Marx and Engels’ Thought on Proletarian International Unity and Its Contemporary Value

Proletarian international unity is an important issue running through the history of the international communist movement. At present, changes unseen in a century are accelerating, and the international communist movement faces new opportunities and challenges. Analyzing the logical path, historical bearing, and contemporary value of Marx and Engels’ thought on proletarian international unity has important theoretical and practical significance for Marxist political parties to transcend differences, strengthen unity, and jointly expand the strength of the international communist movement.

无产阶级国际联合是贯穿国际共产主义运动历史的重要问题。当前，世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，国际共产主义运动面临着新的机遇和挑战。对马克思、恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的逻辑理路、历史承载及当代价值进行阐析，对于马克思主义政党超越分歧、加强团结，共同壮大国际共产主义运动力量，具有重要的理论和现实意义。

I. The Logical Path of Marx and Engels’ Thought on Proletarian International Unity

一、马克思恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的逻辑理路

Based on historical materialism and the practice of the international workers’ movement in the 19th century, Marx and Engels, starting from the intersection of the dual logic of world history and capitalist development, revealed the theoretical logic and practical logic of the emergence of proletarian international unity, expounded the thought on proletarian international unity, and provided a scientific guide for the proletariat to strengthen international unity.

马克思、恩格斯立足历史唯物主义，基于19世纪国际工人运动的实践，从世界历史和资本主义发展双重逻辑的交汇出发，揭示了无产阶级国际联合生成的理论逻辑和现实逻辑，阐释了无产阶级国际联合思想，为无产阶级加强国际联合提供了科学指南。

(1) The Theoretical Logic of the Emergence of Proletarian International Unity

(一)无产阶级国际联合生成的理论逻辑

In relevant works such as *The German Ideology*, *The Communist Manifesto*, and *Capital*, Marx and Engels profoundly expounded the theoretical logic of the emergence of proletarian international unity, clarifying its historical inevitability and value rationality.

马克思、恩格斯在《德意志意识形态》《共产党宣言》《资本论》等相关著作中，深刻阐释了无产阶级国际联合生成的理论逻辑，阐明了无产阶级国际联合的历史必然性和价值合理性。

First, the formation of world history is the logical premise for the emergence of proletarian international unity. Starting from “real individuals” and taking the practice of material production as the practical foundation, Marx and Engels elaborated on the process of human history transforming from closed national forms to open world forms. They pointed out that “history is nothing but the succession of separate generations,” and in this process, “the sum of productive forces accessible to men determines the condition of society.” [1]1 Marx and Engels, *The German Ideology* (1845-1846), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 5 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 50. The first quotation is a paraphrase; the second is a direct citation. That is to say, the social condition determined by the mode of intercourse at a given stage of society is always linked to the level of development of the productive forces. When the productive forces developed to the stage of machine-based large-scale industry, large-scale industry, with its powerful driving force, promoted the deep development of the social division of labor, causing the scope of production activities to increasingly break through national boundaries. The connections between people gradually shed the narrow colors of contingency, locality, and nationality, and a universal world intercourse was established. Marx and Engels pointed out: “The more the original isolation of separate nationalities is destroyed by the developed mode of intercourse and by the division of labor between various nations naturally brought forth by these intercourse, the more history becomes world history.” [2]2 Ibid., p. 51. The formation of world history provided the logical premise for the proletariat to unite beyond nations.

第一，世界历史的形成是无产阶级国际联合生成的逻辑前提。马克思、恩格斯从“现实的人”出发，以物质资料生产实践为现实基础，阐述了人类历史由封闭的民族形态向开放的世界形态转变的过程。他们指出，“历史不外是各个世代的依次交替”,在这个过程中，“人们所达到的生产力的总和决定着社会状况”。也就是说，一定社会阶段因交往方式所决定的社会状况始终与生产力的发展水平相联系。当生产力发展到机器大工业阶段后，大工业以其强大的驱动力推动社会分工深度发展，致使生产活动的范围日益突破国家界限，人与人之间的联系逐渐褪去偶然性、地域性、民族性的狭隘色彩，世界性普遍交往建立起来。马克思、恩格斯指出：“各个相互影响的活动范围在这个发展进程中越是扩大，各民族的原始封闭状态由于日益完善的生产方式、交往以及因交往而自然形成的不同民族之间的分工消灭得越是彻底，历史也就越是成为世界历史。”世界历史的形成为无产阶级超越民族国家的联合提供了逻辑前提。

Second, the capitalist world system and its inherent contradictions are the logical basis for the emergence of proletarian international unity. Through a scientific analysis of the capitalist reproduction process, Marx and Engels revealed that the direct purpose and decisive motive of capitalist production is to obtain surplus value. In order to clear all obstacles to capital’s pursuit of profit on a global scale, the bourgeoisie continuously promotes the global expansion of its economic interests, political power, and cultural power, compelling “all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production.” [3]3 Marx and Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 6 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 488. The spread of the capitalist mode of production, the dissemination of capitalist civilization, and the convergence of lifestyles converge into an irresistible tide, helping the bourgeoisie “create a world after its own image.” [4]4 Ibid., p. 488. With the establishment of the capitalist world system, two sharply opposed development trends emerged in the entire world—on the one hand, the deepening of the socialization of production; on the other, the increasing concentration of wealth in the hands of a few; on the one hand, the boundless accumulation of bourgeois wealth; on the other, the rapid reduction of the proletariat to “paupers.” [5]5 Ibid., p. 490. Capitalism is built on the economic exploitation and political oppression of the proletariat. Only by uniting and overthrowing the entire capitalist world can the proletariat completely free itself from the historical fate of being oppressed and exploited. As *The Communist Manifesto* points out, once the capitalist system is established, world history has “reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression, class distinctions, and class struggles.” [6]6 Ibid., p. 496.

第二，资本主义世界体系及其固有矛盾是无产阶级国际联合生成的逻辑依据。马克思、恩格斯通过对资本主义再生产过程的科学分析，揭示了资本主义生产的直接目的和决定性动机是为获取剩余价值。为了在全球范围内扫清资本逐利的一切障碍，资产阶级持续推动其经济利益、政治权力和文化权力的全球扩张，迫使“一切民族——如果它们不想灭亡的话——采用资产阶级的生产方式”。资本主义生产方式的推广、资本主义文明的传播以及生活方式的趋同汇集成一股不可阻挡的潮流，助力资产阶级“按照自己的面貌为自己创造出一个世界”。随着资本主义世界体系的建立，整个世界出现两个尖锐对立的发展趋向——一边是生产社会化程度的不断加深，一边是财富日益集中到少数人手中；一边是资产阶级财富的无限积累，一边是无产阶级迅速“变成赤贫者”。资本主义是建立在对无产阶级的经济剥削与政治压迫之上的，无产阶级唯有联合起来，推翻整个资本主义世界，才能使自身彻底摆脱受压迫、受剥削的历史命运。正如《共产党宣言》所指出的，资本主义制度一经建立，世界历史就“已经达到这样一个阶段，即被剥削被压迫的阶级(无产阶级),如果不同时使整个社会一劳永逸地摆脱一切剥削、压迫以及阶级差别和阶级斗争，就不能使自己从进行剥削和统治的那个阶级(资产阶级)的奴役下解放出来”。

Third, the historical mission of emancipating all humanity is the logical destination of proletarian international unity. Overthrowing the world rule of capitalism, establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, abolishing private property and class exploitation, and achieving communism and human emancipation are the world-historical mission of the proletariat. First, proletarian international unity is a necessary condition for smashing the old world of capitalism and achieving the dictatorship of the proletariat. After the establishment of the capitalist world system, the bourgeoisie of various countries, when suppressing proletarian resistance, “always unite and form a fraternal alliance against the proletarians of all countries.” [7]7 Marx, “Inaugural Address of the Working Men’s International Association” (1864), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 20 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1985), p. 12. Conversely, although the proletariat has the advantage of numerical superiority over the bourgeoisie, if it “neglects the brotherly unity that should exist among the workers of different countries” and cannot “stand shoulder to shoulder in the struggle for emancipation,” [8]8 Ibid., p. 12. it will be defeated piecemeal by the bourgeoisie. Therefore, it is necessary to “counter the fraternal alliance of the bourgeoisie of all countries with a fraternal alliance of the workers of all countries.” [9]9 Ibid., p. 13. Second, proletarian international unity is an important condition for establishing a communist society and achieving the emancipation of all humanity. After the proletariat of the world wins the revolution, it will establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, use the power of the state to abolish private property, eliminate all class distinctions, and gradually promote the transition of human society to the ideal form where “the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” [10]10 Marx and Engels, *The Communist Manifesto*, p. 506. Proletarian international unity is both an inevitable requirement of the practical struggle to smash the old world and the necessary path to the value goal of building a new world; it is the unity of historical inevitability and value rationality.

