feudal relations of ownership have been replaced by the more advanced bourgeois relations of ownership, forming the exclusive rule of the modern state and political centralization on a world scale. On the other hand, “capital” dominating “wage labor” is the dominant relation of production, fundamentally determining the polarization and exploitative nature of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The periodically recurring and intensifying “commercial crises” have already exceeded the scope of bourgeois social reform, and bourgeois ownership is facing a comprehensive crisis. Second, from the dimension of the proletariat, it emphasizes that the proletariat is “the product of large-scale industry itself” and is the “truly revolutionary class.” On the one hand, the proletariat is a real component of the capitalist mode of production; the valorization of capital not only commodifies the proletariat, dominating the workers’ labor process through machinery and the division of labor, but also comprehensively exploits workers in the organization of production and social organization, forming the thorough revolutionary character of the proletariat, which has nothing to lose. On the other hand, in the protracted struggle of the proletariat, as the basis, forms, and aims of intra-class unity develop, the class subject increasingly displays a new historical status distinct from other classes. It both obtains all social productive forces by abolishing the relations of private property ownership and, based on the revolutionary unity fostered by industrial progress, overcomes internal divisions, becoming the truly real force for carrying out the communist revolution. The *Manifesto* arrives at the scientific conclusion of the “two inevitables.” [14]14 The “two inevitables” (两个必然) refers to the conclusion in the *Communist Manifesto* that the bourgeoisie will inevitably fall and the proletariat will inevitably triumph.

其次，《宣言》深入到资产阶级社会的阶级冲突双方，借以物质生产方式运动的规律论证共产主义革命的必然胜利。第一，在资产阶级的维度，强调资产阶级是资本主义生产方式长期变革的历史产物。一方面，资产阶级“曾经起过非常革命的作用”，社会关系的不断变革造就了前所未有的生产力，生产的社会化形成“世界历史”和“世界市场”，旧有的封建所有制关系为更先进的资产阶级所有制关系所取代，形成现代国家的独占统治和世界范围内的政治集中。另一方面，“资本”支配“雇佣劳动”是占主导地位的生产关系，根本决定着资产阶级与无产阶级的两极分化及剥削本质。周期性重复并加剧的“商业危机”已经超出了资产阶级社会改良的范围，资产阶级所有制正面临全面的危机。第二，在无产阶级的维度，强调无产阶级是“大工业本身的产物”，是“真正革命的阶级”。一方面，无产阶级是资本主义生产方式的现实组成部分，资本的增殖不仅将无产阶级商品化，借助机器和分工主导工人的劳动过程，还在生产组织和社会组织上全面剥削工人，形成无产阶级一无所有的彻底的革命性；另一方面，在无产阶级的漫长抗争中，随着阶级内部联合基础、形式和目的的发展，阶级主体愈发展现出区别于其他阶级的崭新历史地位，既通过废除私有制的占有关系获得全部社会生产力，又基于工业进步的革命联合克服内部分裂，成为推行共产主义革命的真正现实力量。《宣言》得出“两个必然”的科学论断。

Finally, the *Manifesto*, centering on the unified relationship between the proletarians and the communists, demonstrates that the communists are the subjective condition for leading the communist revolution to victory. First, the theoretical principles of the communists are the scientific guide for leading the communist revolution. The core essence of “abolition of private property” not only truly reflects the historical changes and trends of relations of ownership but also affirms the scientific nature of communist theory through the critique of various erroneous trends of thought. The communists can truly implement the interests and value principles of the proletariat, both elucidating the fundamental position of the ownership question in the revolutionary movement and clarifying the primary task of depriving the bourgeoisie of political power, requiring the flexible application of programmatic strategies based on historical conditions. Second, the advanced qualities of the communists are the key guarantee for uniting and strengthening the communist revolution. “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.” It is necessary to expand class unity through means such as educating workers and propaganda, to strive for and consolidate class rule, and ultimately to advance toward a communist society of universal human liberation.

