The Classical Writers’ Thought on the Authority of the Proletarian Party

A survey of the rise and fall of the international communist movement shows that the question of authority has always been an important issue in the building of the proletarian party and the construction of state power. As the Communist Party of China marks its centenary, a serious excavation of the series of expositions by classical Marxist writers on the authority of the proletarian party holds important theoretical significance and practical relevance for strengthening and upholding the centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee in the New Era, advancing the great project of Party building, and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

纵观国际共产主义运动兴衰史，权威问题始终是无产阶级政党建设与国家政权建设中的重要议题。时值中国共产党百年华诞，认真挖掘马克思主义经典作家关于无产阶级政党权威的系列论述，对于新时代加强和维护党中央集中统一领导，推进党的建设伟大工程和实现中华民族伟大复兴具有重要的理论意义和现实针对性。

“Without authority, there can be no concerted action whatsoever”

“没有权威，就不可能有任何的一致行动”

Authority arises from the needs of human survival and development and is an important factor in the consolidation of state rule and the victory of revolution. As early as the 19th century, the Marxist party, as a new type of political party, stepped onto the stage of world history, and “if the proletarian party is truly to become the new social foundation, it must cast off all its own stale and filthy things in the course of revolution.” [1]1 This is a paraphrase of a passage from Marx and Engels’ *The German Ideology* (1845-46), referring to the need for the proletariat to shed the “muck of ages” to become a revolutionary force. Marx and Engels believed that the proletarian party, newly arrived on the political stage, suffered from many inadequacies and therefore required a set of organizational discipline and institutions suited to it, so as to avoid being destroyed by the encirclement of old forces. In June 1847, Marx and Engels transformed the League of the Just into the Communist League, a body of an entirely new character, and at the same time drew up a new League Rules. [2]2 The League of the Just was a secret revolutionary organization of German émigrés founded in 1836. The Communist League, founded in June 1847, was the first international communist organization, for which Marx and Engels wrote *The Communist Manifesto*. These Rules explicitly stated that the Central Committee was the executive authority of the League, responsible for leading local organizations at all levels and all members; committee members and delegates were to be elected; and members must obey all resolutions of the League and keep all secrets. These provisions embodied the organizational principle of the unity of centralized authority and democratic autonomy, and set forth the idea that the management of any public affairs and the existence of any social organization require a certain degree of authority. In the 1860s, as Marxism gained a dominant position in the workers’ movement, resistance and opposition from various opportunist currents also grew increasingly rampant. Even within the international communist movement, a petty-bourgeois political trend represented by Bakunin emerged, advocating unlimited individual freedom and opposition to all authority and all states. [3]3 Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876) was a Russian revolutionary and theorist of anarchism who opposed all forms of state authority and clashed with Marx in the First International. To defend the unity and cohesion of the proletarian movement, Marx and Engels, proceeding from the perspective of capitalist economic relations, set forth the importance of establishing and maintaining authority.

权威伴随着人类生存与发展的需要而产生，是国家统治稳固与革命取得胜利的重要因素。早在19世纪，马克思主义政党作为新型政党就登上世界历史舞台，而“无产阶级政党要想真正成为新的社会基础，必须在革命中抛掉自己身上一切陈腐肮脏的东西”。马克思恩格斯认为，初登政治舞台的无产阶级政党因自身存在诸多不足，必须要有一套与之相适应的组织纪律和制度，以避免其在旧势力的围剿下走向灭亡。1847年6月，马克思恩格斯把正义者同盟改造成具有崭新性质的共产主义者同盟，同时制定了新的同盟章程。该章程明确指出，中央委员会为同盟的权力执行机关，负责领导地方各级组织和全体盟员，委员和代表由选举产生；盟员必须服从同盟的一切决议，保守一切秘密。这些规定体现了集中权威和民主自治相统一的组织原则，阐明了任何公共事务的管理和社会组织的存在都需要具备一定权威的思想。19世纪60年代，随着马克思主义在工人运动中主导地位的增强，各种机会主义思潮的抵触和反对也日益猖獗，国际共产主义运动内部甚至出现了以巴枯宁为代表的小资产阶级政治思潮，其主张个人无限自由和反对一切权威、一切国家。为了捍卫无产阶级运动的团结与统一，马克思恩格斯从资本主义经济关系的视角出发，阐明了确立和维护权威的重要性。

