Marx and Engels’ Thought on the Political Capacity Building of the Proletarian Political Party and Its Contemporary Value

Political attribute is the fundamental attribute of a political party. Political capacity is the most fundamental and primary capacity of a proletarian political party. In the practice of leading the workers’ movement, Marx and Engels deeply understood the importance of political capacity building for a proletarian political party. In the arduous practice of revolutionary struggle, Marx and Engels highly refined and elevated the practical experience of political capacity building for a proletarian political party, providing us with a rich treasure trove of thought. “To take a clear political stand is not only a distinctive feature of a Marxist political party but also a political advantage that our Party has consistently upheld.” [1]1 Friedrich Engels, *On Authority*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 23 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1988), p. 422. [Return to text] Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has attached great importance to the Party’s political capacity building, forming a series of important expositions on the Party’s political capacity building, requiring “strengthening the Party’s political construction” and “improving the political judgment, political comprehension, and political execution of Party organizations and Party cadres at all levels,” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *“Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 31 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), p. 24. [Return to text] thereby elevating the Party’s political capacity building to a new height. On the new journey toward a powerful modern socialist country, strengthening political capacity building is the key to Party building, and it is even more necessary to draw scientific wisdom and theoretical strength from Marx and Engels’ thought on the political capacity building of a proletarian political party.

政治属性是政党的根本属性。政治能力是无产阶级政党最根本、第一位的能力。在领导工人运动的实践中，马克思恩格斯深谙无产阶级政党政治能力建设的重要性。在艰苦卓绝的革命斗争实践中，马克思恩格斯高度提炼和升华了无产阶级政党政治能力建设的实践经验，为我们提供了丰富的思想宝库。“旗帜鲜明讲政治，既是马克思主义政党的鲜明特征，也是我们党一以贯之的政治优势”。党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为核心的党中央高度重视党的政治能力建设，形成了一系列关于党的政治能力建设的重要论述，要求“加强党的政治建设”“提高各级党组织和党员干部政治判断力、政治领悟力、政治执行力”,将党的政治能力建设提到了新的高度。在向社会主义现代化强国迈进的新征程上，加强政治能力建设是党的建设的关键，更需要在马克思恩格斯无产阶级政党政治能力建设思想中汲取科学智慧和理论力量。

I. The Basic Connotation of Marx and Engels’ Thought on the Political Capacity Building of a Proletarian Political Party

一、马克思恩格斯无产阶级政党政治能力建设思想的基本内涵

In the process of the proletarian revolution, although Marx and Engels did not propose a specific concept of political capacity building for a proletarian political party, they revealed the value orientation and important direction of political capacity building and marked out the specific fields of political capacity building.

在无产阶级革命进程中，马克思恩格斯虽然没有提出无产阶级政党政治能力建设的具体概念，但他们揭示了政治能力建设的价值旨归与重要指向，并标明了政治能力建设的具体场域。

The value orientation of political capacity building for a proletarian political party is the realization of human emancipation. In order to achieve the complete emancipation of all humanity and itself, the proletarian political party needs to continuously enhance its own political capacity in the practice of revolutionary struggle. In his “Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right,” Marx pointed out, “The emancipation of the German is the emancipation of the human being. The head of this emancipation is philosophy, its heart is the proletariat.” [3]3 Friedrich Engels, *The Tactics of Social Democracy*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 68. [Return to text] Marx’s statement actually highly summarizes an important viewpoint in the “Introduction to A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right”: that is, only when the proletariat, under the guidance of scientific theory, unites to form an indestructible material force can it destroy all reactionary material forces of the old world that hinder historical progress, ultimately realizing human emancipation. In the “Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith,” Engels further pointed out, “The first basic condition for the introduction of community of property is the political emancipation of the proletariat through a democratic state system.” [4]4 Friedrich Engels, *Letter to August Bebel*, 18-28 March 1875, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 72. [Return to text] Political emancipation is the “first basic condition” for realizing human emancipation. To achieve its own political emancipation, the proletariat must first organize itself into a political party and carry out political revolution. Marx pointed out, “The [establishment of an] independent and fighting workers’ party is of extremely great significance.” [5]5 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of the comprehensive and strict governance of the In a letter to Gerson Trier, Engels stated: “If the proletariat is to be strong enough to win at the decisive moment, it must (as Marx and I have maintained since 1847) form a special party distinct from all other parties and opposed to them.” [6]6 Friedrich Engels, “On the History of the Communist League,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 202. The political party that Marx and Engels spoke of refers to a proletarian political party under the guidance of Marxist scientific theory. Only by continuously strengthening its own construction and constantly improving its own political capacity can such a party become an “independent and fighting workers’ party,” a party “strong enough to win at the decisive moment.” Without the advanced nature conferred by Marxist scientific theory, without the purity prescribed by lofty political missions, and without the political capacity to unite the proletariat for resolute and effective struggle, it cannot be called a proletarian political party.

无产阶级政党政治能力建设的价值旨归是实现人的解放。无产阶级政党为了实现全人类和自身的彻底解放，就需要在革命斗争实践中不断提升自身的政治能力。马克思在《〈黑格尔法哲学批判〉导言》中指出，“德国人的解放就是人的解放。这个解放的头脑是哲学，它的心脏是无产阶级”。马克思的这句话实际上高度概括了《〈黑格尔法哲学批判〉导言》中的一个重要观点，即无产阶级只有在科学理论的指导下，团结一致形成无坚不摧的物质力量，才能摧毁一切阻碍历史进步的旧世界的反动物质力量，最终实现人的解放。在《共产主义信条草案》中，恩格斯进一步指出，“实行财产公有的第一个基本条件是通过民主的国家制度达到无产阶级的政治解放”。政治解放是实现人类解放的“第一个基本条件”，无产阶级要实现自身的政治解放，就必须首先组织成为政党，进行政治革命。马克思指出，“独立的和战斗的工人党的［建立具有］极其伟大的意义”。恩格斯在给格尔松·特里尔的信中指出:“无产阶级要在决定关头强大到足以取得胜利，就必须(马克思和我从1847年以来就坚持这种立场)组成一个不同于其他所有政党并与它们对立的特殊政党。”马克思恩格斯所说的政党，是指在马克思主义科学理论指导下的无产阶级政党，这种政党只有不断加强自身的建设，不断提高自身的政治能力，才能成为“独立的战斗的工人党”，成为“决定关头强大到足以取得胜利”的党。没有马克思主义科学理论所赋予的先进性，没有崇高政治使命所规定的纯洁性，没有团结无产阶级进行坚决有效斗争的政治能力，也就不能称其为无产阶级政党。