第三，解放全人类的历史使命是无产阶级国际联合的逻辑归宿。推翻资本主义的世界统治，建立无产阶级专政，消灭私有制和阶级剥削，实现共产主义和人类解放是无产阶级的世界历史使命。其一，无产阶级国际联合是打碎资本主义旧世界、实现无产阶级专政的必要条件。在资本主义世界体系建立后，各国资产阶级在镇压无产阶级反抗时，“总是联合起来并且建立兄弟联盟以反对各国的无产者”。反观无产阶级，尽管相对于资产阶级来说具有人数众多的优势，但倘若“忽视在各国工人间应当存在的兄弟团结”,不能“在解放斗争中坚定地并肩作战”,便会被资产阶级各个击破。由此，必须“以各国工人的兄弟联盟来对抗各国资产者的兄弟联盟”。其二，无产阶级国际联合是建立共产主义社会、实现全人类解放的重要条件。全世界无产阶级夺取革命胜利后，将建立无产阶级专政，凭借政权的力量消灭私有制，消灭一切阶级差别，推动人类社会向“每个人的自由发展是一切人的自由发展的条件”的理想形态逐步过渡。无产阶级国际联合既是打碎旧世界的现实斗争的必然要求，又是迈向建立新世界的价值目标的必由之路，是历史必然性与价值合理性的统一。

(2) The Practical Logic of the Emergence of Proletarian International Unity

(二)无产阶级国际联合生成的现实逻辑

How proletarian international unity is realized, i.e., the practical logic of its emergence, was discussed by Marx and Engels from the following aspects.

无产阶级国际联合如何实现，即无产阶级国际联合生成的现实逻辑，马克思、恩格斯从以下几个方面进行了论述。

First, the bourgeoisie’s historical activities against feudalism provided practical enlightenment for proletarian international unity. In the early stages of capitalist development, workers were scattered across the world, and individual workers were in a state of division due to competition among themselves. The bourgeoisie gathered the scattered workers together and fought alongside them against feudalism. At this time, capitalism was in its ascendant phase, historical initiative was in the hands of the bourgeoisie, and the historical merit of the bourgeoisie leading the proletariat to overthrow feudalism belonged to the bourgeoisie. That is to say, the initial united struggle of the proletariat was a product of the bourgeois revolution. The bourgeoisie concentrated the scattered, individual workers, facilitating the initial form of the workers’ united struggle. During the bourgeois revolution, although the proletariat moved toward unity in form, because its conscious class consciousness had not yet formed, this unity remained at a spontaneous stage. As Engels said, the proletariat moved from its initial scattered, isolated state toward “ever-expanding unity,” “not as a result of their own union, but as a result of the union of the bourgeoisie,” “not fighting against their own enemy, but against the enemy of their own enemy.” [11]11 Engels, “The Condition of the Working Class in England” (1845), in *Marx & Engels Collected Works*, vol. 4 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 520. The quotation is a paraphrase of Engels’ argument. At this time, the significance of the workers’ united struggle lay not in winning immediate, superficial victories, but in concentrating the scattered workers, expanding the scale of unity as much as possible, and preparing for the conscious unity of the proletariat. In this sense, the bourgeoisie’s historical activities against feudalism provided practical enlightenment for proletarian international unity.

第一，资产阶级反封建的历史活动为无产阶级国际联合提供了实践层面的启蒙。在资本主义发展初期，工人分散在世界各地，单个的工人之间因存在竞争而处于分裂状态。资产阶级将处于分散状态的工人集中起来，与其一道为反对封建主义而奋斗。此时资本主义处于上升时期，历史主动权掌握在资产阶级手里，资产阶级带领无产阶级推翻封建主义的历史功绩归于资产阶级。也就是说，无产阶级最初的联合斗争，是资产阶级革命的产物。资产阶级将分散的、单个的工人集中起来，促成了工人联合斗争的最初样态。在资产阶级革命的过程中，无产阶级虽然从形式上走向了联合，但因自觉的阶级意识尚未形成，联合处于自发阶段。正如恩格斯所说的，无产阶级从最初的分散孤立状态走向“越来越扩大的联合”,“不是他们自己联合的结果，而是资产阶级联合的结果”,“不是同自己的敌人作斗争，而是同自己的敌人的敌人作斗争”。此时工人阶级联合斗争的意义，不在于争取直接的、表面上的胜利，而在于将分散的工人集中起来，尽可能地壮大联合的规模，为无产阶级的自觉联合做好准备。从这个意义上来说，资产阶级反封建的历史活动为无产阶级国际联合提供了实践层面的启蒙。

Second, the development of large-scale machine industry provided the material means for the international unity of the proletariat. Large-scale machine industry made means of transport and communication increasingly developed, providing convenience for the proletariat to wage united struggles. The *Communist Manifesto* points out: “It develops through the ever more developed means of transport brought about by large-scale industry, and these means of transport connect the workers of different localities with each other. Once this connection exists, it is enough to combine many local struggles of the same nature into a national struggle, into a class struggle.” Because large-scale machine industry has the characteristics of cooperation and intensification, the working class was able to break through geographical restrictions, engage in collective labor in large factories, and become a tightly organized “industrial army.” “The proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more and more.” [12]12 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), Chapter 1: Bourgeois and Proletarians.

第二，机器大工业的发展为无产阶级国际联合提供了物质手段。机器大工业使交通工具和通讯手段日益发达，为无产阶级进行联合斗争提供了便捷。《共产党宣言》指出：“由于大工业所造成的日益发达的交通工具而得到发展，这种交通工具把各地的工人彼此联系起来，只要有了这种联系，就能把许多性质相同的地方性的斗争汇合成全国性的斗争，汇合成阶级斗争。”由于机器大工业具有合作化和集约化的特点，工人阶级得以突破地域的限制，在大工厂从事集体劳动，成为一支组织严密的“产业军”。“无产阶级不仅人数增加了，而且结合成更大的集体，它的力量日益增长，而且它越来越感觉到自己的力量。”

Third, the theoretical creation of class-conscious intellectuals provided ideological guidance and a program of action for the international unity of the proletariat. Due to the continuous concentration of production, more and more small enterprises went bankrupt, and intellectuals from the propertied classes were constantly cast into the ranks of the industrial workers. Among them were not a few “bourgeois ideologists who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.” [13]13 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), Chapter 2: Proletarians and Communists. Through their own theoretical creative activities, these class-conscious intellectuals elevated the experience of the workers’ movement into theory, and through practice instilled scientific theory into the workers, promoting the transformation of the proletariat from a class-in-itself to a class-for-itself, advancing the integration of scientific socialism with the workers’ movement, and thereby greatly promoting the development of the international communist movement.

第三，有觉悟的知识分子的理论创造为无产阶级国际联合提供了思想指导和行动纲领。由于生产的不断集中，越来越多的小企业破产，有产阶级中的知识分子不断被抛入产业工人的大军当中，其中不乏一些已经“能从理论上认识整个历史运动的一部分资产阶级思想家”。这些有觉悟的知识分子通过自身的理论创造活动，将工人运动的经验上升为理论，并通过实践将科学理论灌输到工人中促进了无产阶级从自发阶级向自为阶级的转变，推动了科学社会主义和工人运动的结合，进而极大地推动了国际共产主义运动的发展。

II. The Practice of Marx and Engels’ Thought on the International Unity of the Proletariat

二、马克思恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的实践

Since the birth of scientific socialism, the proletariat has successively established organizations such as the Communist League (1847–1852), the First International (1864–1876), the Second International (1889–1914), and the Communist International (i.e., the Third International, 1919–1943). These organizations inherited Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat and carried out innovative developments in practice.