First, the revolution of the proletariat requires authority. In the view of the classical Marxist writer Engels, authority exists objectively in human life: “without authority, there can be no concerted action whatsoever.” The domination of capital over labor and the rules and regulations that arise from it oppress the proletariat, and the proletariat, in making revolution, must use certain organizational principles and employ authority to unite all forces against the rule of the bourgeoisie. At the same time, only by upholding the authority of the proletarian party can it be organized and continue to carry out various revolutionary activities. As Engels put it: “A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is the act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon — authoritarian means, if such there be at all.” [4]4 This is a direct quotation from Engels’ 1873 article “On Authority.” This not only powerfully refuted the views of the anarchists but also proclaimed the inevitability and rationality of the proletarian revolution.

首先，无产阶级的革命需要权威。在马克思主义经典作家恩格斯看来，权威在人类生活中是客观存在的，“没有权威，就不可能有任何的一致行动”。资本对劳动进行统治及其由此形成的规章制度，会对无产阶级造成压迫，而无产阶级进行革命必须通过一定的组织原则，利用权威以联合一切力量来反对资产阶级的统治。同时，只有维护无产阶级政党的权威，才能够组织起来，继续开展各项革命活动。正如恩格斯所言：“革命是一部分人用非常权威手段去强迫另一部分人接受自己的意志。”这不仅有力驳斥了无政府主义者的观点，而且还宣告了无产阶级革命的必然性与合理性。

Second, the dictatorship of the proletariat requires authority. During the period of the First International, the Paris Commune revolution broke out in France. [5]5 The First International (International Workingmen’s Association) was founded in 1864. The Paris Commune was a revolutionary government that ruled Paris from March to May 1871, often cited as the first example of the dictatorship of the proletariat. After the Commune’s defeat, Marx and Engels promptly summed up the experience and lessons of the revolution and expounded in many respects the view that authority is still needed after the victory of the revolution. First, consolidating the new political power requires authority. After its establishment, the Commune would inevitably suffer disruption by the reactionary classes; the proletariat must always firmly grasp the revolutionary armed forces, use the centralized state authority as a weapon to thoroughly smash the bourgeois state machine, and defend and consolidate the newborn revolutionary power. Second, organizing the new political power requires authority. As a new type of state power, the Commune should be a working body that emphasizes practical action and combines legislative and executive functions, not a parliamentary-style institution; after its establishment, the Commune should also become the political form for all localities throughout the country and guarantee national unity institutionally and organizationally. Third, building the new political power requires authority. After the Commune was established, the proletariat should restore and develop the national economy through a series of social transformations, achieve unity inside and outside the Party through political authority, and stabilize social order.

其次，无产阶级专政需要权威。在第一国际期间，法国爆发了巴黎公社革命，公社失败后，马克思恩格斯及时总结革命的经验教训，多方面阐述了革命胜利后仍需要权威的观点。一是巩固新政权需要权威。公社成立后必然会遭受反动阶级的破坏，无产阶级必须始终牢牢掌握革命的武装，以集权的国家权威作为武器去彻底打碎资产阶级国家机器，捍卫和巩固新生的革命政权。二是组织新政权需要权威。作为新型国家政权，公社应当是一个强调实干且兼具立法与行政职能的工作机关，而非议会式的机构，成立后的公社还应当成为全国各个地方的政治形式，并在体制上、组织上保证民族的统一。三是建设新政权需要权威。公社建立后，无产阶级应当通过一系列社会改造来恢复和发展国民经济，通过政治权威实现党内外的团结统一，稳定社会秩序。

Finally, authority and autonomy are dialectically unified. In response to the challenges and condemnations of the anarchists and autonomists, Engels, after examining history, clearly pointed out: “authority and autonomy are relative things; to absolutize either authority or autonomy is absurd.” [6]6 This is a direct quotation from Engels’ “On Authority.” Indeed, the scope of application of authority and autonomy changes with different stages of social development; they are not mutually exclusive but dialectically unified. A certain degree of authority will promote the healthy functioning of autonomy, and the healthy development of autonomy will also advance the great practice of human liberation. In the future process of social development, authority and autonomy will achieve a new unity — that is, centralized authority will be based on autonomy and realized through autonomy. But before the advent of communism, any view opposing authority will be out of place.

