The *Guide* Weekly and the Early Dissemination of Marxism in China

Party newspapers and periodicals are key positions for recording the currents of the times, guiding public opinion, and defending the mainstream ideology; they are companions, witnesses, and recorders of the Party’s struggle. On September 13, 1922, the *Guide* Weekly, the first political organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, was founded. It was forced to cease publication in July 1927 due to Wang Jingwei’s betrayal of the revolution. Its editorial offices moved from Shanghai to Beijing, Guangzhou, Wuhan, and elsewhere, traversing north and south over nearly five years, publishing a total of 201 issues. It featured columns such as “Current Events Commentary,” “China in a Week,” “World in a Week,” “Iron Pen,” “Correspondence from Various Places,” and “Voice of Readers.”

党报党刊是记录时代风云、进行舆论引导、捍卫主流意识形态的关键阵地，是党的奋斗历程的同行者、见证者和记录者。1922年 9月 13日，中共中央第一份政治机关报《向导》周报创刊，1927年 7月因汪精卫背叛革命而被迫停刊，社址经上海、北京、广州、武汉等地，辗转南北，历时近 5年，共出版 201期，设有“时事短评”“中国一周”“世界一周”“寸铁”“各地通讯”“读者之声”等栏目。

The *Guide* persisted in publication and distribution under harsh revolutionary conditions and gathered the Party’s first-rate Marxist theorists and propagandists of the time. From an initial circulation of only a few thousand copies, it reached a peak of over 100,000 copies. It played an important role in spreading Marxism-Leninism, publicizing the policies and propositions of the Communist Party of China, and guiding the Chinese workers’ movement. It was a faithful and courageous “guide” for the Chinese revolution, praised by readers as “a beacon in the dark society of China.”

《向导》在严酷的革命环境下坚持出版发行，且荟萃了当时党内第一流的马克思主义理论家、宣传家，从最初仅发行数千份，到最多时达 10万余份，在传播马克思列宁主义、宣传中国共产党的政策主张、指导中国工人运动等方面发挥了重要作用，是中国革命忠实而勇敢的“向导”，被读者赞扬为“黑暗的中国社会的一盏明灯”。

This article comprehensively utilizes historical materials from newspapers and periodicals and related documents, placing the *Guide* within the historical context of the early dissemination of Marxism for examination, and explores the historical contributions of the *Guide* to the early spread of Marxism in China.

本文综合运用报刊史料和相关文献，将《向导》置于马克思主义早期传播的历史语境中作一考察，探讨《向导》对马克思主义在中国早期传播的历史贡献。

I. Propagating and Elucidating Marxist-Leninist Theory and Practice and the Revolutionary Propositions of the Communist Party of China

一、宣传阐释马克思列宁主义理论与实践以及中国共产党的革命主张

Marxism possesses distinct scientificity and truth, affinity to the people and practicality, openness and contemporaneity; it is a powerful ideological weapon guiding us to understand the world, grasp laws, pursue truth, and transform the world. From its very founding, the Communist Party of China has clearly inscribed Marxism on its banner and, in practice, more systematically disseminated and applied Marxism. Party newspapers and periodicals are important cultural vehicles aiding the early dissemination of Marxism. As the newspaper with the longest continuous publication among those founded by the CPC in its early days, the *Guide* played an important role in propagating Marxism-Leninism.

马克思主义具有鲜明的科学性和真理性、人民性和实践性、开放性和时代性，是指导我们认识世界、把握规律、追求真理、改造世界的强大思想武器。中国共产党一经成立，就把马克思主义鲜明地写在自己的旗帜上，并在实践中更为系统地传播和运用马克思主义。党报党刊是助力马克思主义早期传播的重要文化载体。《向导》作为中国共产党在成立初期创办的坚持正常出版时间最长的报刊，在宣传马克思列宁主义方面发挥了重要作用。

(1) Actively Elucidating the Basic Theories of Marxism-Leninism

（一）积极阐发马克思列宁主义基本理论

The *Guide* systematically propagated and elucidated the basic theories of Marxism-Leninism. Among the 1,474 articles it published, 171 directly or indirectly elucidated the dialectical unity between the economic base and the superstructure, 23 articles elucidated the Marxist theory of class struggle, 30 articles elucidated the distinction between proletarian revolution and bourgeois revolution, and 15 articles elucidated the historical materialist view that the masses create history.