自从科学社会主义诞生以来，无产阶级先后建立了共产主义者同盟(1847—1852年)、第一国际(1864—1876年)、第二国际(1889—1914年)、共产国际(即第三国际1919—1943年)等组织。这些组织继承了马克思、恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想，并在实践中进行了创新性发展。

(A) The membership composition, programs, and constitutions of international organizations manifested internationalist characteristics

(一)国际组织的成员构成、纲领章程彰显了国际主义特征

First, the spirit of internationalism embodied in the membership composition of international organizations.

第一，国际组织的成员构成中体现的国际主义精神。

The members of the Communist League came from eight countries, including Britain, France, and Germany, and it adopted the form of a unified international party. In order to make the League “a powerful organization throughout Europe,” Marx and Engels personally formulated the League’s constitution, stipulating the methods for admitting members, the organizational structure at all levels, and the norms for members’ organizational life, thereby expanding the League’s openness and international character. The First International, also known as the “International Workingmen’s Association,” had 400,000 members from 18 countries, with branches spread across Europe, the Americas, and Africa. The main body of the Second International’s membership consisted of social democratic parties, socialist parties, or labor parties newly established within nation-states. By 1914, the Second International had about 30 socialist parties, with a membership reaching 3 million, and its organizational scale expanded from the developed regions of Europe and America to backward areas such as Eastern Europe, East Asia, Latin America, and Australia. The Communist International was an international communist party organization established by Lenin with the goal of promoting world revolution, and the communist parties of various countries were its branches. At the time of the Communist International’s founding, there were only 13 proletarian political parties in the world formally named “Communist Party.” With the development of the international united movement, the member parties of the Communist International increased to over 70, with a membership of more than 4 million, and its activities covered over 70 countries. From the membership composition of international organizations, it can be intuitively seen that the scale and coverage of the international unity of the proletariat continuously expanded, and the internationalist character of the organizations increasingly strengthened.

共产主义者同盟的成员来自英国、法国、德国等八个国家，采取的是统一的国际政党的联合形式。为了使同盟“成为整个欧洲的一个强大组织”,马克思、恩格斯亲自制定了同盟章程，对接收盟员的办法、各级组织机构和盟员的组织生活准则等作出了规定，扩展了同盟的开放性和国际性。第一国际又名“国际工人协会”,会员有40万人，来自18个国家，支部遍布欧洲、美洲和非洲。第二国际的成员主体以新建立的民族国家内的社会民主党、社会党或工党为主，到1914年，第二国际的社会主义政党约有30个，党员人数达到300万，组织规模从发达的欧美拓展到东欧、东亚、拉美、澳洲等落后地区。共产国际是列宁建立的以推进世界革命为目标的国际共产党组织，各国共产党是它的支部。在共产国际创立之初，全世界只有13个正式以“共产党”命名的无产阶级政党，随着国际联合运动的发展，共产国际成员党增加到70多个，党员人数达到400多万人，活动区域遍布70多个国家。从国际组织的成员构成可以直观地看出，无产阶级国际联合的规模和覆盖区域不断扩大，组织的国际性特征日益增强。

Second, the thought on international unity contained in the programs and constitutions of international organizations.

第二，国际组织的纲领章程中蕴含的国际联合思想。

A program and constitution is the concentrated expression of a political party’s basic ideological propositions and the banner it publicly raises. Engels once said: “A new program is, after all, a banner publicly raised, and the outside world judges the party by it.” [14]14 Friedrich Engels, “To the German Social Democratic Party Congress” (1891), on the Erfurt Program. The basic spirit of the programs and constitutions of international united organizations is both continuous and marked by distinct characteristics of the times. The *Communist Manifesto*, as the manifesto of the Communist League, first put forward the slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” and provided the earliest and most incisive expression of the ideological principles of the international unity of the proletariat. In 1888, Engels emphasized in the preface to the English edition of the *Communist Manifesto* that it was “unquestionably the most widespread and most international product of all socialist literature, the common program of millions of workers from Siberia to California.” [15]15 Friedrich Engels, Preface to the English Edition of the *Communist Manifesto* (1888). The First International’s *Inaugural Address*, *Provisional Rules*, and most of its important documents were drafted by Marx and Engels, and these documents directly carried the core meaning of their thought on international unity. The *Inaugural Address* pointed out that throughout the international communist movement, strengthening “brotherly solidarity” and “fighting shoulder to shoulder” were necessary conditions for the proletariat to fulfill its historical mission of human emancipation. The *Provisional Rules* clarified the purpose of establishing the First International at the level of organizational function, namely, “to become a center for the liaison and cooperation of workers’ organizations from various countries pursuing the common goal of the protection, development, and complete emancipation of the working class.” [16]16 Karl Marx, *Provisional Rules of the International Workingmen’s Association* (1864). During its existence, the Second International did not establish a central body; its form of activity was to hold congresses to discuss issues of common concern to member parties and formulate resolutions guiding the workers’ movements of various countries. The resolutions of the Second International’s congresses, in their analysis of the relationship between the immediate interests of the united struggle and the “ultimate goal,” and in their differentiation between the interests of nation-states and the interests of international class struggle, theoretically enriched and developed Marx and Engels’ thought on international unity. The Communist International was established in the period of the upsurge of the proletarian revolution in the early 20th century. Lenin emphasized at the founding congress of the Communist International the determination to firmly continue along the ideological line indicated by the *Communist Manifesto*. Based on Lenin’s overall judgment of the world socialist revolutionary situation, the program and constitution of the Communist International gave a very distinct contemporary relevance to the expression of the mission of the proletariat’s united struggle. The *Program of the Communist International* emphasized that, facing the situation where imperialism “concentrates its forces against the rising proletarian revolution,” the proletariat of the whole world could only achieve the victory of the world revolution by uniting, transforming “the whole world into a self-sufficient cooperative society,” in order to comprehensively “realize the freedom and friendship of all peoples.” [17]17 *Program of the Communist International* (1919), Section on the tasks of the international proletariat. Based on this, the purpose of the Communist International was: “to unite the forces of all truly revolutionary parties of the proletariat of the whole world, thereby promoting and accelerating the victory of the communist revolution throughout the world.” [18]18 *Statutes of the Communist International* (1919), Article 1. From the foundational slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” put forward in the *Communist Manifesto* to the deepened elaboration of the united mission by the Communist International, the successive expressions of the thought on international unity in the programs and constitutions of international organizations at different historical stages have always served as the guide to action for the proletariat in carrying out united struggles.

纲领章程是政党基本思想主张的集中表达，是政党公开树立起来的旗帜。恩格斯曾说过：“一个新的纲领毕竟总是一面公开树立起来的旗帜，而外界就根据它来判断这个党。”国际联合组织纲领章程的基本精神既一脉相承，又具有鲜明的时代特点。《共产党宣言》作为共产主义者同盟的宣言，首次提出了“全世界无产者，联合起来!”的口号，对无产阶级国际联合的思想原则作了最早、最精辟的表达。1888年，恩格斯在《共产党宣言》英文版序言中强调，它“无疑是全部社会主义文献中传播最广和最具有国际性的著作，是从西伯利亚到加利福尼亚的千百万工人公认的共同纲领”。第一国际的《成立宣言》《临时章程》以及大部分重要文件均由马克思、恩格斯起草，这些文件直接承载了他们国际联合思想的核心意旨。《成立宣言》指出，在整个国际共产主义运动中，增强“兄弟团结”,“坚定地并肩作战”是无产阶级践履人类解放历史使命的必要条件。《临时章程》在组织功能层面明确了成立第一国际的目的，即“要成为追求共同目标即工人阶级得到保护、发展和彻底解放的各国工人团体进行联络和合作的中心”。第二国际在其存续期间，没有设立中央机构，其活动形式是通过召开代表大会讨论成员党共同关心的问题，拟定指导各国工人运动的决议。第二国际代表大会的决议对联合斗争的当前利益与“最终目的”关系的分析、对民族国家利益与国际阶级斗争利益的辨析，在理论上丰富发展了马克思、恩格斯的国际联合思想。共产国际成立于20世纪初无产阶级革命高潮时期。列宁在共产国际成立大会上强调了坚定地沿着《共产党宣言》所指明的思想路线继续前进的决心。依据列宁对世界社会主义革命形势的总体判断，共产国际的纲领章程对无产阶级联合斗争使命的表述具有非常鲜明的时代针对性。《共产国际行动纲领》强调，面对帝国主义“集中力量对付方兴未艾的无产阶级革命”的局势，全世界无产阶级唯有联合起来夺取世界革命的胜利，将“整个世界变成一个自力更生的合作的社会”,才能全面“实现各族人民的自由和友好”。基于此，共产国际的宗旨是：“团结全世界无产阶级一切真正革命政党的力量，从而促使并加速共产主义革命在全世界的胜利”。从《共产党宣言》提出“全世界无产者，联合起来!”的奠基性口号直至共产国际对联合使命的深化阐释，不同历史阶段国际组织的纲领章程对国际联合思想的接续表达，始终是无产阶级开展联合斗争的行动指南。