最后，权威和自治是辩证统一的。针对无政府主义者、自治论者的诘难和斥责，恩格斯通过考察历史后明确指出：“权威和自治是相对的，将权威和自治绝对化都是荒谬的。”诚然，权威和自治的应用范围随着社会发展阶段不同而改变，它们并非相互排斥而是辩证统一，一定的权威会带动自治的良性运转，自治的良性发展也会推动人类解放的伟大实践。在未来社会发展过程中，权威和自治将会达成一种新的统一，即集中权威会以自治为基础并通过自治实现，但在共产主义到来之前，任何反对权威的观点都将不合时宜。

“Unconditional submission to a single will is absolutely necessary”

“无条件服从统一的意志是绝对必要的”

Building a centralized and unified new-type proletarian party was a fundamental principle consistently upheld by Lenin, and achieving this goal required adhering to unity “in ideology” and “in organization.” In the late 1890s, capitalism gained new development in Russia, and the working class became a powerful political force and revolutionary factor, urgently hoping to organize a unified workers’ party in Russia. It was precisely in the practice of leading the Russian workers’ movement and creating a new-type proletarian party that Lenin concentratedly expounded the importance of upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and centralized, unified leadership, powerfully advancing the revolutionary practice.

建设集中统一的新型无产阶级政党是列宁一贯坚持的根本原则，而实现这一目标必须坚持“思想上”和“组织上”的统一。19世纪90年代末，资本主义在俄国获得新的发展，工人阶级成为强有力的政治力量和革命因素，迫切希望在俄国组织统一的工人政党。列宁正是在领导俄国工人运动和创建新型无产阶级政党的实践中集中阐释了维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的重要性，有力推动了革命实践。

First, establish the authority of the party and adhere to the principle of democratic centralism. Shortly after the founding of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, Lenin, in response to the state of organizational laxity, divergent opinions, and ideological confusion within the party, proposed rebuilding a centralized and unified Marxist workers’ party. [7]7 The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was founded in 1898. It later split into Bolshevik (Leninist) and Menshevik factions. In *What Is to Be Done?*, he first criticized the fallacies of the “Economist” faction (also called the Economists) and its followers, who blindly worshipped the spontaneous workers’ movement, drew a clear line with them ideologically, and argued that the party should be a centralized, unified, tightly organized, and strictly disciplined organization, completely discarding the tradition of a purely workers’ and trade-union type of Social Democratic organization. [8]8 *What Is to Be Done?* (1902) is a key Leninist text arguing for a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, as opposed to a mass party focused on trade-union struggles. At the same time, Lenin, based on Russian realities, creatively proposed that the party organization should consist of two parts: one part was a solid, centralized, and combatant organization of revolutionaries, whose professionalization presupposed centralization and absolutely required centralization; the other part was a broad network of local party organizations, with open and semi-open mass organizations established on the periphery of the tight party organization. This clearly embodied Lenin’s proposition of establishing a centralized and authoritative party. Furthermore, Lenin further clarified that the organizational principle of the new-type party was democratic centralism, advocating that the party’s authority be established on the basis of full democracy in accordance with the principles of the individual submitting to the organization, the minority submitting to the majority, the lower level submitting to the higher level, and the entire party submitting to the Central Committee. The document that formally reflected this party-building thought was *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, written by him in 1904, in which he stated: “To ensure unity within the party and the centralization of party work, organizational unity is also necessary.” [9]9 *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back* (1904) is a Leninist work defending the principle of democratic centralism against the Mensheviks’ looser organizational model. Here, the centralism emphasized by Lenin was mainly embodied in the unity of democracy and centralism, freedom and discipline; it was not contradictory to democracy, but mainly opposed the anarchist system of autonomy. Under the historical conditions of the time, this proposition not only overcame the state of laxity and circle mentality, ensured the party’s combat effectiveness, but also provided a powerful weapon for the organizational construction of the proletariat.