最后，《宣言》围绕无产者和共产党人的统一关系，论证共产党人是引领共产主义革命走向胜利的主体条件。第一，共产党人的理论原理是引领共产主义革命的科学指南。“消灭私有制”的核心要义不仅真实反映出所有制关系的历史变迁及走向，还通过批判诸多错误思潮肯定了共产党人理论的科学性。共产党人能够真正贯彻无产阶级的利益需要和价值原则，既阐明了所有制问题在革命运动中的根本地位，又明确了剥夺资产阶级政治权力的首要任务，要求依据历史条件灵活运用纲领策略。第二，共产党人的先进品质是团结壮大共产主义革命的关键保证。“共产党人不屑于隐瞒自己的观点和意图。”必须通过教育工人、舆论宣传等方式扩大阶级联合，争取并巩固阶级统治，最终迈向全人类解放的共产主义社会。

(III) The *Manifesto* Elucidates the Scientific Method for Constructing the Marxist Discourse System

（三）《宣言》阐明了构建马克思主义话语体系的科学方法

The *Manifesto* formed a series of scientific methods of discourse expression, becoming the methodological program guiding the construction and development of the Marxist discourse system. First, the unity of logic and history. “Where history begins, the process of thought must also begin,” the *Manifesto* comprehensively lays out objective historical reality, elucidates the laws of the evolution of human social formations from lower to higher, and concretely expounds the general laws of class movement in the bourgeois epoch, accurately grasping the epochal theme and mission of the birth of the Marxist discourse system. Therefore, the Marxist discourse system must conform to the trend of historical development, scientifically reflect the contradictions and crises of bourgeois society, convey the responsibility and commitment of the proletariat as a historical subject, and achieve the unity of logic and history in serving the communist revolution. Second, the unity of critique and construction. The bourgeoisie “gives its ideas the form of universality,” using the public appearance of its discourse system to invert the relationship between discourse itself and real life, obscuring and occupying the thought and discourse of the ruled class. Critiquing bourgeois discourse constitutes a necessary link for the proletariat to establish discourse confidence and seize discourse power. The *Manifesto* fiercely critiques bourgeois discourses such as “freedom,” “private property,” and “the individual,” distinguishing and constructing core categories of the Marxist discourse system such as “capital,” “private ownership,” and “the Communist Party,” establishing the proletariat’s active position in discourse. Third, the unity of construction and dissemination. Discourse dissemination is an inherent requirement of constructing a discourse system; only through effective dissemination carriers and methods can a discourse system truly grasp its discourse objects and form a real impact on transforming the world. The *Manifesto* highly values the effectiveness of dissemination, emphasizing that the communists “do not for a moment cease to instill into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat.” Whether in the fields of theory, public opinion, or education, or through forms such as newspapers, books, or organizations, the aim is “to use every possible means to propagate their great principles and to unite the workers of the whole world,” allowing the proletariat to awaken class consciousness and revolutionary fighting spirit under the guidance of discourse, achieving the original purpose of constructing the discourse system. Fourth, the unity of commonality and individuality. On the one hand, the *Manifesto* elucidates the generality of the Marxist discourse system’s complete rupture with the old class societies; on the other hand, it proposes differentiated requirements for discourse based on the uneven development of the times and the historical and cultural traditions of different regions. Constructing the Marxist discourse system must adopt a flexible strategy of unifying commonality and individuality, adhering to the scientific attitude of “being applied everywhere and at all times to the historical conditions existing,” achieving the dialectical unity of uniformity and diversity. The seven prefaces of the *Manifesto* are vivid examples of the Marxist discourse system adhering to the unity of commonality and individuality, laying down the principles and methods for overcoming regional differences and uniting and leading the proletariat to victory.