(B) International organizations demonstrated internationalist consciousness in their practical activities

(二)国际组织在实践活动中展现了国际主义自觉

On the one hand, it initiated the historical process of international united struggle under the guidance of Marxism. The establishment of the Communist League and its practical activities marked the beginning of the international communist movement and also inaugurated the course of the proletariat’s international united struggle guided by Marxism. In the revolutions of 1848, the Communist League led the working classes of various countries to effectively strike at the remnants of European feudalism, causing the revolutionary wave to spread across European nations. In 1893, Engels pointed out in the preface to the Italian edition of the *Communist Manifesto* that before 1848, united struggle by the proletariat under the guidance of scientific socialism was unimaginable; it was only with the Communist League that there came to be “a common international action of the Italian workers, the Hungarian workers, the German workers, the Polish workers, and the Russian workers.” [19]19 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393. In his later years, Engels further emphasized that the great historical role of the Communist League lay in forging the first “international army of socialists,” [20]20 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393. thereby initiating the course of the proletariat’s international united struggle. Since then, this international army has advanced “irresistibly,” and “its numbers, organization, discipline, consciousness, and confidence in victory have increased day by day.” [21]21 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393. In this sense, the struggle of the Communist League “was not carried out in vain,” [22]22 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393. nor would its historical influence “pass away in vain.” [23]23 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393.

一方面，开启了以马克思主义为指导的国际联合斗争的历史进程。共产主义者同盟的建立及其实践活动意味着国际共产主义运动的发轫，也开启了以马克思主义为指导的无产阶级国际联合斗争的历程。在1848年革命中，共产主义者同盟领导各国工人阶级有力地打击了欧洲封建制度的残余，使得革命浪潮波及了欧洲各国。1893年，恩格斯在《共产党宣言》意大利文版序言中指出，1848年以前，在科学社会主义指导下的无产阶级联合斗争尚不可想象，自从有了共产主义者同盟，才有了“意大利工人、匈牙利工人、德意志工人、波兰工人、俄罗斯工人的共同国际行动”。恩格斯晚年进一步强调，共产主义者同盟的伟大历史作用在于缔造了第一支“社会主义者的国际大军”,开启了无产阶级国际联合斗争的历程。从那以后，这支国际大军“不可阻挡地前进”,“它的人数、组织性、纪律性、觉悟程度和胜利信心都与日俱增”。从这个意义上说，共产主义者同盟的斗争“并不是白白进行的”,它的历史影响力也不会“白白过去”。

On the other hand, it deepened and expanded the Marxist thought on international unity. The most outstanding achievement of the struggle of the First International was undoubtedly the Paris Commune Revolution. The First International was the commander, supporter, and propagandist of the Paris Commune Revolution. Engels once said that the Paris Commune Revolution “was the spiritual child of the International.” [24]24 Engels, “Preface to the Third German Edition of *The Civil War in France*” (1891), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 191. During the Paris Commune Revolution, the General Council of the First International convened twelve meetings to guide the struggle of the Paris Commune. After the revolution failed, Marx promptly convened the General Council to sum up experiences and lessons, published the famous *The Civil War in France*, and set about revising the *General Rules of the International Working Men’s Association*, adding important content about the working classes of various countries establishing their own parties in their respective countries and conducting struggle based on their own actual conditions. Engels clearly pointed out that the First International “had fully achieved its great goal—the unity of the proletariat of the whole world in the struggle against its oppressors.” [25]25 Engels, “Preface to the Italian Edition of the *Communist Manifesto*” (1893), in *Marx and Engels Collected Works*, vol. 27, p. 393. From 1889 to 1914, the Second International held nine congresses, adopting resolutions on issues such as wages, working hours, and labor protection; political and economic struggle; the abolition of standing armies and the introduction of universal arming; opposition to war and militarism; opposition to colonialism and the implementation of national self-determination; and trade unions, land, and women’s issues. Guided by the spirit of the International’s resolutions, the member parties of the Second International actively strengthened their coordination and integration with the trade union movement, the women’s movement, and the youth movement. While expanding their own political influence and mass base, they greatly broadened the depth and breadth of the integration of the international communist movement with the world progressive movement. During its existence, the Communist International held seven congresses and thirteen meetings of the Executive Committee. As an international organization leading the world proletarian revolution in the first half of the 20th century, the Communist International put forward the new slogan “Workers of the world and oppressed peoples, unite!” [26]26 This slogan was adopted by the Communist International (Comintern) at its Second Congress in 1920, expanding Marx and Engels’ original “Workers of the world, unite!” to include oppressed nations and colonies. incorporating the national liberation movements of economically and culturally backward Eastern countries into the scope of the world proletarian revolution, thereby strengthening the forces opposing imperialism worldwide. This not only supported the workers’ movements in capitalist countries but also promoted the development of national liberation movements in backward countries, powerfully advancing the progress of world history. At the same time, the Communist International provided guidance and support for the establishment and development of communist parties in various countries, cultivated a large number of outstanding communists, promoted the integration of Marxism with the national conditions of different countries, and raised the level of the international communist movement. In the struggle against fascism, the Communist International exposed the reactionary nature of fascism at an early stage, promptly called on the proletariat and broad masses of the people of all countries to unite in the anti-fascist struggle, promoted the establishment of the world anti-fascist people’s front, and made important contributions to the struggle of the world’s people.

另一方面，深化和拓展了马克思主义的国际联合思想。第一国际最突出的斗争成就当属巴黎公社革命。第一国际是巴黎公社革命的指挥者、支持者和宣传者。恩格斯曾说，巴黎公社革命“是国际的精神产儿”。巴黎公社革命期间，第一国际总委员会先后召开了12次会议指导巴黎公社革命的斗争。革命失败后，马克思及时召开总委员会总结经验教训，发表了著名的《法兰西内战》,并着手修订了《国际工人协会共同章程》,增加了各国工人阶级在本国分别建立政党，立足本国的实际情况进行斗争的重要内容。恩格斯曾明确指出，第一国际“已完全达到自己的伟大目的——全世界无产阶级在反对其压迫者的斗争中联合起来了”。1889—1914年，第二国际共召开了九次代表大会，通过了关于工资工时和劳动保护、政治斗争和经济斗争、废除常备军和实行全民武装、反对战争和军国主义、反对殖民主义和实行民族自决、工会及土地和妇女等问题的决议。第二国际成员党在国际决议精神的指导下，主动加强了与工会运动、妇女运动、青年运动的协同融合，在扩大自身的政治影响力和群众基础的同时，极大拓展了国际共产主义运动与世界进步运动融合的广度与深度。共产国际存续期间，召开了七次代表大会、13次执行委员会会议。作为20世纪上半叶引领无产阶级世界革命的国际组织，共产国际提出了“全世界无产者和被压迫民族联合起来”的新口号，将东方经济文化落后国家的民族解放运动纳入无产阶级世界革命的范畴，壮大了世界反对帝国主义的力量，既支援了资本主义国家的工人运动，又促进了落后国家的民族解放运动的发展，有力推动了世界历史的进步。与此同时，共产国际还为各国共产党的建立和发展提供了指导和支持，培养了一大批优秀的共产主义者，推进了马克思主义与各国国情的结合，提升了国际共产主义运动的水平。在反法西斯主义方面，共产国际较早地揭露了法西斯主义的反动本质，及时号召各国无产阶级和广大人民联合开展反法西斯斗争，推动了世界反法西斯主义人民阵线的建立，为世界人民斗争作出了重要贡献。

III. The Contemporary Value of Marx and Engels’ Thought on the International Unity of the Proletariat

三、马克思恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的当代价值

Xi Jinping pointed out: “Although the era we live in has undergone tremendous and profound changes compared with the era in which Marx lived, from the broad perspective of 500 years of world socialism, we are still in the historical era indicated by Marxism.” [27]27 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Commemoration of the 200th Anniversary of Marx’s Birth” (4 May 2018), in *Xi Jinping: The Governance of China*, vol. 3, p. 74. Through an analysis of the logical thread and historical bearing of the thought on the international unity of the proletariat, it can be seen that in the long river of the history of the international communist movement, Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat provided ideological resources and methodological guidance for the proletariat to fulfill its historical mission.