《向导》对马克思列宁主义基本理论进行了系统的宣传和阐发。其所刊登的 1474篇文章中，171篇文章直接或间接地阐发经济基础与上层建筑的辩证统一关系，23篇文章阐发马克思主义的阶级斗争学说，30篇文章阐发无产阶级革命与资产阶级革命的区别，15篇文章阐发人民群众创造历史的唯物史观等。

For example, the *Guide* published articles stating: “Political changes in an era are based on economic changes in that era; therefore, the democratic revolution in modern political history is merely the companion of the industrial revolution in economic history”; “This economic change is by no means momentary; it must undergo a long gestation, fermenting to a certain degree before it becomes unstoppable. Only when a new economic system emerges and a new class completely attains ruling status can social equilibrium be restored”; “To carry out a national revolution, one must follow certain revolutionary steps—from mobilizing the masses to organizing them, training them, and then arming them, overthrowing the ruling class, and seizing political power,” and so on.

比如，《向导》发文指出：“一个时代的政治变化，有一个时代的经济变化为基础，所以近世政治史上的民主革命，不过是经济史上产业革命的伴侣”；“这种经济变动又绝不是一时的，必经过长久的酝酿，酝酿到一定的程度才一发不可收拾，必待新经济制度产生，新阶级完全取得统治地位，那时社会的平衡才得恢复”；“作国民革命，必得按照一定革命步骤——由宣传群众而组织群众，训练群众以至武装群众，打倒统治阶级，取得政权”，等等。

Furthermore, the *Guide* planned and published special issues for concentrated dissemination of Leninism. Issue No. 99 of the *Guide* published a “Special Issue Commemorating the First Anniversary of Lenin’s Death,” and Issue No. 184 published a “Special Issue Commemorating the Third Anniversary of Lenin’s Death,” featuring articles such as “Lenin on the Liberation Movement of Eastern Peoples” and “Is Leninism Unsuitable for China’s So-Called ‘National Conditions’?” These provided detailed introductions to Lenin’s theory of imperialism, the New Economic Policy, and his theory on the national and colonial questions.

此外，《向导》策划和出版了专号特刊对列宁主义进行集中传播。《向导》第 99期出版了“列宁逝世一周纪念特刊”，第 184期出版了“列宁逝世三周年纪念特刊”，发表了《列宁论东方民族的解放运动》《列宁主义是否不合适于中国的所谓“国情”？》等文章，详实地介绍了列宁的帝国主义论、新经济政策与民族和殖民地问题的理论等。

For instance, the *Guide* published articles stating: “In 1921, Lenin resolutely proposed to the Communist Party and the Soviet government to shift from War Communism to the New Economic Policy, permitting domestic trade, abolishing the grain requisition system, and replacing it with a tax in kind on grain”; Lenin proposed that “the weak and small nations of the Eastern colonies or semi-colonies can only find a way out by uniting around Soviet power and launching an offensive against imperialism”; “Lenin’s prophecy on the Eastern revolution and its nature has not only been realized internationally but has also become the cornerstone of the world political situation,” and so on. The *Guide*’s interpretation and elucidation of the basic theories of Marxism-Leninism provided important theoretical resources for the Party’s exploration of the path of the Chinese revolution.