The important direction of political capacity building for a proletarian political party lies in improving the Party’s political leadership capacity. The 1847 “Rules of the Communist League” stipulated that the League’s organizational structure included five levels: branches, districts, leading districts, the Central Committee, and the Congress. Major issues were to be submitted to the district committees for collective discussion and decision, preventing and avoiding any sectarian autocracy, in order to ensure a strong capacity for scientific decision-making and to form unified will and action. At the same time, centralized and unified leadership was to be exercised, “not according to this or that person,” [7]7 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of Xi Jinping’s leadership and the official start of the New Era. and the Congress was to be held annually, fixed for August each year, “to give the whole Party at least once a year an opportunity to express its opinion.” [8]8 Karl Marx, *The Poverty of Philosophy*, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 274. Issues of major importance “must be sent to the Central Committee, which will then submit them to the Congress for deliberation and decision.” [9]9 Friedrich Engels, “Reply to the Editorial Board of the *Sächsische Arbeiter-Zeitung*,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 281. This collective leadership force is “a dominating will capable of handling all matters under its jurisdiction,” [10]10 Ibid. intended to cut off “the path of any conspirator who demands dictatorship,” [11]11 Ibid. in order to improve the leadership capacity of the proletarian political party. Reflecting on the reasons for the failure of the Paris Commune, the root cause lay in a lack of centralization and authority. In his article “On Authority,” Engels pointed out, “There (i.e., on a ship sailing on the vast ocean), in moments of danger, whether everyone’s lives can be saved depends on whether all can immediately and absolutely obey the will of one person.” [12]12 The Two Establishments refers to establishing Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and establishing the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. On September 26, 1892, in correspondence with August Bebel, Engels again emphasized, “One should insist on holding a Party congress every year,” [13]13 The Two Upholds refers to upholding Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. insisting on the Party’s political leadership through perfecting the Party congress system, in order to continuously improve political leadership capacity.

无产阶级政党政治能力建设的重要指向在于提高党的政治领导能力。1847年《共产主义者同盟章程》中规定，同盟的组织机构包括支部、区部、总区部、中央委员会和代表大会五个层级，重大问题交由各区部委员会集体讨论决定，防止和避免任何宗派主义专制独裁，以保证具有科学决策的强大能力，并形成统一意志和行动;同时，进行集中统一领导，“不是以这个人或那个人为准绳”,代表大会实行年会制，固定在每年8月召开，“让全党哪怕一年有一次发表自己意见的机会”,涉及重大问题“必须送交中央委员会，再由中央委员会提请代表大会审议决定”,这种集体领导的力量，是“一个能处理一切所管辖问题的起支配作用的意志”,意在切断“任何要求独裁的密谋狂的道路”,以提高无产阶级政党领导能力。反思巴黎公社失败的原因，根源就在于缺乏集中和权威。恩格斯在《论权威》一文中指出，“那里(即在汪洋大海上航行的船)，在危急关头，大家的生命能否得救，就要看所有的人能否立即绝对服从一个人的意志”。1892年9月26日，恩格斯在与奥古斯特·倍倍尔的通信中又强调，“应当坚持每年召开一次党代表大会”,从完善党的代表大会制度中坚持党的政治领导，以不断提高政治领导能力。

Political judgment is an essential component of political capacity building for a proletarian political party, among which scientifically judging and grasping the political direction is the primary task of political judgment capacity. In the “Communist Manifesto,” Marx and Engels emphasized the establishment of an association of free individuals, “in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” [14] This is the general direction that governs the entire political process of the Communists. In political practice, it is necessary to make accurate judgments on the specific direction of political struggle in light of actual conditions. In the early stages of the revolution, Marx and Engels believed that to achieve the political goals of the Communists, “they can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” [15] In 1850, facing the hypocritical conciliation of the petty-bourgeois factions, Marx and Engels emphasized that the Communist League should never “act as the echo of the bourgeois democrats’ chorus,” [16] but should consciously draw a clear line between the proletarian political party and other factions, adhere to the proletarian political stance, and always maintain “independence” and political steadfastness. In the 1870s, Marx and Engels made a scientific judgment on the new political situation and turned to consider peaceful means of struggle. While emphasizing the importance of the right to revolution, Engels proposed that “one should strive to temporarily use legal means of struggle to deal with the situation.” [17] In essence, the level of political judgment capacity lies in the degree of mastery of Marxist viewpoints and methods. Engels once pointed out: “Our Party has a great advantage: it has a new scientific worldview as its theoretical foundation.” [18] History shows that only by adhering to Marxism can one maintain a sober political mind, make accurate political judgments, and use a scientific worldview and methodology to analyze political issues, examine political situations, and grasp political direction.

政治判断是无产阶级政党政治能力建设的题中之义，其中科学判断并把握政治方向是政治判断能力的首要任务。马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中强调要建立自由人的联合体，“在那里，每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件”。这是统摄共产党人整个政治过程的一般方向。在政治实践中，需要结合实际对具体的政治斗争方向作出准确判断。革命初期，马克思恩格斯认为，要实现共产党人的政治目的，“只有用暴力推翻全部现存的社会制度才能达到”。1850年，马克思恩格斯面对小资产阶级派别虚伪的求和，强调共产主义者同盟绝不应“充当资产阶级民主派的随声附和的合唱队”,而应自觉划清无产阶级政党同其他派别的界限，坚守无产阶级的政治立场，始终保持“独立性”和政治定力。19世纪70年代，马克思恩格斯对新的政治形势作出科学判断，转而思考和平的斗争手段。在强调革命权重要性的同时，恩格斯提出“应当努力暂时运用合法的斗争手段来应对局面”。从本质上看，政治判断能力的高低在于对马克思主义观点方法的掌握程度。恩格斯曾指出:“我们党有个很大的优点，就是有一个新的科学的世界观作为理论的基础。”历史表明，只有坚持马克思主义，才能保持清醒的政治头脑，作出准确的政治判断，以科学的世界观与方法论分析政治问题、考察政治形势和把握政治方向。