第一，树立政党权威，坚持民主集中制原则。俄国社会民主工党成立后不久，列宁针对党内存在的组织涣散、意见分歧和思想混乱的状况，提出要重建一个集中统一的马克思主义工人政党。他在《怎么办？》中首先批判了盲目崇拜自发式工人运动的“经济主义”一派（又称经济派）及其信徒的谬论，在思想上与他们划清了界限，认为政党应该是集中统一、组织严密又纪律严明的组织，完全摒弃了那种纯粹工人式和工会式的社会民主党组织的传统。同时，列宁还根据俄国实际，创造性地提出党组织应该由两部分组成：一部分是牢固、集中、战斗的革命家组织，该组织的专业化以集中化为前提且绝对需要集中化。另一部分是广泛的地方党组织网，并在严密党组织的外围建立起公开、半公开的群众性组织。这里明确体现了列宁建立集中统一的权威政党的主张。此外，列宁进一步阐明新型政党的组织原则是民主集中制，主张要按照个人服从组织、下级服从上级、少数服从多数、全党服从中央的原则，保证在充分民主基础上建立政党权威。正式反映这一建党思想的文献是他在1904年撰写的《进一步，退两步》，书中提道：“为了保证党内的团结和党的工作集中化，还需要有组织上的统一。”这里，列宁所强调的集中制主要体现为民主与集中、自由与纪律的统一，其同民主制并非矛盾，主要是反对无政府主义的自治制。在当时的历史环境下，这一主张不仅克服了涣散状态和小组习气，保证了党的战斗力，而且为无产阶级组织建设提供了有力武器。

Second, uphold and respect the authority of the Party Central Committee and the leader, and oppose factional activities. In Lenin’s view, first, the authority of the Central Committee and the leader must be upheld. The Central Committee, as the leading core of the entire Party, cannot achieve the Party’s centralized unity if its decisions are not recognized and implemented by the entire Party. Party organizations at all levels and all Party members consciously upholding the authority of the Central Committee is an important guarantee for the proletariat to achieve unity and win victory in revolution and construction. Furthermore, it is difficult for the proletariat “to attain a ruling position without putting forward political leaders and advanced representatives who are skilled in organizing and leading the movement.” [10]10 V. I. Lenin, “What Is to Be Done?” (1902), *Collected Works*, Vol. 5, p. 375. On the one hand, the leader, as the authority of the revolutionary class, possesses rich theoretical achievements and practical experience, and can guide the entire Party to unify its will and action; on the other hand, the leader, as the core of the Party and the guide of the people, enjoys relatively high prestige, facilitating the organization and education of the worker and peasant masses to enhance their revolutionary consciousness. If the proletariat lacks the leadership of a leader, the revolution will be very difficult to complete. Second, the Party’s discipline and statutes must be observed. Regarding Party discipline, Lenin pointed out: “Only such discipline as combines unity of action with freedom of discussion and criticism is the discipline proper to a proletarian party.” [11]11 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Youth Leagues” (1920), *Collected Works*, Vol. 31, p. 284. He advocated that all Party members, regardless of rank, must strictly obey the commands of the Central Committee, unconditionally and without exception recognize Party discipline, and oppose any call that undermines unity of action. Regarding the Party’s statutes, as “the formal expression of the organization,” [12]12 V. I. Lenin, “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back” (1904), *Collected Works*, Vol. 7, p. 396. only by strictly observing this code of conduct and basic regulations can the entire Party shake off the narrow circle state previously maintained by “connections” and “trust,” and ensure the advanced nature of Party organizations and Party members. Finally, any factional activities must be opposed. After the end of the Russian Civil War, the focus of work of the newborn Soviet regime shifted, requiring the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) to unify the thinking of the entire Party and concentrate its efforts on social construction. However, at this time, factional activities that weakened the Party’s authority, deviated from the Party’s demands, and distracted the Party’s attention emerged within the Party, giving rise to opportunist factions such as the “Workers’ Opposition” and the “Buffer Group,” [13]13 The “Workers’ Opposition” was a faction within the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) active from 1920 to 1922 that argued for transferring economic management to trade unions; the “Buffer Group” was a short-lived faction led by Leon Trotsky and others that sought to mediate between the Party leadership and the Workers’ Opposition during the 1921 Party Congress. which exhibited anarchist characteristics. For this reason, Lenin pointed out: “Any factional activity is harmful and impermissible.” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government” (1918), *Collected Works*, Vol. 27, p. 245. While promoting inner-Party democracy, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) must also uphold the authority of the Party Central Committee, “put an end to all factional activity,” [15]15 Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), “On Party Unity” (March 1921). ensure the concentration of the Central Committee’s will and decisions, and achieve the maximum degree of Party unity.