《宣言》形成了一系列话语表述的科学方法，成为指导马克思主义话语体系构建发展的方法纲领。其一，逻辑与历史相统一。“历史从哪里开始，思想进程也应当从哪里开始”，《宣言》全面铺陈客观历史现实，阐明了人类社会形态从低向高的演进规律，并具体到资产阶级时代阐述阶级运动的一般规律，准确把握住马克思主义话语体系诞生的时代主题及其使命。因此，马克思主义话语体系必须顺应历史发展潮流，科学反映资产阶级社会的矛盾危机，传达无产阶级历史主体的责任担当，在服务共产主义革命中实现逻辑与历史的统一。其二，批判与构建相统一。资产阶级“赋予自己的思想以普遍性的形式”，通过话语体系的公共性外表颠倒话语自身和现实生活的关系，遮蔽并占领被统治阶级的思想话语。批判资产阶级话语构成无产阶级确立话语自信、争夺话语权的必要环节。《宣言》对“自由”“私产”“个体”等资产阶级话语进行猛烈批判，区别构建出“资本”“私有制”和“共产党”等马克思主义话语体系的核心范畴，确立起无产阶级的话语主动地位。其三，构建与传播相统一。话语传播是话语体系构建的内在要求，只有通过有效的传播载体和方式，话语体系才能真正掌握话语对象并形成改造世界的现实影响。《宣言》高度重视传播实效，强调共产党人“一分钟也不忽略教育工人尽可能明确地意识到资产阶级和无产阶级的敌对的对立”。不论是在理论、舆论和教育等领域，还是通过报刊、书籍或组织等形式，目的都是“极力利用一切可以利用的手段来宣传自己的伟大原则和把全世界的工人联合起来”，让无产阶级在话语引导中启发阶级意识和革命斗志，达到话语体系构建的原初旨意。其四，共性与个性相统一。《宣言》一方面阐明了马克思主义话语体系同旧有阶级社会彻底断裂的一般性，另一方面根据时代发展的不平衡性以及不同地区的历史文化传统提出话语的差异化要求。构建马克思主义话语体系必须采取共性与个性相统一的灵活策略，坚持“随时随地都要以当时的历史条件为转移”的科学态度，实现统一性与多样性的辩证统一。《宣言》的七篇序言是马克思主义话语体系坚持共性与个性相统一的生动例证，为克服不同地区差别、团结引领无产阶级胜利奠定原则方法。

IV. The Value and Significance of the *Manifesto*’s Scientific Construction of the Marxist Discourse System

四、《宣言》科学构建马克思主义话语体系的价值意义

The *Manifesto* is a brilliant pearl in the history of the dissemination of the Marxist discourse system; “the history of the *Manifesto* reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working-class movement.” The *Manifesto* is the theoretical source running through the century-long construction of the Marxist discourse system by the Communist Party of China, providing scientific principles and methods for innovating the Marxist discourse system in the twenty-first century and seizing the initiative in discourse.

《宣言》是马克思主义话语体系传播史上的璀璨明珠，“《宣言》的历史在很大程度上反映着现代工人阶级运动的历史”。《宣言》是贯穿中国共产党百年构建马克思主义话语体系的理论源泉，为创新二十一世纪马克思主义话语体系、掌握话语主动权提供了科学的原理方法。

(I) The Core Role of the Dissemination of the *Manifesto* in Promoting the Globalization of the Marxist Discourse System

（一）《宣言》传播对推动马克思主义话语体系世界化的核心作用

The *Manifesto* is the coordinate origin of the construction and dissemination of the Marxist discourse system. It not only plays an incomparable role as a model for constructing the discourse system in the process of Marxist theory grasping the masses but also distills important insights for constructing the discourse system through the dissemination of the text itself.

《宣言》是马克思主义话语体系构建与传播的坐标原点，不仅作为话语体系的构建范本在马克思主义理论掌握群众中发挥着无可比拟的作用，还在文献的传播中凝练出构建话语体系的重要启示。

The discourse of the *Manifesto* is an important bridge through which Marxist theory convinces and grasps the masses. First, the *Manifesto* clearly conveys the theoretical essence of scientific socialism, effectively enlightening and educating the working class to turn toward communist revolution. The prominent activist of the Russian workers’ movement, Plekhanov, once recalled, “Reading the *Communist Manifesto* was a new period in my life. I was inspired by the *Manifesto* and immediately decided to translate it into Russian.” [15]15 G.V. Plekhanov, *Works*, Vol. 24, p. 170, as cited in the original. The *Manifesto* likewise served as a guide for communists everywhere to accept, believe in, and propagate Marxism. Second, the *Manifesto* distinctly expresses the historical mission of the proletariat and is the theoretical source for the building of proletarian political parties. Lenin pointed out, “The main point in Marx’s doctrine is that it elucidates the world-historical role of the proletariat as the creator of socialist society.” [16]16 V.I. Lenin, “The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 23, p. 1. In the 1860s and 1870s, the upsurge of revolutionary needs impelled party branches in many European countries to take the *Manifesto* as a necessity for guiding the practice of the working class, further strengthening their own ideological level and leadership capacity, as well as the cohesion and combat effectiveness of the workers’ movement, through translation and publication. Finally, the basic principles put forward in the *Manifesto* are an important basis for carrying out communist revolution. As a “program of principles and tactics that retains all its significance,” [17]17 Frederick Engels, “Preface to the German Edition of 1890,” *Manifesto of the Communist Party*. the *Manifesto* was fully confirmed by revolution and “has become the criterion for all resolute and class-conscious workers’ parties from Madrid to St. Petersburg,” [18]18 Frederick Engels, “Preface to the German Edition of 1890,” *Manifesto of the Communist Party*. serving as an important theoretical nourishment for the discourse struggle of the proletariat.