例如，《向导》发文指出：“在一九二一年列宁坚决地向共产党和苏维埃政府提议，从军事共产主义转到新经济政策，准许国内贸易，取消粮食均配法，而代之以粮食课税法”；列宁提出“东方殖民地或半殖民地的弱小民族，只有团结起来环绕在苏维埃政权的周围，向帝国主义进攻才是出路”；“列宁论东方革命及其性质的预言，不仅已见诸国际，且为世界政局柱石”，等等。《向导》对马克思列宁主义基本理论的解读和阐释，为党探索中国革命道路提供了重要的理论资源。

(2) Introducing and Analyzing the Russian October Revolution and the Liberation Movements of Oppressed Peoples

（二）介绍和分析俄国十月革命和被压迫民族解放运动

To strengthen the propaganda of the Party’s policies and principles, our Party in 1923 made a division of labor in propaganda between the central organs of the Party and the Youth League. Among these, the *Guide* was characterized as “the organ for criticism and propaganda on domestic and international current affairs.” Commenting on and reporting major domestic and international current events was an important manifestation of the *Guide*’s journalistic philosophy of “earnestly calling out to the nation with the four slogans: unity, peace, freedom, and independence.”

为了加强对党的方针政策的宣传，我们党在 1923年曾对党和团的中央机关报作了宣传上的分工。其中，把《向导》定性为“国内外时事的批评宣传机关”。对国内外重大时事进行评论与报道，是《向导》“谨以统一、和平、自由、独立四个标语呼号于国民之前”办报理念的重要体现。

In 1917, the October Socialist Revolution broke out in Russia, establishing Soviet power and becoming an epoch-making event in human history. After the October Revolution, the struggles for liberation by the proletariat, oppressed peoples, and oppressed nations of various countries surged vigorously. The October Revolution held important guiding significance for the Chinese revolution. Therefore, introducing and analyzing the Russian October Revolution and the liberation movements of oppressed peoples inevitably became an important component of the early dissemination of Marxism.

1917年，俄国爆发十月社会主义革命，建立苏维埃政权，成为人类历史上的划时代事件。十月革命后 ,各国无产阶级、被压迫人民、被压迫民族争取解放的斗争蓬勃高涨。十月革命对中国革命有着重要的指导意义。因此，介绍和分析俄国十月革命和被压迫民族解放运动，势必成为马克思主义早期传播的重要组成部分。

In response, the *Guide* published over ten related articles and planned and published a “Special Issue on the October Revolution,” profoundly elucidating the advanced nature, great contributions, and important significance of the October Revolution.

对此，《向导》刊登 10余篇相关文章，并策划和出版了“十月革命特刊”，对十月革命的先进性质、伟大贡献和重要意义进行了深刻阐释。

On the one hand, the *Guide* provided further interpretation of the October Revolution. The *Guide* published articles stating: “The Russian Revolution is the most important event in modern history and is an essential step towards building a socialist society”; “The October Revolution is the product of Leninism”; “‘Leninism’ is our weapon, and the ‘October Revolution’ is our path.”

一方面，《向导》对十月革命作出进一步解读。《向导》发文指出，“俄国革命是近世史上一件最重要的事情，并且是构成到社会主义社会的重要步骤”；“十月革命就是列宁主义的产品”，“‘列宁主义’是我们的武器，‘十月革命’是我们的大道”。

Thanks to the vigorous propaganda of the *Guide* and other publications, not only did Lenin’s works and theories receive greater attention from the Chinese people, but it also inspired our Party to use the Marxist worldview and methodology to think about the issues of the Chinese revolution, in order to formulate revolutionary strategies suited to the country’s own national conditions.

在《向导》等刊物的大力宣传下，不仅列宁的著作和理论受到了国人更多的重视，而且启发我们党运用马克思主义的世界观和方法论思考中国革命问题，以制定符合本国国情的革命策略。

On the other hand, the *Guide* provided a detailed exposition of the relationship between the Chinese revolution and the world revolution. The *Guide* published multiple articles analyzing the need for the Chinese revolution to unite with the world revolution. For example, one article stated: “Only when the Chinese revolutionary movement merges with the world revolutionary movement can the Chinese revolution succeed and the problems of the Chinese revolution be truly resolved”; “All weak and small nations everywhere should rise up promptly, unite with the already victorious Soviet nationalities, and join forces to thoroughly overthrow all imperialists and their running dogs in the world,” and so on.