Political comprehension reveals the political consciousness of a party subject and the corresponding political self-awareness. In the view of Marx and Engels, “the dissolution of old ideas keeps pace with the dissolution of old conditions of life.” The development and change of the political environment and social conditions objectively require the proletarian party to promptly eliminate old ideological understandings and nurture the seeds of new political consciousness. The emergence and deepening of political consciousness require the enlightenment and education of theory. Marx dialectically affirmed the works of utopian socialism, stating that they “provide extremely valuable material for enlightening the workers’ consciousness.” Only scientific theory can give rise to a thorough consciousness that conforms to reality and follows the laws of development. In the early stages of the Industrial Revolution, the workers’ movement directed its struggle against machines and factory owners, while neglecting criticism of the capitalist system itself. In response, Engels pointed out: “The workers’ party should not become the tail of a particular bourgeois party, but should become an independent party, with its own aims and its own politics.” Marxism possesses profound truth and practical power, capable of enlightening the political consciousness of the workers, realizing the transformation of the proletariat from a “class-in-itself” to a “class-for-itself,” and prompting the proletarian party to accurately comprehend “the conditions, course, and general results of the proletarian movement.” Consciousness, seemingly intangible, actually serves as the precursor to action and often manifests great power in the construction of the subject’s object-oriented activities. The level of consciousness of the proletarian party determines the strength of its political comprehension; the strength of political comprehension ultimately externalizes as a divergence in political self-awareness. That is to say, the more profoundly the proletarian party comprehends its own history, theory, and practice, the higher its self-awareness will be. Engels pointed out: “In the domain of social history, those who act are people endowed with consciousness, acting with deliberation or passion, pursuing certain aims; nothing happens without conscious intention, without a desired purpose.” Only by fully mastering scientific theory, revealing and scientifically and effectively applying the laws, can one achieve the leap from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom, and thus “completely consciously create their own history.”

政治领悟揭示了政党主体的政治觉悟以及相应的政治自觉性。在马克思恩格斯看来，“旧思想的瓦解是同旧生活条件的瓦解步调一致的”。政治环境、社会条件的变化发展客观上要求无产阶级政党及时革除旧的思想认识，孕育新的政治觉悟的萌芽。政治觉悟的产生、深化需要理论的启迪和教育。马克思曾辩证地肯定空想社会主义的著作，认为“它们提供了启发工人觉悟的极为宝贵的材料”。而只有科学理论才能催生符合实际、顺应规律的彻底觉悟。工业革命初期，工人运动把斗争的矛头对准机器、工厂主，而忽视了对资本主义制度本身的批判。对此，恩格斯指出:“工人的政党不应当成为某一个资产阶级政党的尾巴，而应当成为一个独立的政党，它有自己的目的和自己的政治。”马克思主义具有深厚的真理力量和实践伟力，能够启迪工人的政治觉悟，实现无产阶级由“自在阶级”向“自为阶级”的转变，促使无产阶级政党准确领悟“无产阶级运动的条件、进程和一般结果”。看似无形的觉悟实际为行动的前导，在主体对象性活动的建构中时常显现强大力量。无产阶级政党觉悟能力的高低决定了其政治领悟能力的强弱;而政治领悟能力的强弱最终会外化为政治自觉性的分野。也就是说，无产阶级政党对自身历史、理论与实践领悟得越深刻，其自觉性便会越高。恩格斯指出:“在社会历史领域内进行活动的，是具有意识的、经过思虑或凭激情行动的、追求某种目的的人;任何事情的发生都不是没有自觉的意图，没有预期的目的的。”只有充分掌握科学理论，揭示并科学有效地运用规律，才能实现从必然王国向自由王国的飞跃，进而“完全自觉地自己创造自己的历史”。

In the context of the political practice of the proletarian party, political execution generally reflects the effectiveness of political mobilization and political struggle. In this sense, the political execution capacity of the proletarian party is the historical aggregation of political mobilization capacity and political struggle capacity. On the one hand, political mobilization capacity reflects the execution ability of the proletarian party to discover, assemble, and mobilize various social forces. From the perspective of political mobilization strategy, Marx and Engels advocated political exposure and political agitation: the former involves exposing the exploitation and oppression of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie, while the latter involves propagating the party’s program, political tasks, and so on. To completely free the workers’ movement from bourgeois influence and transform the numerical superiority of the working class into a political advantage, moving from a “spontaneous class” to a “class-for-itself,” the revolutionary proletarian party must make good use of the weapon of political agitation. In September 1847, Engels elaborated on the forms of political agitation and the qualities of political agitators in *The Communists and Karl Heinzen*. Engels emphasized that the proletarian party should “use all means” to enhance its political mobilization capacity. Party newspapers and journals were important means of political mobilization and propaganda. In a letter to Lafargue on March 27, 1889, Engels described the French Workers’ Party after the cessation of *Le Socialiste* as “already dead.” Overall, Marx and Engels believed that the primary goal of political mobilization was to persuade the proletariat and lead the international workers’ movement to a high tide. On the other hand, political struggle capacity is an important force driving historical and political evolution; “since the dissolution of the primitive commune, the struggle between the classes that make up each society has always been the great driving force of historical development.” For the proletarian party, political struggle is “a most powerful means of action, and especially a means of organization and propaganda.” In leading the workers’ movement, the proletarian party flexibly applied various forms of struggle according to the specific conditions of each country, carrying out political struggle in a planned and organized manner, fully unleashing the power of the proletarian struggle. At the same time, party cadres and members must also forge their own struggle capabilities in practice, joining the ranks of battle with tested loyalty and firm revolutionary will, and resolutely waging the most determined struggle against vulgar habits within the party. In his struggles against opportunist lines such as the French “Possibilists,” the Zurich Three, and the German Social Democratic Party’s “peaceful entry into socialism,” Engels emphasized that party cadres and members must stand firm in their posts, overcome difficulties, act as soldiers rather than “gentlemen,” actively engage in various struggles, strengthen practical training, and thereby better enhance their own political struggle capabilities from the various “conditions and methods of struggle.”