《宣言》话语是马克思主义理论说服和掌握群众的重要桥梁。首先，《宣言》清晰传达出科学社会主义的理论精髓，有力地启发和教育工人阶级转向共产主义革命。俄国工人运动著名活动家普列汉诺夫曾回忆道，“阅读《共产党宣言》是我一生中的新时期。我受到《宣言》的鼓舞，并立即决定将它译成俄文。”《宣言》同样是各地共产党人接受、信仰和宣传马克思主义的引路人。其次，《宣言》鲜明表达出无产阶级的历史使命，是无产阶级政党建设的理论之源。列宁指出，“马克思学说中的主要的一点，就是阐明了无产阶级作为社会主义社会创造者的世界历史作用。”十九世纪六七十年代，革命需要的高涨推动欧洲多国政党支部将《宣言》作为引导工人阶级实践的必需品，以翻译出版的方式进一步加强自身的思想水平和领导能力，以及工人运动的凝聚力和战斗力。最后，《宣言》提出的基本原理是开展共产主义革命的重要依据。作为“保留其全部意义的原则性的和策略的纲领”，《宣言》是被革命充分证实了的，“已经成为欧洲——从马德里到彼得堡所有坚决而有觉悟的工人政党的准则”，成为无产阶级话语斗争的重要理论滋养。

The dissemination of the *Manifesto* crystallizes valuable experience in developing the Marxist discourse system. Theoretically, Marx and Engels flexibly interpreted the theoretical principles of the *Manifesto* in light of actual conditions. After the outbreak of the European revolutions, Marx and Engels delved into the German revolutionary movement and, combining the universal principles of the *Manifesto*, formed the programmatic document *Demands of the Communist Party in Germany*, providing discourse guidance that was practically relevant. [19]19 The *Demands of the Communist Party in Germany* was a programmatic document drafted by Marx and Engels in March 1848, applying the principles of the *Manifesto* to the specific conditions of the German revolution. At the inception of the First International, Marx and Engels, by means of a program that was “substantively firm, formally moderate,” [20]20 This phrase refers to the approach taken in the *Inaugural Address of the Working Men’s International Association* (1864), which used moderate language to express firm socialist principles in order to unite diverse working-class factions. united the entire proletariat of Europe and America to the greatest extent, until Engels proudly stated in 1885 that “the theoretical principles inscribed on the banner of the *Communist Manifesto* of 1847 are today the firmest international bond of the entire proletarian movement in Europe and America.” [21]21 Frederick Engels, “On the History of the Communist League,” *Collected Works of Marx and Engels*, Vol. 21. In practice, Marx and Engels attached great importance to the dissemination of the Marxist discourse system. For example, Marx and Engels strongly emphasized the mediating role of the press, pointing out that newspapers “circulate as the paper currency of public opinion” [22]22 Karl Marx, “The Debates on the Freedom of the Press,” *Rheinische Zeitung*, 1842. and are the “necessary means of subsistence” [23]23 Karl Marx, *Capital*, Vol. 1, on the means of subsistence of the worker. of the proletariat. To this end, on the one hand, Marx and Engels took the initiative to establish newspapers, having organized and operated the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung* and the *Neue Rheinische Zeitung: Politisch-ökonomische Revue*, thereby preserving and strengthening the discourse positions of Marxism. On the other hand, they actively wrote for workers’ newspapers, having contributed without remuneration to the Chartist *People’s Paper* and allowing the *Reform*, the organ of the American Workers’ League, to publish free of charge articles they had written for American newspapers. [24]24 The *People’s Paper* was the organ of the Chartist movement in Britain; the *Reform* was a newspaper of the American Workers’ League, a German-American socialist organization. The widespread dissemination of the discourse system effectively unleashed the vitality of Marxist theory in transforming the world, preventing socialist practice from regressing to a “spectral” state.