另一方面，《向导》对中国革命与世界革命的关系作出详细论述。《向导》刊发多篇文章剖析中国革命需与世界革命相联合。比如，刊文指出：“中国革命运动与世界革命运动汇合，中国革命才能成功，中国革命问题才能真正解决”；“各地一切弱小民族应当急起直追，联合已得胜利的苏联各民族，合力彻底颠覆世界上一切帝国主义及其走狗”，等等。

The *Guide* clarified that the Chinese revolution was a part of the world proletarian revolution, pointing out that the Chinese revolution must mutually assist the world proletarian revolution and national liberation movements, continuously strengthen the forces of the proletariat, and wage the most resolute and thorough struggle against imperialism, only then could it ultimately usher in the bright prospect of achieving national independence and people’s liberation.

《向导》阐明了中国革命是世界无产阶级革命的一部分，指明中国革命必须与世界无产阶级革命、民族解放运动互相援助，不断壮大无产阶级力量，同帝国主义进行最坚决最彻底的斗争，才能最终迎来实现民族独立和人民解放的光明前景。

(3) Propagating and Elucidating the Revolutionary Propositions of the Communist Party of China

（三）宣传和阐释中国共产党的革命主张

Marxism can exert its immense power only when it is integrated with China’s concrete realities, through the two-way interaction of theory and practice. In July 1922, the Second National Congress of the Party adopted important documents such as the “Manifesto of the Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China” and the “Constitution of the Communist Party of China,” which for the first time put forward a clear democratic revolutionary program of opposing imperialism and feudalism, preliminarily elucidated the nature, targets, forces, strategy, tasks, and objectives of the Chinese revolution at that time, and pointed out the future of the Chinese revolution. The *Guide*, founded shortly after the conclusion of the Second National Congress, actively played a role in propagating the Party’s revolutionary propositions such as the democratic revolutionary program.

马克思主义只有同中国具体实际相结合，在理论与实践的双向互动中才能发挥出它的巨大威力。1922年 7月，党的二大通过了《中国共产党第二次全国代表大会宣言》和《中国共产党章程》等重要文件，第一次提出了明确的反帝反封建的民主革命纲领，初步阐明了当时中国革命的性质、对象、动力、策略、任务和目标，指明了中国革命的前途。党的二大闭幕后不久即创办的《向导》，在宣传民主革命纲领等党的革命主张方面积极发挥作用。

First, the *Guide* further elucidated the roots of the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of modern Chinese society. “To understand China’s national conditions is the fundamental basis for understanding all revolutionary problems.” [1]1 Wang Jingwei (1883–1944) was a prominent early member of the Kuomintang (KMT) who later collaborated with the Japanese during the Second Sino-Japanese War; his defection in 1927 marked a major split in the Nationalist-Communist united front. Through its analysis of China’s economic and political conditions, the Second National Congress of the CPC pointed out that “capitalist imperialism and the feudal forces of warlords and bureaucrats” were the root cause of the people’s life in dire straits, thereby revealing the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of Chinese society.

其一，《向导》对近代中国社会的半殖民地半封建性质的根源作了进一步阐明。“认清中国的国情，乃是认清一切革命问题的基本的根据。”党的二大通过对中国经济政治状况的分析，指出“资本帝国主义和军阀官僚的封建势力”，是造成中国人民身处水深火热生活的根源，进而揭示出中国社会的半殖民地半封建性质。

Regarding the deep relationship between international imperialism and the warlords, the *Guide* published an article stating that international imperialism “is the driving force behind the existence of warlords, national division, and perpetual internal strife”; that international imperialists “use warlords to create a fragmented Chinese situation, all for the purpose of turning China into a pure colony.” Therefore, it is necessary to “unite the forces of the people to overthrow the Northern Warlords and extinguish the ambitions of international imperialism to invade China.”