在无产阶级政党政治实践语境中，政治执行总体上反映了政治动员与政治斗争的效能。在这个意义上，无产阶级政党政治执行能力就是政治动员能力与政治斗争能力的历史聚合。一方面，政治动员能力体现了无产阶级政党发现、集合、调动各方面社会力量的执行力。从政治动员的策略来看，马克思恩格斯主张政治揭露和政治鼓动，前者是揭露资产阶级对无产阶级的剥削和压迫，后者则是宣传党的纲领、政治任务等。无产阶级革命政党为使工人运动完全摆脱资产阶级的影响，使工人阶级的数量优势转变为政治优势，从“自发阶级”走向“自为阶级”，就必须用好政治鼓动这一武器。1847年9月，恩格斯在《共产主义者和卡尔·海因岑》中详尽阐述了政治鼓动的形式和政治鼓动家的素质等问题。恩格斯强调无产阶级政党应“用一切手段”提升政治动员能力。党报党刊是政治动员和宣传的重要手段。1889年3月27日，恩格斯与拉法格的通信中就用“已经死亡了”来形容《社会主义者报》停刊后的法国工人党。整体而言，马克思恩格斯认为政治动员的首要目标即说服无产阶级并领导国际工人运动形成高涨的局面。另一方面，政治斗争能力是驱动历史和政治演化的重要力量，“自从原始公社解体以来，组成为每个社会的各阶级之间的斗争，总是历史发展的伟大动力”。对无产阶级政党来说，政治斗争是“一种最有力的行动手段，特别是组织和宣传的手段”。无产阶级政党在领导工人运动中，根据各国的具体情况，灵活运用各种斗争形式，有计划、有组织地开展政治斗争，充分发挥了无产阶级斗争的力量。与此同时，党员干部也要在实践中锻造自身的斗争本领，以经得住考验的耿耿忠心和坚强的革命意志加入战斗的行列，坚决地同党内庸俗习气作最坚决的斗争。恩格斯在同法国“可能派”、苏黎世三人团、德国社会民主党“和平长入社会主义”等机会主义路线的斗争中，强调党员干部必须立足岗位，攻坚克难，当战士不当“绅士”，主动投身各种斗争，加强实践锻炼，从而更好地从各种“斗争条件和斗争的方式”中，提高自身的政治斗争本领。

II. The Principles to Follow in the Political Capacity Building of the Proletarian Party of Marx and Engels

二、马克思恩格斯无产阶级政党政治能力建设的原则遵循

The political capacity building of the proletarian party is a dynamic development process that is continuously consolidated in the handling of various relationships. Marx and Engels, in scientifically answering the multiple relationships between political capacity and political power, political capacity and political authority, and political capacity and political self-awareness, revealed the principles of the political capacity building of the proletarian party.

无产阶级政党政治能力建设是一个在不断处理各种关系中持续巩固的动态发展过程。马克思恩格斯在科学回答政治能力与政治权力、政治能力与政治权威、政治能力与政治自觉的多重关系中，揭示了无产阶级政党政治能力建设的原则。

(A) Correctly Handling the Dialectical Relationship between the Political Capacity and Political Power of the Proletarian Party

(一)正确处理无产阶级政党政治能力和政治权力的辩证关系

The political capacity and political power of the proletarian party are a relationship of unity of opposites. To a certain extent, the application and development of political capacity open up space for the gestation of modern political power. Political power has a broad social or mass character, and the breadth and depth of this social or mass character are determined by political capacity; precisely because the principles of the proletarian party firmly follow the laws and direction of social and historical evolution, and the fields and goals of its application of political capacity are all directed towards “the people,” it can conform to the historical trend and obtain political power granted by the people. At the same time, the specific issues of the realization of political power also put forward higher requirements for the political capacity building of the proletarian party. In other words, the direct purpose of improving political capacity is to obtain political power. As Engels wrote in *Trade Unions* in 1881, “In any class struggle against another class, the direct aim is political power; the ruling class defends its supreme political power… the ruled class first fights for a part of political power, and then for all political power.”

无产阶级政党政治能力和政治权力是对立统一的关系。在一定程度上，政治能力的运用和发展为现代政治权力的孕育开辟了空间。政治权力具有广泛的社会性或群众性，而这种社会性或群众性的广度和深度是由政治能力所决定的;正因为无产阶级政党的原则牢牢遵循社会历史演进的规律与方向，其运用政治能力的场域、目标皆指向“人民”，所以才能顺应历史潮流和获得人民所赋予的政治权力。与此同时，政治权力实现的具体问题，也为无产阶级政党政治能力建设提出更高的要求。换言之，提高政治能力的直接目的是获得政治权力。正如1881年恩格斯在《工联》中写道的，“在阶级反对阶级的任何斗争中，斗争的直接目的是政治权力;统治阶级保卫自己的最高政治权力……被统治阶级首先争取一部分政治权力、然后争取全部政治权力”。

Political power itself is a kind of dominating capacity, and political capacity is a manifestation of power. To correctly handle the dialectical relationship between the political capacity and political power of the proletarian party, it is necessary to base it on the core principle of the people’s character. When advocating for the establishment of a people’s representative system, Marx pointed out that “representative power should not be regarded as the representation of some special thing other than the people themselves.” Power comes from the people and serves the people; this is the basic understanding of Marx and Engels regarding the political power view of the proletarian party. Similarly, historically, the people’s character is the core value of the political capacity building of the proletarian party. The political capacity and political power of the proletarian party achieve unity in the people’s character, jointly acting on the construction of the proletarian party.