《宣言》的传播凝结着发展马克思主义话语体系的宝贵经验。在理论上，马克思恩格斯根据现实条件灵活阐释《宣言》的理论原则。欧洲革命爆发后马克思恩格斯深入德国革命运动，结合《宣言》的普遍原理形成《共产党在德国的要求》的纲领文件，提供切实贴近的话语指导；第一国际成立之初马克思恩格斯借助“实质上坚定，形式上温和”的纲领最大程度团结起整个欧美的无产阶级，直至1885年恩格斯自豪地指出，“在1847年的《共产主义宣言》中写在旗帜上的理论原则，则是目前欧洲和美洲整个无产阶级运动的最牢固的国际纽带。”在实践中，马克思恩格斯高度重视马克思主义话语体系的传播。例如，马克思恩格斯非常强调新闻报刊的媒介作用，指明报纸“是作为社会舆论的纸币流通的”，是无产阶级的“必要生活资料”。为此，马克思恩格斯一方面主动创建报刊，曾筹办并运营《新莱茵报》《新莱茵报·政治经济评论》，保留并壮大马克思主义的话语阵地。另一方面积极为工人报纸撰稿，曾无酬为宪章派发行的《人民报》撰稿，并允许美国工人同盟的机关报《改革报》免费发表二人为美国报纸撰写的相关文章。话语体系的广泛传播有力焕发出马克思主义理论变革世界的生机活力，避免了社会主义实践退回到“幽灵”状态。

(II) The Significance of the *Manifesto* for the Chinese Communist Party’s Construction of the Marxist Discourse System

（二）《宣言》对中国共产党构建马克思主义话语体系的重要意义

The *Manifesto* is a programmatic document that has guided the construction of the Marxist discourse system throughout the century-long history of the Chinese Communist Party. “The Chinese Communist Party is a faithful heir to the spirit of the *Communist Manifesto*,” [25]25 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the 25th Collective Study Session of the Politburo of the 19th CPC Central Committee,” *People’s Daily*, April 24, 2018. combining the basic principles elucidated in the *Manifesto* with China’s specific realities and seizing the initiative in discourse through promoting discourse innovation.

《宣言》是中国共产党百年党史中指导构建马克思主义话语体系的纲领性文献。“中国共产党是《共产党宣言》精神的忠实传人”，将《宣言》阐明的基本原理同中国具体实际相结合，在推动话语创新中掌握话语主动。

First, the Party has focused on the law of discourse evolution in the *Manifesto* concerning the analysis of social contradictions and, in accordance with the tasks of different eras, has constructed a Marxist discourse system with the themes of “revolution,” “construction,” “reform,” and “rejuvenation.” During the period of the New Democratic Revolution, communists represented by Mao Zedong identified the principal contradiction in modern Chinese society as “the contradiction between imperialism and the Chinese nation and the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses of the people,” [26]26 Mao Zedong, “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party,” *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, Vol. 2. establishing a discourse system of New Democratic Revolution under the epochal theme of revolution and war. During the period of socialist revolution and construction, after the completion of the socialist transformation, the Eighth National Congress of the CPC correctly identified “the contradiction between the people’s rapid development needs for economic culture and the current state of economic culture being unable to meet the people’s needs,” [27]27 Resolution of the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China on the Political Report, 1956. constructing a discourse system for the preliminary exploration of the path of socialist construction. During the new period of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, communists represented by Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao adhered to the thesis of the “principal contradiction in the primary stage of socialism,” continued to explore the path of socialist development with Chinese characteristics, and the reform discourse system came to occupy a dominant position. After socialism with Chinese characteristics entered the New Era, communists represented by Xi Jinping made a scientific assessment, pointing out that “the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development” [28]28 Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era,” Report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC, 2017. is the principal contradiction in society, laying the foundation for a Marxist discourse system in the New Era with rejuvenation as its theme. The *Manifesto* runs through the century-long process of the Chinese Communist Party’s construction of the Marxist discourse system; categories such as “productive forces” and “class” have been continuously inherited and innovated under different epochal themes, effectively advancing the Party’s exploration of the struggle to build a strong socialist modernized country.