对国际帝国主义与军阀的深层关系，《向导》发文指出，国际帝国主义“是军阀存在、国家分裂、内乱永续的原动力”；国际帝国主义者“利用军阀造成四分五裂的中国局势，为的都是将中国化为纯粹的殖民地为目的”，因此，要“联合民众的势力，来打倒北洋军阀，灭绝国际帝国主义侵略中国的野心”。

Second, the *Guide* propagated the forces upon which the Chinese revolution should rely. For example, articles pointed out that “intervening in politics should be the task of the Chinese working class. The working class should be the creator of a new China”; “only the worker

其二，《向导》对中国革命的依靠力量进行了宣传。比如，刊文指出，“干涉政治应该是中国工人阶级之任务。工人阶级应该是新中国之创造者”；“只有工农阶级是忠于反帝国主义和民族革命的台柱子”；“中国的民族革命运动，非得到农民大群众参加，也不会成功”，等等。也就是说，中国革命必须在具有强烈革命愿望、强大革命动力和顽强革命精神的无产阶级的领导下，充分动员全体中国人民广泛参与，才能赢得最终胜利。

Third, *The Guide* played a role in guiding public opinion in promoting the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. After the policy of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation was established, a very strong atmosphere of opposition to Kuomintang-Communist cooperation prevailed among certain so-called "socialists." They believed that the Kuomintang "hangs out a red signboard but sells yellow goods underneath," and that the Communist Party joining it was "carrying a shallow speculative psychology to sneak into the so-called democratic party with the deepest-rooted bad habits—this is simply too ridiculous." Some even argued that the Kuomintang should be abandoned in favor of cooperation with Chen Jiongming, urging Chen Jiongming to "unceremoniously and ungraciously implement a separatist regime." [3]3 Chen Jiongming (1878–1933) was a Chinese warlord and politician who initially allied with Sun Yat-sen but later broke with him, advocating a federalist model of provincial autonomy.

其三，《向导》在推动第一次国共合作中发挥了舆论引导作用。国共合作政策确立后，在一些所谓的“社会主义者”中反对国共合作的气氛非常浓厚，他们认为，国民党“挂的是赤色的招牌，却卖底黄色底货物”，共产党加入其中是“挟着肤浅的投机心理潜身于劣根性最深的所谓民主派中，未免太滑稽了”。甚至有人认为应抛弃国民党，和陈炯明合作，劝陈炯明应“落落老不客气地实行割据”。

In response to these erroneous views, *The Guide* published articles pointing out that this "has simply abandoned the revolutionary standpoint, revealing a serious reactionary coloration, and is a base act insulting socialism"; "to transform society, the first thing to pay attention to is the objective current situation; it is absolutely not something that romantic socialism can accomplish." In China, "the national revolution is the most urgent demand at present." These commentaries and explanations played a positive role in eliminating some people's mistaken concepts and thereby supporting Kuomintang-Communist cooperation.

针对这些错误论调，《向导》发文指出，这“简直离开了革命的立场现出严重的反动色彩，而且是侮辱社会主义的卑污行为”；“改造社会，第一要注意客观的现状，绝不是浪漫的社会主义所能济事的”，在中国，“国民革命乃是目前至急的要求”。这些评论和阐释，对于摒除一些人的错误观念，进而支持国共合作，发挥了积极作用。

Furthermore, issues 48 to 50 of *The Guide* consecutively featured a special column titled "News on the Reorganization of the Kuomintang," reprinting the *Manifesto on the Reorganization of the Chinese Kuomintang*, the *Draft Program of the Chinese Kuomintang*, and the *Draft Constitution of the Chinese Kuomintang*. After the First National Congress of the Kuomintang was convened, the combined issue 53 and 54 of *The Guide* reprinted the *Manifesto of the First National Congress of the Chinese Kuomintang* and published commentaries. This played an important role during the period of the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation in strengthening positive propaganda to guide public opinion and jointly promoting the arrival of the climax of the Great Revolution. [4]4 The Great Revolution (1924–1927) refers to the first period of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation aimed at overthrowing the Beiyang warlords and imperialist influence in China.