政治权力本身是一种支配能力，政治能力是一种权力表征。正确处理无产阶级政党政治能力和政治权力的辩证关系，必须立足人民性这一核心原则。在主张建立人民代表制时，马克思便指出，“不应当把代表权看作某种并非人民本身的特殊事物的代表权”。权力来源于人民并服务于人民，这是马克思恩格斯对无产阶级政党政治权力观的基本认识;同样，历史地看，人民性是无产阶级政党政治能力建设的核心价值。无产阶级政党的政治能力和政治权力在人民性上实现了统 一，共同作用于无产阶级政党建设。

(B) Correctly Handling the Dialectical Relationship between the Political Capacity and Political Authority of the Proletarian Party

(二)正确处理无产阶级政党政治能力与政治权威的辩证关系

The political authority of a political party refers to the power and influence that a political party obtains through its recognized prestige and special status in political life, leading people to voluntarily obey it. This recognized prestige and special status are acquired through a certain level of political capacity. That is to say, the political authority of a political party is an important goal of party capacity building, and the political capacity of a political party is an important foundation for establishing its political authority. Political authority of a political party is endogenous, an internal force, possessing the attribute of voluntary obedience, i.e., identification with the party’s will at the level of values. This “obedience” does not come from external coercive force but has an “active and proactive” significance. Engels pointed out, “On the one hand, a certain authority... on the other hand, a certain obedience — both of these are things we cannot avoid accepting.” [1]1 Friedrich Engels, *On Authority*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 23 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1988), p. 422. [Return to text] The political authority of the proletarian political party is conferred by the broad masses of the people; the support and identification of the broad masses are the premise and foundation for the generation of political authority. Engels, in *On Authority*, pointed out that the temporary success and ultimate failure of the Paris Commune in the face of the bourgeoisie both stemmed from the different degrees of application of the “authority” of “arming the people.” And the different degrees of application often depend on the level of political capacity.

政党的政治权威是指政党在政治生活中依靠公认的威望和特殊的地位而得到人们自愿服从的力量和影响。而这种公认的威望和特殊的地位是通过一定政治能力获取的。也就是说，政党的政治权威是政党能力建设的重要目标，政党政治能力是树立政党政治权威的重要基础。政党政治权威具有内生性，是一种内在的力量，具有自觉服从属性，即价值观上对政党意志的认同，这种“服从”并非来自外力的强制被动，而是具有“积极主动”的意义。恩格斯指出，“一方面是一定的权威……另一方面是一定的服从，这两者都是我们不得不接受的”。无产阶级政党政治权威是广大人民赋予的，广大民众的支持与认同是政治权威生成的前提和基础。恩格斯在《论权威》中指出，巴黎公社面对资产者的短暂成功与最终失败皆是源于对“武装人民”这个“权威”不同程度的应用。而应用程度的不同则往往取决于政治能力的高低。

To realize the dialectical unity of the political authority and political capacity of the proletarian political party, one must first recognize that, in a given period, the authority of the party needs to be expressed through the authority of its leaders. Lenin pointed out, “A party is usually led by a relatively stable group of people who are the most authoritative, influential, and experienced, and who are elected to the most important positions and called leaders.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *“Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 31 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), p. 24. [Return to text] It is precisely because leaders are the most authoritative, influential, and experienced, possessing strong political capacity, that they are elected to the most important positions of the party. They should and must have authority to be able to represent the party’s authority. Therefore, the level of political capacity is the core reference point for screening and establishing leaders of the proletarian political party, and it is also an important foothold for adhering to the consciousness of authority. At the same time, the political authority of the proletarian political party further indicates the direction for the political capacity of the proletarian political party to align itself.

实现无产阶级政党政治权威和政治能力的辩证统一，必须首先认识到，在一定时期，政党权威需要通过领袖的权威表现出来。列宁指出，“政党通常是由最有威信、最有影响、最有经验、被选出担任最重要职务而称为领袖的人们所组成的比较稳定的集团来主持的”。领袖正因为最具威信、最具影响、最具经验，拥有较强的政治能力，才被选出担任党的最重要的职务，应该且必须具有权威，才能够代表党的权威。所以，政治能力的高低是筛选和确立无产阶级政党领袖的核心参考点，更是坚持权威意识的重要立足点;而无产阶级政党的政治权威也进一步标明了无产阶级政党政治能力的看齐方向。

(III) Correctly Handle the Dialectical Relationship between the Political Capacity of the Proletarian Political Party and Party Consciousness

(三)正确处理无产阶级政党政治能力与政党自觉的辩证关系

So-called consciousness is a historical process that originates in awakening, deepens in cognition, and is expressed in practice. The gestation and development of party capacity always accompany the forging and strengthening of party consciousness, playing an irreplaceable role in stimulating party awakening, improving party cognition, and driving party practice. Consciousness is endogenous, an internal force. The proletarian political party possesses an indestructible internal force, which can be said to be a powerful political capacity. This is the fundamental source of its ability to grow and strengthen. “It is overcoming, in all countries, difficulties that all other parties, which recruit their ranks from the possessing classes, are unable to cope with, and accomplishing tasks that they are powerless to perform.” [3]3 Friedrich Engels, *The Tactics of Social Democracy*, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1990), p. 68. [Return to text] This is the historical consciousness of the proletarian political party.

所谓自觉，是始发于觉悟、深化于认识和表现于实践的历史性过程。政党能力的孕育和发展，与政党自觉的锻造和强化始终相伴随，在激发政党觉悟、提高政党认知和驱动政党实践中，发挥了不可替代的作用。自觉是内生的，是内在的一种力量。无产阶级政党具有不可摧毁的内在力量，这种内在力量可以说是一种强大的政治能力，这是其得以发展壮大的根本源泉，“它在所有国家内都在克服所有从有产阶级中补充自己队伍的其他政党所无法应付的困难，完成它们所无能为力的事业”。这是无产阶级政党的历史自觉。

The enhancement of the political capacity of the proletarian political party and the cultivation of its consciousness are closely linked and mutually reinforcing. This unified process must be advanced synergistically based on scientific methodological principles. Engels believed that “a critique of its own past activity, in order to learn to do better, is absolutely necessary.” [4]4 Friedrich Engels, *Letter to August Bebel*, 18-28 March 1875, in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 24 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1989), p. 72. [Return to text] Criticizing the past is a kind of cognitive consciousness; learning to do better is essentially an improvement in capacity. The proletarian political party must always adhere to a revolutionary and critical consciousness, use various opportunities to conduct scientific self-examination, and maintain the initiative and proactivity for self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement.