第一，党聚焦于《宣言》关于社会矛盾分析的话语演进规律，根据不同时代任务构建起以“革命”“建设”“改革”和“复兴”为主题的马克思主义话语体系。新民主主义革命时期，以毛泽东为代表的共产党人指明近代中国社会的主要矛盾是“帝国主义和中华民族的矛盾、封建主义和人民大众的矛盾”，在革命与战争的时代主题下建立起新民主主义革命的话语体系；社会主义革命和建设时期，在社会主义改造完成后，党的八大正确指明“人民对于经济文化迅速发展的需要同当前经济文化不能满足人民需要的状况之间的矛盾”，构建起初步探索社会主义建设道路的话语体系；改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期，以邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛为代表的共产党人坚持“社会主义初级阶段主要矛盾”论断，继续探索中国特色社会主义发展道路，改革话语体系并占据主导地位；中国特色社会主义进入新时代后，以习近平同志为代表的共产党人科学研判，指出“人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾”是社会的主要矛盾，奠定了以复兴为主题的新时代马克思主义话语体系。《宣言》贯穿中国共产党构建马克思主义话语体系的百年历程，“生产力”“阶级”等范畴在不同的时代主题下不断继承创新，有力推进了党探索建设社会主义现代化强国的奋斗历程。

Second, the Party has followed the discourse principle of the *Manifesto* concerning the value stance of political parties and has enriched and developed it in different historical periods. Mao Zedong and other communists applied class analysis to China’s actual conditions, proactively incorporating peasants, intellectuals, and other groups into the categories of “the people” and “the masses,” constructing discourse expressions such as “all for the masses, rely on the masses in everything, from the masses and to the masses” and “serve the people,” which were easily accepted and understood by the masses, thereby establishing a broad united front during the periods of revolution and construction. Under the guidance of the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the importance of the people in Party building and economic development became more prominent, and categories and theses such as “representing the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people” and “people-oriented” were successively put forward in line with the requirements of the times. As socialism with Chinese characteristics entered a new historical juncture, the historical subject position of the masses was fully integrated into all aspects of the work of the Party and the state, and original expressions such as “people-centered” and “popular support is the greatest politics” were innovated and disseminated. The Party scientifically grasps the basic laws of discourse inheritance and innovation, both maintaining continuity and advancing with the times, promoting new achievements and new developments in the innovation of the Marxist discourse system in the New Era, and rallying the initiative and unity of the broad masses of the people in devoting themselves to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

第二，党沿袭了《宣言》关于政党价值立场的话语原则，并结合不同的历史时期进行丰富和发展。毛泽东等共产党人将阶级分析运用到中国实际情况，主动将农民、知识分子等群体纳入“人民”和“群众”的范畴中，构建“一切为了群众，一切依靠群众，从群众中来，到群众中去”“为人民服务”等易为大众接受和理解的话语表达，建立起革命和建设时期广泛的统一战线。在中国特色社会主义理论体系的指导下，人民在政党建设和经济发展中的重要性更加凸显，“代表最广大人民的根本利益”“以人为本”等符合时代要求的范畴论断接续提出。中国特色社会主义进入新的历史方位，人民群众的历史主体地位全面融入党和国家工作的各方面，“以人民为中心”“民心是最大的政治”等原创性表述得以创新和传播。党科学把握话语传承和创新的基本规律，既一脉相承又与时俱进，推动新时代马克思主义话语体系创新取得新气象新作为，凝聚起广大人民群众投身中华民族伟大复兴的积极性和团结性。

(The authors are, respectively, a doctoral student at the School of Marxism Studies, Renmin University of China; and a professor at the School of Marxism Studies, Renmin University of China)

（作者系中国人民大学马克思主义学院博士研究生；中国人民大学马克思主义学院教授）

Online editor: Ma Jingren

网络编辑：马京仁