习近平指出：“尽管我们所处的时代同马克思所处的时代相比发生了巨大而深刻的变化，但从世界社会主义500年的大视野来看，我们依然处在马克思主义所指明的历史时代。”通过对无产阶级国际联合思想的逻辑理路、历史承载的分析可以看出，在国际共产主义运动的历史长河中，马克思、恩格斯的无产阶级国际联合思想为无产阶级践履历史使命提供了思想资源和方法论指导。

(A) It provides programmatic guidance for the international unity of communist and workers’ parties in the world today

(一)为当今世界共产党与工人党的国际联合提供了纲领性指导

After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, communist parties in various countries continued to hold high the banner of Marxism, supporting each other in the adverse circumstances of surging anti-communist waves. They jointly promoted the adaptive transformation of the international unity of the proletariat from organizational form to action strategy, constructed an international unity system suited to the needs of the new struggle, and laid the foundation for the revival of the international communist movement.

苏东剧变后，各国共产党继续高举马克思主义旗帜，在反共主义浪潮迭起的逆境中彼此支持，携手推动了无产阶级国际联合从组织形态到行动方略的适应性转型，构建了适应新斗争需要的国际联合体系，为国际共产主义运动的复兴奠定了基础。

First, the adaptive transformation of the organizational form of the international unity of the proletariat—from a “center-periphery” dual organizational form to a bilateral (multilateral) diversified organizational form. Since the 20th century, and especially after the 1950s, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union occupied a central position in international unity and possessed absolute leading authority. In order to place the national interests of the Soviet Union above those of other socialist countries, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union once distorted the connotation of international unity into safeguarding the interests of the “socialist community” centered on the Soviet Union, constructing a strict “center-periphery” dual organizational form, with big-party chauvinism and big-power chauvinism becoming prominent features of this organizational form. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the international unity of the “center-periphery” dual organizational form disintegrated. The Communist Party of China proposed that, on the basis of adhering to Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat, drawing lessons from the “father-son party” relationship [28]28 “Father-son party” relationship refers to the hierarchical and subordinating relationship that characterized relations between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and other communist parties during the Comintern and later periods, where the CPSU dictated policy and demanded obedience from other parties. in international unity, and revising and rebuilding inter-party relations in accordance with the principles of independence, complete equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, was an urgent task to resolve the remaining problems of the international communist movement and promote the adaptive transformation of the international unity of the proletariat. This view received widespread support and recognition from communist parties in various countries. Under the guidance of the four principles of inter-party relations, communist parties in various countries actively sought to revise and rebuild inter-party relations, and on this basis, explored international unity suited to the new situation. Entering the 21st century, driven by the information revolution, capitalism has undergone many new changes, and the international situation is undergoing changes unseen in a century. The depth of interdependence and the breadth of intertwined interests among countries have reached an unprecedented level. Against this background, abandoning the old form of highly centralized international unity and constructing a new form of international unity suited to the needs of the new situation has become a consensus among communist parties in various countries. Driven by this consensus, communist parties in various countries, based on the principles of independence and equality, have continuously strengthened communication and cooperation in international affairs, promoting the transformation of the organizational form of international unity from the centralized and unified “center-periphery” type to a new organizational form characterized by equality, independence, and looseness.

第一，无产阶级国际联合组织形态的适应性转型——从“中心—外围”二元组织形态向双边(多边)多元化组织形态转型。20世纪以来尤其是50年代后，苏联共产党在国际联合中占据中心地位，具有绝对的领导权威。为了将苏联的国家利益凌驾于其他社会主义国家之上，苏联共产党一度将国际联合的内涵曲解为维护以苏联为核心的“社会主义大家庭”的利益，构建了严格的“中心—外围”的二元组织形态，大党主义、大国主义成为这一组织形态的显著特征。苏东剧变后，“中心—外围”二元组织形态的国际联合解体。中国共产党提出，在坚持马克思、恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的基础上，吸取国际联合中的“父子党”关系的教训，按照独立自主、完全平等、互相尊重、互不干涉内部事务的原则修正、重建党际关系，是解决国际共产主义运动遗留问题、推动无产阶级国际联合进行适应性转型的当务之急。这一观点得到各国共产党的广泛支持和认同。在党际关系四原则的指导下，各国共产党积极谋求修正、重建党际关系，并在此基础上探索适应新形势的国际联合。进入21世纪，在信息革命的推动下，资本主义出现了许多新变化，国际形势正经历百年未有之大变局，各国相互依存的深度与利益交融的广度达到了前所未有的水平。在此背景下，摒弃高度集中的国际联合旧形态，建构适应新形势需要的国际联合新形态已成为各国共产党的共识。在这一共识的推动下，各国共产党基于独立、平等的原则，在国际事务中不断加强沟通与合作，推动了国际联合组织形态从“中心—外围”的集中统一型向平等性、独立性、松散性的新组织形态的转变。

Second, a comprehensive transformation of the action strategy for the international unity of the proletariat — from strategic action guided by a single revolutionary mindset to a multi-pronged mode of action. In the first half of the 20th century, under the guidance of a single strategic mindset of world revolution, unified action was the fundamental principle of the international unity of the proletariat. Entering the 21st century, although there are differences in the understanding of the vitality and adaptability of capitalism, the vast majority of communist parties agree with the overall situation of “capitalism being strong and socialism being weak” [29]29 “Capitalism being strong and socialism being weak” (资强社弱) — a shorthand phrase used in contemporary Marxist discourse to describe the global balance of power after the Cold War, where capitalist states dominate economically and militarily while socialist forces are relatively weaker., holding that a single revolutionary mindset is divorced from reality, and advocating a multi-pronged mode of action under multiple issues. As the Progressive Party of Working People of Cyprus has pointed out: “There are both subtle and significant differences among us in theory, strategy, and tactics,” and “it is not feasible today for all communist and workers’ parties to adopt a single strategy for action.” Many communist parties believe that enhancing the capacity and strength of the world’s communist parties for joint action in the struggle against imperialism and for the maintenance of world peace through various means — such as issuing joint statements, conducting joint expressions of solidarity, organizing demonstrations and marches, and holding commemorative events — is an important manifestation of the vibrant vitality of Marxist thought on international unity in today’s world.

第二，无产阶级国际联合行动方略的全面转型——从单一革命思维指引下的战略行动向多措并举的行动方式转型。20世纪上半叶，在单一的世界革命战略思维的指导下，统一行动是无产阶级国际联合的根本准则。进入21世纪，尽管对资本主义生命力和适应性的认识存在差异，但绝大多数共产党均认同“资强社弱”的总体态势，认为单一的革命思维脱离实际，主张采取多议题下多管齐下的行动方式。正如塞浦路斯劳动人民进步党所指出的：“我们之间在理论、策略和战术方面都存在或细微的或重大的差异”,“所有共产党和工人党都采取单一战略的行动在今天并不可行”。多国共产党认为，通过发表共同声明、开展联合声援、组织示威游行、举办纪念活动等多种方式，增强世界共产党在反对帝国主义、维护世界和平斗争中的联合行动能力与力量，是马克思主义国际联合思想鲜活生命力在当今世界的重要体现。