无产阶级政党政治能力的提升与自觉的涵养，是紧密相连和互促共进的，必须以科学的方法论原则，协同推进这个统一的过程。恩格斯认为，“对自己过去的活动进行批判，从而学会更好地工作，这是绝对必要的”。对过去进行批判，这是一种认识自觉;学会更好地工作，本质上就是能力的提升。无产阶级政党必须始终坚持革命的、批判的自觉性，利用各种机会进行自我科学检视，保持自我净化、完善、革新、提高的积极性和主动性。

III. The Value Orientation of Marx and Engels’ Thought on the Political Capacity Building of the Proletarian Political Party

三、马克思恩格斯无产阶级政党政治能力建设思想的价值旨向

Although Marx and Engels’ thought on the political capacity building of the proletarian political party emerged over a century ago, it still possesses scientific charm in the current era.

马克思恩格斯无产阶级政党政治能力建设思想产生距今已有一个多世纪，但在当今时代仍具有科学魅力。

(I) Place the Political Capacity Building of the Party at the Forefront of the Party’s Political Building

(一)把党的政治能力建设放在党的政治建设首位

The political practice of socialist countries shows that political building, as the fundamental building of the proletarian political party, not only determines the direction and effect of Party building but also directly dominates the fate of national modernization. Under the leadership of Lenin and Stalin, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union developed strong political capacity, thereby successfully advancing the Soviet Union’s socialist modernization and achieving great accomplishments. However, starting from Khrushchev, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union gradually degenerated and became corrupt, losing its strong political capacity, ultimately leading to the collapse of the party and the state. This shows that it is necessary to attach importance to strengthening the political capacity building of the party. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, [5]5 The 18th National Congress of the CPC, held in November 2012, marked the beginning of the Xi Jinping era and the launch of the comprehensive and strict governance of the facing the treacherous international situation and the arduous and heavy tasks of domestic reform, development, and stability, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has accelerated the construction of Chinese-path modernization and proposed the strategic task of modernizing the national governance system and governance capacity. In the national governance system, the Party is the leading force that commands the overall situation and coordinates all parties. The primary task and prerequisite for modernizing the national governance system and governance capacity is to continuously strengthen the Party’s political building and improve the Party’s political capacity. The strong political capacity of the Party is concentratedly reflected in the political capacity of the vast majority of Party members and cadres, especially senior Party cadres. General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasizes, “Among all the capabilities of leading cadres, political capacity is the foremost.” [6]6 Friedrich Engels, “On the History of the Communist League,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 202. This requires the vast majority of Party members and cadres, especially senior Party cadres, to “grasp the political overall situation and continuously improve political judgment, political comprehension, and political execution” in the practice of daring to struggle and being good at struggle.

社会主义国家政党政治实践表明，政治建设作为无产阶级政党的根本性建设，不仅决定着党的建设方向和效果，更直接主导着国家现代化的命运走向。苏联共产党在列宁和斯大林的领导下，发展了强大的政治能力，因而成功推进了苏联的社会主义现代化建设，取得了伟大成就。但从赫鲁晓夫开始，苏联共产党逐渐腐化变质，丧失了强大的政治能力，最终不免亡党亡国。由此可见，必须重视加强党的政治能力建设。党的十八大以来，面对波谲云诡的国际形势和艰巨繁重的国内改革发展稳定任务，以习近平同志为核心的党中央加快推进中国式现代化建设，提出推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的战略任务。在国家治理体系中，党是总揽全局、协调各方的统领力量。国家治理体系和治理能力现代化，首要任务和先决前提是不断加强党的政治建设，提高党的政治能力。党的强大政治能力，集中体现为广大党员干部，尤其是党的高级干部的政治能力。习近平总书记强调，“在领导干部的所有能力中，政治能力是第一位的”。这就要求广大党员干部，尤其是党的高级干部要在敢于斗争、善于斗争的实践中“把握政治大局，不断提高政治判断力、政治领悟力、政治执行力”。

(II) Strengthen the Capacity to Grasp the Political Direction to Ensure the Nature of the Proletarian Political Party

(二)强化把握政治方向的能力以确保无产阶级政党性质

Political direction is the primary issue concerning the survival and development of a political party and the primary issue of political capacity. The capacity to grasp the political direction concerns the future and destiny of the party and the success or failure of the party’s cause. The proletarian political party must “proceed on the premise that the proletarian character of the party is not thereby brought into question”; “this is an absolute boundary.” [7]7 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of Xi Jinping’s leadership and the official start of the New Era. As an independent revolutionary party, the proletarian political party must not compromise on its position and political direction under any circumstances. Marx and Engels repeatedly emphasized the independence of the party, with the fundamental purpose being to uphold the party’s proletarian nature and political direction. In December 1889, in a letter to Trier, Engels summarized the principled tasks he and Marx adhered to regarding the party’s proletarian nature. On the one hand, he pointed out that the proletarian political party could form temporary alliances with other parties in the revolutionary struggle; on the other hand, he emphasized that when forming alliances, ensuring the party’s proletarian nature must be the absolute boundary. Engels pointed out that if this independence were abandoned, the party would inevitably “lose its class character as a workers’ party.” [8]8 Karl Marx, *The Poverty of Philosophy*, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 274.

政治方向是关涉政党生存发展的第一位问题，是政治能力的首要问题。把握政治方向能力事关党的前途命运和党的事业兴衰成败。无产阶级政党“必须以党的无产阶级性质不致因此发生问题为前提”，“这是绝对的界限”。无产阶级政党作为独立的革命政党，在任何情况下都不能在立场和政治方向上妥协。马克思恩格斯一再强调党的独立性，根本目的还是坚持党的无产阶级性质和政治方向。1889年12月，恩格斯在给特利尔的信中，总结了他和马克思坚持党的无产阶级性质的原则任务，一方面指出无产阶级政党在革命斗争中可以同其他政党结成暂时同盟;另一方面又强调结成同盟时，必须以保证党的无产阶级性质为绝对界限。恩格斯指出，如果放弃这种独立性，就必然“丧失其工人政党的阶级性”。

Practice has repeatedly proven that only by firmly grasping the political direction can the proletarian political party scientifically assess changes in the situation, accurately identify the essence of phenomena, clearly distinguish right from wrong in behavior, and effectively resist risks and challenges in the face of complex and volatile circumstances. The challenges of the era under the changes unseen in a century, with their unpredictability, diversity of challenges, and arduousness of difficulties, pose a great political test for the long-term governance of the Communist Party of China. Looking back at history, an important reason for the loss of ruling status by long-governing proletarian political parties in the world, such as the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, was their failure to accurately grasp the party’s political direction. In the New Era, at a new orientation, and on a new journey, it is necessary to form a sober understanding of the many elements of the Party’s political building, correctly recognize the important position of the Party’s political capacity building in Party building, insist on taking the firm establishment of political ideals as the soul of improving political capacity, taking the correct grasp of political direction as the essence of improving political capacity, taking the firm and steady political stance as the core of improving political capacity, and taking strict adherence to political discipline as the foundation of improving political capacity, ensuring in action the consistency of all Party members with the Party’s political direction.