此外，《向导》第 48期至第50期连续设置“国民党改组消息”专栏，转载了《中国国民党改组宣言》《中国国民党党纲草案》《中国国民党章程草案》。国民党一大召开后，《向导》第 53期和第 54期合刊转载了《中国国民党全国代表大会宣言》，并发表评论。这对于第一次国共合作期间，加强正面宣传引导舆论，共同推动大革命高潮的到来，发挥了重要作用。

*The Guide* took as its mission to speak out against the aggression of imperialism and the oppression of feudal warlords, persistently propagating Marxist-Leninist theory and practice, as well as the revolutionary propositions of the Chinese Communist Party, in a China as dark and turbulent as a stormy night. The Chinese Communists involved in running the newspaper were steadfast practitioners of Marxism. They persisted in spreading ideas, building consensus, and continuously expanding and improving the readership of the newspaper's content, the reach of its ideas, and the technical means of its dissemination under difficult historical conditions. Through the extensive propaganda of Party newspapers and periodicals such as *The Guide*, early Chinese Communists continuously elevated their own theoretical level in the process of studying, disseminating, and interpreting Marxism, laying an important ideological foundation for exploring the path of the Chinese revolution.

《向导》以为反抗帝国主义的侵略和封建军阀的压迫而发声为己任，在风雨如晦的中国坚持不懈地宣传马克思列宁主义理论与实践，以及中国共产党的革命主张。参与办报的中国共产党人是马克思主义的坚定践行者，他们在艰难的时代环境下坚持传播思想、凝聚共识，不断扩大和提升报纸版面信息的受众面、思想的覆盖面和传播的技术手段。经由《向导》等党报党刊的广泛宣传，早期中国共产党人在学习、传播与阐释马克思主义的过程中不断提升自身理论水平，为探索中国革命道路奠定了重要思想基础。

II. Analyzing and Refuting the Erroneous Propositions of "Dai Jitaoism" and the "Nationalist Faction"

二、剖析和批驳“戴季陶主义”和“国家主义派”的错误主张

After the realization of the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, with the continuous increase in the influence of the Chinese Communist Party, Marxism also achieved broader dissemination. At the same time, Marxism faced the severe challenge of being constantly besieged. The erroneous propositions of "Dai Jitaoism" and the "Nationalist Faction" were the main ideological adversaries of Marxism during this period. *The Guide* published articles analyzing and refuting these two anti-Marxist trends of thought, defending the Marxist view of the state, the theory of class struggle, and historical materialism, and powerfully demonstrating that Marxism was a scientific ideological weapon that conformed to the reality and needs of the Chinese revolution.

第一次国共合作实现以后，随着中国共产党影响力的不断提高，马克思主义也得到了更大范围的传播。与此同时，马克思主义也面临着被不断围攻的严峻挑战，“戴季陶主义”和“国家主义派”的错误主张便是这一时期马克思主义在思想界的主要交锋者。《向导》发文对这两种反马克思主义思潮进行了剖析和批驳，捍卫了马克思主义国家观、阶级斗争学说以及唯物史观，有力地论证了马克思主义是符合中国革命实际和需要的科学思想武器。

(A) Analyzing and Refuting "Dai Jitaoism"

（一）剖析和批驳“戴季陶主义”

Alongside the rapid development of the revolutionary situation, the rightists within the Kuomintang intensified their anti-communist activities. Dai Jitao had joined the Tongmenghui in his early years and had followed Sun Yat-sen in revolutionary work, being regarded as a "theorist" within the Kuomintang. After Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, he once expressed support for the three major policies of "alliance with Russia, alliance with the Communists, and assistance to the peasants and workers." However, as the revolution deepened, his rightist nature was exposed. In June and July 1925, Dai Jitao successively published pamphlets such as *The Philosophical Foundation of Sun Yat-senism* and *The National Revolution and the Chinese Kuomintang*. He claimed that the philosophical foundation of Sun Yat-sen's doctrine was "the thought of benevolence, righteousness, and morality inherited from Yao, Shun, through Confucius and Mencius, which had been interrupted"; "benevolence and love are the innate nature of humanity," and anyone who discovered their own benevolent and loving heart could "strive for the suffering peasants and workers." [5]5 Yao and Shun were legendary sage emperors in ancient Chinese tradition, often invoked as models of virtuous rule.