Third, the construction of a new system for the international unity of the proletariat. After the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe [30]30 The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (苏东剧变) — refers to the collapse of communist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries between 1989 and 1991, ending the Cold War bipolar order., under the guidance of Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat, a broad and organically unified system was formed, based on bilateral (or multilateral) equal exchanges between communist parties. This system consists of three organically connected levels: first, the level of party interaction. Parties from different countries continuously strengthen solidarity and cooperation by establishing bilateral and multilateral ties. Second, the level of regional commonalities or issue commonalities. Communist parties from some countries, facing the same geopolitical environment or based on issues of common concern, convene regional meetings and build diverse cooperation platforms for information exchange, strategic communication, and experience sharing, thereby building consensus and unifying strategies in political practice. Third, the level of unity among communist and workers’ parties worldwide. Communist and workers’ parties worldwide, from a macro perspective on global development, critique capitalism, jointly discuss macro issues of global development and major topics in the world socialist movement, thereby strengthening global strategic coordination and injecting new impetus into promoting the international unity of the proletariat to a higher level. Under the new system of international unity, the same communist party can be a member party of multiple international conferences and can simultaneously play a role in multiple united platforms; international conferences can also derive multiple subsidiary joint meetings based on different political issues. For example, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties is currently the most influential international united organization with the most mature operational mechanism, adopting an annual meeting system. From its establishment in 1999 to 2025, 23 international meetings have been held. Although the number of participating parties at each annual meeting fluctuates, it has generally shown an upward trend. At the same time, member parties of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties autonomously combine based on different political issues, giving rise to a series of other international united organizations, such as the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World Peace Council, the World Federation of Democratic Youth, and the Women’s International Democratic Federation.

第三，无产阶级国际联合新体系的构建。苏东剧变后，在马克思、恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的指导下，形成了一个以共产党之间双边(多边)平等交往为基础的广泛且有机统一的体系。这一体系由三个有机衔接的层级构成：一是政党互动层级。不同国家的政党通过建立双边及多边联系，不断强化团结合作。二是区域共性或议题共性层级。部分国家的共产党因面临相同的地缘政治环境或基于共同关心的议题，通过召开区域性会议和搭建多元合作平台进行信息互通、策略交流与经验共享，进而在政治实践中凝聚共识、统一策略。三是全世界共产党、工人党联合的层级。全世界的共产党、工人党立足全球发展的宏观视角批判资本主义，共同探讨全球发展的宏观议题和世界社会主义运动中的重大课题，进而强化全球战略协作，为推动无产阶级国际联合向更高水平发展注入了新动力。在新的国际联合体系下，同一个共产党可以是多个国际会议的成员党，也可以同时在多个联合平台发挥作用；国际会议也可以基于不同的政治议题衍生出多个附属的联合会议。例如，世界共产党和工人党国际会议是当前影响力最广泛、运行机制最成熟的国际联合组织，采取年会制。从1999年成立至2025年，已经召开了23次国际会议。虽然每次年会参会党的数量起起伏伏，但基本上呈上升趋势。同时，世界共产党和工人党国际会议的成员党因不同的政治议题而自主组合，派生出一系列其他的国际联合组织，如世界工会联合会、世界和平理事会、世界民主青年联合会和国际妇女民主联合会等。

(II) Providing a methodological foundation for the stable and enduring development of the international unity of the proletariat

(二)为无产阶级国际联合行稳致远提供了方法论基础

Looking back at the logic and practice of Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat, it can be seen that historically viewing the relationship between the essence of international unity and its organizational forms, and dialectically grasping the relationship between the overall interests of the international united struggle and the specific interests of the struggles of communist parties in various countries, are both a methodological summary of the international unity of the proletariat and the key to its ability to meet challenges and achieve stable and enduring development.

回溯马克思、恩格斯无产阶级国际联合思想的理路和践行可见，历史地看待国际联合本质和组织形态的关系、辩证地把握国际联合斗争总体利益与各国共产党斗争具体利益的关系既是无产阶级国际联合的方法论总结，也是其应对挑战、行稳致远的关键所在。

First, historically viewing the relationship between the essence of international unity and its organizational forms. In the course of the international communist movement, the international unity of the proletariat has always possessed historical inevitability and value rationality, but the specific organizational form that the international unity of the proletariat takes is determined by the central tasks of the international communist movement at that time. From the establishment of the Communist League to the present, the organizational forms of international unity have changed in accordance with the times. In the early period of capitalist development and during the period of widespread upsurge in the proletarian revolutionary struggle, the bourgeoisie subjected the proletariat to brutal violent rule. To ensure combat effectiveness under severe circumstances, the proletariat and its parties often adopted highly centralized organizational forms. The Communist International [31]31 The Communist International (共产国际) — also known as the Third International (1919–1943), a centralized worldwide organization of communist parties founded by Lenin, which directed revolutionary strategy under Soviet leadership. is a typical representative of this organizational form.

第一，历史地看待国际联合本质和组织形态之间的关系。在国际共产主义运动的历程中，无产阶级国际联合始终具有历史必然性和价值合理性，但是无产阶级国际联合采取何种组织形态，是由当时国际共产主义运动的中心任务所决定的。从共产主义者同盟建立至今，国际联合的组织形态适时而变。在资本主义发展早期以及无产阶级革命斗争普遍高涨时期，资产阶级对无产阶级采取残酷的暴力统治，无产阶级及其政党为了在严峻的形势下保证战斗力，往往采取高度集中的组织形态。共产国际就是这种组织形态的典型代表。

In the period of peaceful development of capitalism, the bourgeois political governance system operates smoothly, class contradictions are eased, and the proletarian revolutionary struggle is at a low ebb. Under such circumstances, the struggle environments, development levels, and struggle tasks of proletarian parties in different countries vary. Enhancing exchange and mutual learning among proletarian parties and organizations, increasing the influence of Marxism within the workers’ movement, and promoting the socialist movement in breadth and scope are the practical tasks facing the international communist movement. Under such conditions and tasks, the international unity of the proletariat generally adopts loose, free, and equal-exchange organizational forms. The Second International [32]32 The Second International (第二国际) — an international socialist organization founded in 1889, which operated as a loose federation of socialist and labor parties until its collapse during World War I. is a typical representative of this organizational form. This organizational form “greatly enhanced the influence and appeal of the Second International, with Marxist theorists from various parties gathering under its banner. Extensive and thorough theoretical debates among theorists became an important form for the Second International to disseminate and develop Marxism.” During the formation of the Second International, Engels made incisive remarks on the relationship between the essence of the international unity of the proletariat and its organizational forms. At that time, some people suggested that Engels should organize the Second International according to the organizational forms of the Communist League and the First International [33]33 The First International (第一国际) — the International Workingmen’s Association (1864–1876), founded by Marx and Engels, which coordinated working-class struggles across Europe.. In response, Engels criticized and pointed out that the essence of the international unity of the proletariat is the “voluntary cooperation based on common interests” of the working classes of various countries, and its vitality lies in the “spontaneous and sincere cooperation” of communist and workers’ parties based on the commonality of class interests and the consistency of historical missions. In this sense, the Communist League and the First International are forever “alive and growing stronger.” However, after the Paris Commune [34]34 The Paris Commune (巴黎公社) — a revolutionary workers’ government that briefly ruled Paris from March to May 1871, crushed by the French army; it was a key historical reference for Marx and Engels on proletarian dictatorship., due to the significant expansion in scale and scope of the international proletarian movement in Europe and the Americas, restoring the old International would impose “mechanical organizational constraints” on the broad, multi-layered international workers’ movement. Such an approach to the “newly established International” (referring to the Second International) could become a shackle hindering the further development of the international workers’ movement. Thus, Engels pointed out that to adapt to the new conditions of the international workers’ movement, the “newly established International” must adopt a new, more broadly based, and loose organizational form. This thought of Engels still has important guiding significance for solving the problems faced by the international unity of communist and workers’ parties in today’s world.