实践反复证明，无产阶级政党只有牢牢把握政治方向，才能在复杂多变的形势面前科学把握局势变化、精准识别现象本质、清醒明辨行为是非、有效抵御风险挑战。世界百年未有之大变局下的时代挑战，以其不可预测性、挑战多样性、困难艰巨性，给中国共产党的长期执政带来了极大政治考验。回望历史，世界上曾长期执政的无产阶级政党如苏联共产党丧失执政地位，一个重要原因是未能准确把握党的政治方向。新时代、新方位、新征程，要对党的政治建设诸多要素形成清醒认知，正确认识党的政治能力建设在党的建设中的重要地位，坚持将牢固树立政治理想作为提高政治能力之魂，将正确把握政治方向作为提高政治能力之要，将坚定站稳政治立场作为提高政治能力之核，将严格遵守政治纪律作为提高政治能力之基，在行动上确保全体党员与党的政治方向的一致性。

(III) Improve Political Leadership Capacity to Enhance the Governance Level of the Proletarian Political Party

(三)提高政治领导能力以提升无产阶级政党执政水平

In strengthening the building of the proletarian political party, Marx and Engels researched and explored how to enhance the Party’s political leadership capacity, how to use collective strength to discuss and decide internal Party affairs, and how to improve leadership efficiency. To strengthen the political leadership capacity of the proletarian political party, Marx and Engels pointed out that the proletarian political party “is itself thoroughly democratic” [6]6 Friedrich Engels, “On the History of the Communist League,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 202., and must rely on collective strength, maximize the role of Party leaders, mobilize their initiative to broadly understand public opinion, and improve the quality of Party decision-making.

马克思恩格斯在加强无产阶级政党建设的问题上，对如何加强党的政治领导能力，发挥集体力量讨论和决定党内事务，提高领导效率等问题进行了研究和探索。为了加强无产阶级政党的政治领导能力，马克思恩格斯指出，无产阶级政党“组织本身是完全民主的”,必须依靠集体的力量，最大限度地发挥党的领导人的作用，调动他们广泛了解民意的积极性，提高党的决策质量。

One important aspect of building the Party’s political leadership capacity is shaping the Party’s image, expanding its influence, appeal, recognition, and satisfaction among the masses, and consolidating the Party’s governing foundation. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC [7]7 The 18th National Congress of the CPC was held in November 2012, marking the beginning of Xi Jinping’s leadership and the official start of the New Era., General Secretary Xi Jinping has profoundly summarized the Party’s century-long historical experience in political building, accurately discerned the opportunities and challenges brought by the trend of the times, and, with sober and courageous historical self-awareness, far-sighted strategic vision, and pioneering and innovative practical initiative, put forward many major original viewpoints on “why and how” to strengthen the Party’s political capacity building in the New Era. Viewed from the process of contemporary world political party development, the Party’s political leadership capacity has become an important link in enhancing a party’s governing capacity. Responding to the needs of new practice, General Secretary Xi Jinping further requires all Party members, especially senior cadres, to “continuously improve political awareness and political capacity,” “continuously strengthen the Party’s political leadership,” and “enhance political leadership skills.”

党的政治领导能力建设，一个重要方面是塑造政党形象，扩大党在人民群众中的影响力和感召力、认同度和满意度，巩固党的执政基础。党的十八大以来，习近平总书记深刻总结党的百年政治建设历史经验、准确洞察时代发展大势带来的机遇挑战，以清醒勇毅的历史自觉、高瞻远瞩的战略眼光和开拓创新的实践主动，围绕新时代“为何、如何”加强党的政治能力建设提出诸多重大原创性观点。从当代世界政党发展的进程看，党的政治领导能力已成为政党执政能力提升的重要一环。围绕新的实践需要，习近平总书记进一步要求全体党员尤其是高级干部要“不断提高政治觉悟和政治能力”“不断增强党的政治领导力”“增强政治领导本领”。

(4) Consolidate political mobilization capacity to aggregate value identification with the proletarian political party

(四)巩筑政治动员能力以聚合无产阶级政党价值认同

During the period of proletarian revolution, effective political mobilization was the prerequisite for the proletarian political party to complete revolutionary tasks and achieve revolutionary goals. The strength of the proletariat lies in organization, and the means of organizing the proletariat is political mobilization. The raising of political consciousness and the construction of party value identification are not spontaneous processes, but political practice processes guided by political mobilization. In the process of leading the proletarian revolutionary movement, Marx and Engels used political mobilization methods such as exposing the evils of the bourgeoisie and propagating the Party’s strategy and program to broadly mobilize the proletariat to join the revolution, gathering strength for the proletarian revolutionary movement and strengthening confidence in victory.

在无产阶级革命时期，进行有效政治动员是无产阶级政党完成革命任务、实现革命目标的前提。无产阶级的力量在于组织，而组织无产阶级的手段就是政治动员。政治意识的提高和政党价值认同的建构不是一个自发的过程，而是政治动员指引下的政治实践过程。马克思恩格斯在领导无产阶级革命运动的过程中，运用揭露资产阶级弊端、宣传党的策略纲领等政治动员方式，广泛发动无产阶级投身革命，为无产阶级革命运动聚集了力量，坚定了胜利信心。

General Secretary Xi Jinping points out, “Revolutionary ideals are loftier than the heavens. The lofty ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics are the spiritual pillar and political soul of Chinese Communists, and also the ideological foundation for maintaining the Party’s unity and solidarity.” The decline of a political party often begins with the loss or absence of ideals and beliefs; the collapse of a political power often begins in the ideological sphere. A “calcium deficiency” in the spirit of Communists often leads to political degeneration, economic greed, moral depravity, and lifestyle corruption, ultimately resulting in separation from the masses. In the New Era, “people-centeredness,” as the guiding principle of the modern state and the strong party’s values, consistently leads the development of Party building and Chinese-path modernization construction. In the practice of leading the Chinese people to create a better life, the CPC should continuously strengthen its political mobilization capacity, explain the origin of the Party, propagate the nature of the proletarian political party, elaborate on the original aspiration and founding mission of the Marxist political party, express the Party’s value orientation, inherit the CPC’s party culture, and reveal the value principles of Party building and the Party building pattern. Based on the endogenous elements of party civilization that continuously generate new coordinates, it should construct a discourse system of party values imbued with the spirit of the times, providing ideological guidance for building a strong party and凝聚 cultural consensus.