第二，维护和尊重党中央与领袖的权威，反对派别活动。在列宁看来，首先，必须维护中央、领袖权威。中央作为全党的领导核心，若中央的决定得不到全党的认同和贯彻执行，就不可能实现党的集中统一。各级党组织及全体党员自觉维护中央权威是无产阶级实现统一并取得革命和建设胜利的重要保证。此外，无产阶级“若不推举出善于组织和领导运动的政治领袖和先进代表，也很难取得统治地位”。一方面，领袖作为革命阶级的权威，具有丰富的理论建树和实践经验，可以指导全党统一意志和行动；另一方面，领袖作为政党的核心和人民的向导，具有较高的威信，便于组织教育工农大众提升革命意识，无产阶级若缺乏领袖的领导，革命将很难完成。其次，必须遵守党的纪律和章程。关于党的纪律，列宁指出：“只有行动一致，讨论和批评自由这样的纪律才是无产阶级政党应有的纪律。”他主张全体党员不分上下必须严格听从中央的指挥，无例外、无条件地承认党的纪律，反对任何破坏一致行动的号召。关于党的章程，其作为“组织的形式表现”，全党只有严格遵守这个行为规范和基本法规，才能摆脱以往靠“关系”和“信任”来维系的狭隘的小组状态，确保党组织和党员的先进性。最后，必须反对任何派别活动。俄国国内战争结束后，新生的苏维埃政权工作重心发生转移，要求俄共（布）统一全党思想，集中精力进行社会建设，但此时党内出现了削弱党的权威、背离党的要求、分散党的注意力等派别活动，产生了“工人反对派”“缓冲派”等机会主义派别，呈现出无政府主义特点。为此，列宁指出：“任何派别活动都是有害的，不能容许的”，俄共（布）在发扬党内民主的同时也要维护党中央的权威，“取缔一切派别活动”，保证党中央的意志和决策集中，最大程度实现党的统一。

In summary, the logical construction of the thought of classical Marxist writers on the authority of the proletarian party has enlightening significance for the organizational discipline construction of the Communist Party of China, enabling the Party, in the process of drawing upon and learning from this thought, to gradually form a scientific, complete, and effectively operating institutional system. In the New Era, our Party, in practice, has integrated Marxist thought on authority, timely proposed the “Two Upholds,” [16]16 The “Two Upholds” (两个维护) refers to the political requirement to uphold General Secretary Xi Jinping’s core position on the Party Central Committee and in the Party as a whole, and to uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. and elevated it to the level of the institutional system. Facing changes unseen in a century in the world, the Communist Party of China, as a century-old major party, must see the inner essence of things beneath complex and confusing appearances, carry out the great struggle with many new historical features, and strive to advance on the new journey of comprehensively building a modern socialist country. To do so, it must always place the Party’s leadership in the primary position, resolutely uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Party Central Committee, adhere to the people-centered development thought, unswervingly advance comprehensive and strict governance of the Party, and achieve true, strict, bold, and sustained governance.

总之，马克思主义经典作家关于无产阶级政党权威思想的逻辑建构，对中国共产党的组织纪律建设具有启发意义，使党在撷取与借鉴这一思想的过程中逐渐形成科学完备、运行有效的制度体系。新时代，我们党在实践中结合马克思主义权威思想，适时提出“两个维护”，并将其提升至制度层面的高度。面对世界百年未有之大变局，作为百年大党的中国共产党要在纷繁复杂的表象中看到事物发展的内在本质，进行具有新的历史特点的伟大斗争，奋力推进全面建设社会主义现代化国家新征程，就必须始终将党的领导放在首要位置，坚决维护党中央的权威和集中统一领导，坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，坚定不移推进全面从严治党，做到真管真严、敢管敢严、长管长严。

Web editor: Paul

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