而在资本主义和平发展时期，资产阶级政治治理体系平稳运行，阶级矛盾缓和，无产阶级革命斗争处于低潮。在这种形势下，不同国家无产阶级政党的斗争环境、发展水平、斗争任务各不相同，增强无产阶级政党及组织之间的交流互鉴、提升马克思主义在工人运动中的影响力，推动社会主义运动向横广方向发展，是国际共产主义运动面临的现实任务。这样的形势和任务下，无产阶级国际联合一般采用松散、自由、平等交流的组织形态。第二国际是这种组织形态的典型代表，这种组织形式“极大增强了第二国际的影响力和感召力，各国党的马克思主义理论家纷纷聚集于第二国际的旗帜下。理论家之间广泛而充分的理论论争成为第二国际传播和发展马克思主义的重要形式”。恩格斯在组建第二国际期间，曾对无产阶级国际联合本质和组织形态之间的关系作过精辟的论述。当时有一些人建议恩格斯按照共产主义者同盟和第一国际的组织形态组建第二国际。对此，恩格斯批评指出，无产阶级国际联合的本质是各国工人阶级“基于共同利益的自愿协作”,生命力在于各国共产党、工人党立足阶级利益的共同性和历史使命的一致性进行“自发而真诚的合作”。从这个意义上说，共产主义者同盟和第一国际永远“活着并且日益壮大”。然而在巴黎公社之后，由于欧洲和美洲无产阶级国际运动的规模显著扩大、范围明显拓展，恢复旧国际会对广泛的、多层次的国际工人运动造成“机械的组织捆绑”,以这种做法“新建立的国际”(指第二国际)将可能成为束缚国际工人运动进一步发展的桎梏。由此，恩格斯指出，为了适应国际工人运动的新情况，“新建立的国际”必须采用一种新的更具广泛性的、松散的组织形态。恩格斯的这一思想，对解决当今世界共产党和工人党国际联合面临的问题依然具有重要的指导意义。

Since the drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the communist parties of some countries have persistently advocated for the establishment of an organization similar to the Third International. After the outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008, this call intensified once again. As Engels pointed out, the organizational form of international unity depends on the current practical tasks and developmental trends of the international communist movement. Although the capitalist system has exposed many deep-seated structural problems, capitalism, by leveraging its long-accumulated advantages in science, technology, and capital, continuously adjusts its strategies and still exhibits a certain vitality, maintaining relatively strong advantages and influence in fields such as the international economy and science and technology. Against this broad backdrop, the central task of communist parties in various countries is to base themselves on their national conditions and struggle to enhance the well-being of their people and promote social fairness and justice. Since the specific national conditions and struggle environments of different countries vary, it is entirely normal for communist parties to have divergent views. What is important is to strengthen communication and exchange on the basis of equality and unity, enhance mutual understanding, learn from each other’s new ideas and experiences, and pool strength on core issues such as opposing hegemonism, safeguarding labor rights, and promoting ecological justice, thereby advancing the international communist movement steadily and progressively. In view of this, today’s international united organizations of world communist and workers’ parties should draw on the experience of the Second International, adopt organizational forms characterized by breadth and looseness, build multi-level and multi-type mechanisms for coordination and cooperation, take breadth and inclusiveness as the core orientation, and strengthen communication and cooperation under the premise of equality, openness, and mutual learning.

苏东剧变以来，一些国家的共产党坚持主张成立类似于第三国际式的组织。2008年国际金融危机爆发后，这种呼声再度高涨。正如恩格斯所指出的，国际联合采取什么样的组织形式，取决于当前国际共产主义运动的现实任务和发展态势。虽然资本主义体系暴露出诸多深层次结构性问题，但资本主义凭借其长期积累的科技、资本优势不断进行策略调整，依然展现出一定的生命力，在国际经济、科技等领域仍然维持着较强的优势和影响力。在这样的大背景下，各国共产党的中心任务是立足本国国情，为增进本国人民的福祉、促进社会公平正义而斗争。由于各国的具体国情和斗争环境不同，各国共产党在观点上产生分歧是十分正常的，重要的是在平等、团结的基础上加强沟通交流，增进理解，相互汲取新思想，借鉴新经验，在反对霸权主义、维护劳动权益、推动生态正义等核心议题上凝聚合力，推动国际共产主义运动稳中求进。鉴于此，当今的世界共产党和工人党国际联合组织要借鉴第二国际的经验，采用具有广泛性、松散性的组织形态，构建多层次、多类型的协同合作机制，以广泛性与包容性为核心取向，在平等、开放、互鉴的前提下加强沟通合作。

Second, dialectically grasp the relationship between the overall interests of the international united struggle and the specific interests of the struggles of each communist party. The interests of the struggles of the proletariat in various countries possess both identity and difference, which is determined by the duality of world history. On the one hand, world history is the history of the proletariat of the whole world uniting to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie and liberate all humanity; on the other hand, world history is the process of the universal establishment and eventual extinction of modern nation-states. Engels once pointed out: “Since the end of the Middle Ages, history has been impelling the formation of large nation-states in Europe. Only such states are the normal political organization of the ruling bourgeoisie in Europe.” [35]35 Engels, “The Role of Violence in History,” in Marx and Engels Collected Works, vol. 21 (Chinese edition), People’s Publishing House, 1965, p. 463. Because the struggles of the proletariat in various countries “are economically within the scope of the ‘world market’ and politically within the ‘system of states’,” [36]36 Marx and Engels, “Manifesto of the Communist Party,” in Marx and Engels Collected Works, vol. 4 (Chinese edition), People’s Publishing House, 2012, p. 487. their interest demands include both the common orientation of overthrowing world capitalist rule and different specific propositions due to differences in national conditions and struggle environments. Therefore, in united struggles, proletarian parties must combine the theory of two points with the theory of emphasis, correctly handling the relationship between the overall interests of the international united struggle of the proletariat and the specific interests of the struggles of each communist party. On the one hand, proletarian parties in each country must base themselves on their national realities, formulate lines, policies, and guidelines that conform to the interests of their own proletariat, and independently lead their own proletariat and working people to victory in the socialist cause. This is the primary and fundamental task of each party and the foundation of its existence. On the other hand, they must link the specific interests of their own struggles with the overall interests of the international united struggle, always uphold the lofty mission of human liberation, examine the differences in views among communist parties on specific issues with a broad mind, adhere to the Marxist stance, theoretically explore the causes of divergence and the paths to transcend it, and in practice stand on the correct side of history, striving to contribute to the progress of world civilization.

第二，辩证地把握国际联合斗争总体利益与各国共产党斗争具体利益的关系。各国无产阶级的斗争利益既具有同一性又具有差异性，这是由世界历史的二重性所决定的。一方面，世界历史是全世界无产阶级联合起来推翻资产阶级的统治、解放全人类的历史；另一方面，世界历史是现代民族国家普遍建立并走向消亡的过程。恩格斯曾指出：“从中世纪末期以来，历史就在促使欧洲形成各个大的民族国家。只有这样的国家，才是欧洲占统治地位的资产阶级的正常的政治组织。”由于各国无产阶级的斗争“在经济上处在‘世界市场的范围内’,在政治上‘处在国家体系的范围内’”,所以其利益诉求既包含推翻世界资本主义统治的共同指向，又因具体国情、斗争环境的差异而具有不同的具体主张。因此，无产阶级政党在联合斗争中要将两点论和重点论结合起来，正确处理无产阶级国际联合斗争总体利益与各国共产党斗争具体利益之间的关系。各国无产阶级政党一方面要立足本国实际，制定符合本国无产阶级利益的路线、方针和政策，独立自主地领导本国无产阶级和劳动人民取得社会主义事业胜利，这是各国政党的首要、基本任务，也是各国政党的立身之本；另一方面要将本国斗争的具体利益与国际联合斗争的总体利益联系起来，始终秉持人类解放的崇高使命，以宽广的胸襟审视各国共产党在具体问题上的观点分歧，坚持马克思主义立场，从理论上探讨分歧产生的原因以及超越分歧的路径，在实践上站在历史正确的一边，努力为世界文明进步贡献力量。