习近平总书记指出，“革命理想高于天。共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想，是中国共产党人的精神支柱和政治灵魂，也是保持党的团结统一的思想基础”。一个政党的衰落，往往从理想信念的丧失或缺失开始;一个政权的瓦解，往往从思想领域开始。共产党人精神上“缺钙”，往往导致政治上变质、经济上贪婪、道德上堕落、生活上腐化，最终脱离群众。新时代，“以人民为中心”作为现代化国家与强大政党价值的统领，始终引领党的建设和中国式现代化建设的发展。中国共产党在带领中国人民创造美好生活的实践中，应不断加强党的政治动员能力，诠释好政党由来、宣传好无产阶级政党属性、阐述好马克思主义政党的初心使命、表达好政党价值定位、传承好中国共产党政党文化、揭示好政党建设与党建格局的价值遵循，以不断产生新坐标的内源性政党文明要素为基础，构建富有时代气息的政党价值话语体系，为强大政党建设提供思想引领，凝聚文化共识。

(5) Forge political struggle capacity to safeguard the unity and solidarity of the proletarian political party

(五)练就政治斗争能力以维护无产阶级政党的团结统一

The proletarian political party continuously grows through political struggle. In 1847, Marx pointed out in *The Poverty of Philosophy* that in political struggle, “this mass is thus already a class as against capital, but not yet for itself. In the struggle, of which we have noted only a few phases, this mass becomes united, and constitutes itself as a class for itself. The interests it defends become class interests. But the struggle of class against class is a political struggle.” [8]8 Karl Marx, *The Poverty of Philosophy*, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 1 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 274. On September 7, 1890, Engels pointed out in “Reply to the Editorial Board of the *Sächsische Arbeiter-Zeitung*” that to improve the Party’s political struggle capacity, one must “be familiar with the conditions of the Party’s struggle and master the methods of this struggle.” [9]9 Friedrich Engels, “Reply to the Editorial Board of the *Sächsische Arbeiter-Zeitung*,” in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *Selected Works*, Vol. 4 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2012), p. 281. He dialectically emphasized, “Unity is very good when it is possible,” [10]10 Ibid. and that the purpose of political struggle is to achieve within the Party “something higher than unity,” [11]11 Ibid. namely, the unity of ideological principles and action programs. Specifically, this means struggling against erroneous ideas within the Party. Only by enhancing the Party’s combat effectiveness can the Party’s organization be consolidated, the Party’s ranks be purified, and the unity and solidarity of the proletarian political party be achieved.

无产阶级政党是在政治斗争中不断成长起来的。1847年马克思在《哲学的贫困》中指出，在政治斗争中，“这批人联合起来，形成一个自为的阶级”，“阶级同阶级的斗争就是政治斗争”。1890年9月7日，恩格斯在《给〈萨克森工人报〉编辑部的答复》中指出，提高党的政治斗争能力要“熟悉党的斗争条件，掌握这种斗争的方式”。他辩证地强调，“在可能团结一致的时候，团结一致是很好的”，政治斗争的目的是在党内实现“高于团结一致的东西”,即思想原则和行动纲领的统一。具体而言，就是同党内的错误思想作斗争。提高党的战斗力，才能巩固党的组织、纯洁党的队伍，以达到无产阶级政党的团结和统一。

Ensuring the Party’s unity and solidarity is the life of the Party, and it is also the key to the CPC becoming a century-old party and creating century-spanning achievements. At no time can this be ambiguous or wavered. After long-term hard struggle, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a New Era. At this new historical starting point, the CPC, as a large proletarian ruling party, must always maintain a sober mind, enhance its awareness of potential dangers, and be prepared for danger in times of peace. In today’s world, changes unseen in a century are accelerating. Hostile forces at home and abroad are attempting to split our Party, alienate the Party from the people, and deliberately obstruct the historical process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. For this reason, we need even more to strengthen the building of the Party’s political struggle capacity, promote the entire Party to deeply understand the decisive significance of the Two Establishments [12]12 The Two Establishments refers to establishing Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and establishing the guiding position of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era., resolutely achieve the Two Upholds [13]13 The Two Upholds refers to upholding Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and upholding the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee., ensure that the entire Party, under the correct guidance of Marxism adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, carries forward the spirit of struggle, improves struggle skills, resolutely struggles against various erroneous ideological trends, and resolutely struggles against various acts that violate the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission.

保证党的团结统一是党的生命，也是我们党能成为百年大党、创造世纪伟业的关键所在，任何时候都不能含糊、不能动摇。经过长期努力奋斗，中国特色社会主义进入新时代，在新的历史起点，中国共产党作为无产阶级执政大党，要始终保持清醒头脑，增强忧患意识，做到居安思危。当今世界，世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，国内外的敌对势力企图使我们党分崩离析、使党和人民离心离德，处心积虑阻滞中华民族伟大复兴的历史进程。为此，我们更需要加强党的政治斗争能力建设，推动全党深刻领悟“两个确立”的决定性意义，坚决做到“两个维护”，保证全党在中国化时代化马克思主义的正确指导下，发扬斗争精神，提高斗争本领，坚决同各种错误思潮作斗争，坚决同违背党的初心使命的各种行为作斗争。

(The author is Vice Dean, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Marxism, Shandong University)

(作者系山东大学马克思主义学院副院长、教授、博士研究生导师)

Online Editor: Ma Jingren

网络编辑：马京仁