在革命形势迅速发展的同时，国民党内的右派加紧了反共活动。戴季陶早年参加同盟会，曾追随孙中山从事革命工作，在国民党内被认为是一个“理论家”。国共合作后，他曾一度表示拥护“联俄、联共、扶助农工”三大政策。但随着革命的深入发展，他的右派面目暴露出来。1925年六七月间，戴季陶先后出版《孙文主义之哲学的基础》《国民革命与中国国民党》等小册子。他声称：孙中山学说的哲学基础是“继承尧舜以至孔孟而中绝的仁义道德的思想”；“仁爱是人类的生性”，任何人只要发现自己的仁爱心，就“能够为受痛苦的农夫工人努力”。

He opposed the Marxist theory of class struggle, arguing that the national revolution meant "advocating that people of all classes should abandon their class nature and restore their national nature." He opposed Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, demanding that Communist Party members who had already joined the Kuomintang "withdraw from all political parties and become pure Kuomintang members." This was the so-called "Dai Jitaoism."

他反对马克思主义的阶级斗争学说，认为国民革命是“主张各阶级的人，要抛弃了他的阶级性，恢复他的国民性”。他反对国共合作，要求已加入国民党的共产党员“脱离一切党派，作单纯的国民党党员”。这就是所谓“戴季陶主义”。

These theoretical understandings completely deviated from the revolutionary spirit of Sun Yat-sen's later years and from the program and policies established by the First National Congress of the Kuomintang. In reality, they were the public opinion preparation made by the Kuomintang rightists to attack and exclude the Communist Party and seize the leadership of the revolution. After "Dai Jitaoism" emerged, it immediately caused a great stir in Shanghai and Guangzhou, prompting the gradual gathering of anti-communist elements within the Kuomintang, and it was praised as the "highest theory" by some anti-communist upper-level Kuomintang members.

这些理论认识完全背离孙中山晚年思想的革命精神，背离国民党一大确立的纲领和政策，实际上是国民党右派打击和排斥共产党、夺取革命领导权而作的舆论准备。“戴季陶主义”出笼后，立即在上海和广州引起很大反响，促使国民党内的反共分子逐渐聚集起来，并被一部分反共的国民党上层分子捧为“最高理论”。

In response, Chinese Communists published a large number of articles for powerful exposure and criticism, many of which were published in *The Guide*. In September 1925, *The Guide* published Chen Duxiu's "A Letter to Dai Jitao." Regarding Dai Jitao's so-called "benevolent and loving heart" argument, the article pointed out, "This is simply a ghostly talk to deceive the peasants and workers! ... If this thing called a 'benevolent and loving heart' could solve the problems of actual conflicts of interest in the world, then it could be used to move the Qing court to cede power to the Han people; it could also be used to move the Northern warlords to respect civil rights; it could also be used to move the imperialists to liberate the weak and small nations, leading them to voluntarily abolish all unequal treaties."

对此，中国共产党人发表了大量文章进行有力的揭露和批判，其中有不少文章就发表在《向导》上。1925年 9月，《向导》刊发陈独秀的《给戴季陶的一封信》，对于戴季陶的所谓“仁爱心”论调，文章指出，“这简直是欺骗工农群众的鬼话！……‘仁爱之心’这种东西，如果能够解决世界上实际利害上的冲突问题，那么，便可拿他感动清室让权于汉人；也可以拿他感动北洋军阀尊重民权；也可以拿他感动帝国主义者解放弱小民族，由他们自动废弃一切不平等条约”。

On the issue of class struggle, the article pointed out that Dai Jitao did not understand historical materialism and used national struggle to obliterate class struggle. "We cannot deny the fact that Chinese society already has class struggle more intense than in previous eras, nor can we deny the contradictory fact that class struggle needs to be developed within the Chinese national struggle."