The world today is undergoing major changes unseen in a century, and human society faces unprecedented challenges. When confronting specific issues such as national separatism, religious conflicts, and local wars, multiple communist and workers’ parties have developed significant divergences. At various international united meetings, some communist parties have engaged in large-scale public debates due to sharp opposition of views, leading to a prominent tendency toward splittism within international unity, which has adversely affected the development of the international communist movement. For example, the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties is the most representative and influential international organization in the current international unity of communist parties. Starting from the fifth annual meeting in 2003, each annual meeting of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties issued a “Joint Declaration,” but this was suddenly interrupted at the fifteenth annual meeting in 2013. [37]37 The International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP) is an annual gathering of communist and workers’ parties worldwide, first held in 1998. The fifteenth meeting in 2013 failed to produce a joint declaration due to internal disagreements. This indicates that relatively serious divergences emerged within the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, making it difficult to reach effective consensus on relevant issues. In response to this situation, at the twenty-second meeting held in 2022, the host, the Communist Party of Cuba, made great efforts to coordinate among the participating member parties and, adhering to the principle of unity and inclusiveness, issued a “Joint Declaration.” The efforts made by the Communist Party of Cuba were appreciated by the participating parties. The Tudeh Party of Iran pointed out in its post-meeting summary: “In the view of the Communist Party of Cuba, issuing a final declaration is an important agenda item of the international meeting, which requires each party to try its best to set aside disputes and formulate a declaration that meets the minimum requirements acceptable to all communist parties attending the meeting. The Communist Party of Cuba ensured the unity of the international communist movement under difficult international circumstances.” [38]38 The Tudeh Party of Iran is a communist party founded in 1941. Its comment here refers to the 22nd IMCWP held in Havana, Cuba, in 2022. However, regrettably, at the twenty-third international meeting held in 2023, fierce debates erupted again among the participating communist parties over the Ukraine crisis. One part of the communist parties believed that the Ukraine crisis was a war launched by the US-led NATO bloc against Russia. Russia’s struggle curbed the expansion of imperialist forces and contributed to developing countries seeking development independent of the imperialist system. Another part of the communist parties believed that the Ukraine crisis was a struggle between two imperialist blocs for world resources, and that communist parties worldwide should not take sides but should unite to oppose this imperialist war. These two factions ultimately issued “Solidarity Declarations” with completely opposing views. The meeting ultimately failed to issue a unified “Joint Declaration” because it could not reconcile the views of the two sides. The Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia pointed out at the meeting: “The Ukraine crisis has led to division and polarization within our ranks; it is not strengthening but undermining and weakening the unity we urgently need.” [39]39 The Socialist Workers’ Party of Croatia is a Marxist-Leninist party founded in 1997. Its statement was made at the 23rd IMCWP in 2023. The divergence of views within the international unity of world communist and workers’ parties has already led to the differentiation and even disintegration of some international united (coordination) organizations, the most representative being the dissolution of the “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe.” The “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe” was established in 2013 under the advocacy of the Communist Party of Greece. The main task of this organization was to study European issues and coordinate the actions of communist and workers’ parties in Europe. Since its establishment, it made certain contributions to the development of the communist movement in Europe. In the past two years, when the “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe” discussed issues such as the root causes, nature, and strategies for dealing with the Ukraine crisis, the divergence of views among member parties continuously expanded, eventually escalating to sharp opposition at the level of stance and principle, rendering the organization unable to continue its activities. At an internal online meeting of the “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe” in September 2023, the Communist Party of Greece unilaterally announced the dissolution of the organization. In a subsequently published article titled “On the Termination of the Activities of the European Communist Initiative and the Role of Opportunism,” it stated that the divergences among the member parties of the “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe” were no longer contradictions within the communist movement; some communist parties, influenced by opportunism in thought and stance, had completely degenerated into spokespersons for imperialist forces. Therefore, it was necessary to break organizationally with these opportunist parties. [40]40 The “Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties of Europe” was a regional coordination body founded in 2013. Its dissolution in 2023 reflected deep splits over the Ukraine crisis among European communist parties. Such an outcome is truly lamentable.

当今世界正经历百年未有之大变局，人类社会面临前所未有的挑战。多国共产党、工人党在面对民族分裂、宗教冲突、局部战争等具体问题时，产生了较大分歧。在各类国际联合会议上，一些共产党因观点的尖锐对立爆发了大规模的公开争论，导致国际联合中的分裂主义倾向凸显，对国际共产主义运动的发展产生了不利影响。例如，共产党和工人党国际会议是当今共产党国际联合中最具代表性、影响力最大的国际组织。从2003年第五次年会开始，共产党和工人党国际会议历次年会都发表了《共同声明》,但是2013年第十五次年会突然出现了中断。这说明，共产党和工人党国际会议内部出现了比较严重的分歧，在相关议题上难以达成有效共识。针对这种情况，在2022年召开的第二十二次会议上，作为主办方的古巴共产党付出了极大努力，多方协调参会的成员党，本着团结包容的原则发表了《共同宣言》。古巴共产党所付出的努力得到了与会政党的赞赏。伊朗杜德党在会后的总结中指出：“在古巴共产党看来，发表最终宣言是国际会议的重要议程，这需要各个党尽力搁置争议，制定一份达到出席会议的所有共产党都能接受的最低要求的宣言，古巴共产党在困难的国际形势下确保了国际共产主义运动的团结。”然而遗憾的是，在2023年召开的第二十三次国际会议上，围绕乌克兰危机问题，参会的共产党之间再次爆发了激烈的争论。一部分共产党认为，乌克兰危机是以美国为首的北约集团发动的针对俄罗斯的战争。俄罗斯的斗争遏制了帝国主义势力的扩张，为发展中国家独立于帝国主义体系而谋求发展作出了贡献；另有一部分共产党则认为，乌克兰危机是两个帝国主义集团为争夺世界资源而进行的斗争，全世界的共产党不应该选边站队，而是要联合起来共同反对这场帝国主义战争。这两派最终发表了观点完全对立的《团结声明》。会议最终因无法调和两派意见而未发表统一的《共同宣言》。克罗地亚社会主义工人党在会议中指出：“乌克兰危机导致了我们队伍的分裂和两极分化，它不是在加强而是在破坏和削弱我们亟须的团结。”世界共产党、工人党国际联合中的观点分歧已然导致了部分国际联合(协调)组织的分化甚至解体，最具代表性的就是“欧洲共产党和工人党倡议”的解散。“欧洲共产党和工人党倡议”是在希腊共产党的倡导下于2013年成立的。该组织的主要任务是研究欧洲的问题，并协调欧洲各共产党和工人党的行动，自成立以来为欧洲的共产主义运动发展作出了一定贡献。近两年来，“欧洲共产党和工人党倡议”在探讨乌克兰危机根源、性质及对待冲突的方针策略等问题时，成员党之间的观点分歧不断扩大，最终上升到立场与原则层面的尖锐对立，致使该组织无法继续开展活动。在2023年9月“欧洲共产党和工人党倡议”的内部线上会议上，希腊共产党突然单方面宣布解散该组织，并在事后公开发表的《论欧洲共产主义倡议活动的终止与机会主义的作用》一文中指出，“欧洲共产党和工人党倡议”成员党之间的分歧，已非共产主义运动内部的矛盾，一些共产党因在思想和立场上受机会主义影响，已经完全沦为帝国主义势力的代言人，因此必须在组织上同这些机会主义政党决裂。这样的结果，不禁令人唏嘘。

In fact, in the course of the international communist movement, due to factors such as historical changes, regional conflicts, and ethnic disputes, it is a frequent and unavoidable phenomenon that communist parties in different countries and regions develop divergent views arising from different perspectives on issues, leading to differences in coping strategies and action plans. At present, communist parties of all countries should adhere to Marx and Engels’ thought on the international unity of the proletariat, draw on the historical experience of proletarian international unity, and, in line with the principle of “voluntary cooperation based on common interests,” set aside disputes, transcend differences, consolidate and expand the foundation of common interests, and build multi-level cooperation platforms. Only by deepening mutual understanding in the process of enhanced cooperation can communist parties achieve the goals of seeking common ground while reserving differences, seeking common ground while respecting differences, and seeking common ground while dissolving differences. Only in this way can the capacity for joint action and the international influence of communist and workers’ parties be continuously strengthened, and the international communist movement advance smoothly.

其实，在国际共产主义运动的历程中，因历史变迁、地区冲突、民族纷争等因素，各国和地区的共产党因观察问题的视角不同而产生观点分歧，进而导致应对策略与行动方案出现差异的现象是经常出现且难以避免的。当前，各国共产党应坚持马克思、恩格斯的无产阶级国际联合思想，借鉴无产阶级国际联合的历史经验，本着“基于共同利益的自愿协作”原则，搁置争议、超越分歧，夯实并扩大共同利益的基础，构筑多层次的合作平台。各国共产党只有在深化合作的过程中增进相互了解，才能达到求同存异、求同尊异、求同化异的目的。唯有如此，共产党、工人党联合行动的能力和国际影响力才能不断增强，国际共产主义运动才能顺利前进。