对于阶级斗争问题，文章指出，戴季陶不懂唯物史观，用民族斗争抹杀阶级斗争，“我们不但不能否认中国现社会已经有比前代更剧烈的阶级争斗这个事实，也并不能否认中国民族争斗中需要发展阶级争斗这个矛盾的事实”。

Regarding Dai Jitao's attempt to establish a "pure Kuomintang," the article pointed out that since the Kuomintang was "a party uniting various classes," "then, besides common belief (i.e., the common points of political ideals arising from common interests), there should also exist separate beliefs (i.e., the separate points of political ideals arising from the interests of each respective class)."

对于戴季陶企图建立“纯粹的国民党”的论调，文章指出，国民党既然是“各阶级联合的党”，“那么，于共信（即共同利害所产生的政治理想共同点）之外，便应该有别信（即各别阶级利害所产生的政治理想各别点）存在”。

Furthermore, Qu Qiubai also published articles in *The Guide* to refute Dai Jitao's so-called "benevolent and loving heart" argument tit-for-tat. He pointed out, "The so-called nature of benevolence and love is not national but class-based—the 'benevolence and love,' 'law,' 'state,' and 'order' of the imperialists, comprador bourgeoisie, gentry class, and warlords are entirely tools used to oppress and deceive the masses. The common people—peasants, workers, merchants, students, and all laboring classes—can only save themselves through revolutionary bloody struggle, and absolutely cannot hope that others will practice benevolence and love towards them." In addition, many other articles engaged in debate with "Dai Jitaoism" from different perspectives.

此外，瞿秋白也在《向导》上发文针锋相对地批驳戴季陶的所谓“仁爱心”论调，他指出，“所谓仁爱性不是民族的而是阶级的——帝国主义买办阶级士绅阶级以及军阀的‘仁爱’‘法律’‘国家’‘秩序’完全是用以压迫蒙蔽民众的工具。平民的农工商学及一切劳动阶级，只有革命的流血斗争可以自救，而决不能希望人家能行施仁爱”。此外，还有其他多篇文章从不同角度同“戴季陶主义”展开了论战。

Our Party’s critique of “Dai Jitao-ism” [6]6 This quotation is from the opening of Mao Zedong’s 1926 text “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society.” defended correct revolutionary theory and principles, greatly reducing the pernicious influence of this erroneous thought. Although “Dai Jitao-ism” found some resonance among right-wing elements of the Kuomintang, even Dai Jitao himself later had to admit that, after his pamphlets were published, they immediately came under “heavy attack” and “could not achieve satisfactory results.”

我们党对“戴季陶主义”的批判，捍卫了正确的革命理论和原则，大大缩小了这种错误思想的恶劣影响。虽然“戴季陶主义”在国民党右派分子中得到一些共鸣，但是连戴季陶自己后来也不得不承认，他的小册子发行以后，立即受到“很大的攻击”，“不能收圆满的效果”。

(2) Analyzing and refuting the erroneous propositions of the “Nationalist Faction”

（二）剖析和批驳“国家主义派”的错误主张

The “Nationalist Faction” [7]7 The Fourth National Congress of the CPC was held in Shanghai in January 1925. It formally raised the question of proletarian leadership in the democratic revolution and the question of the worker-peasant alliance. was a political faction opposed to the Soviet Union and the Communist Party. At the end of 1923, Zeng Qi, Li Huang, and others established the Chinese Youth Party in Paris, trumpeting “nationalism” and “politics of the whole people,” opposing Marxism, and undermining Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. They came under criticism from Chinese Communists studying in Europe. In the autumn of 1924, Zeng Qi, Li Huang, and others returned to China, joined forces with Zuo Shunsheng and others, and founded the *Awakening Lion* weekly in Shanghai. Under the banner of so-called “resisting foreign powers externally, eliminating national traitors internally,” they deceived the public and gradually developed over 30 small “Nationalist Faction” organizations in various provinces and cities.

“国家主义派”是一个反苏反共的政治派别。1923年底，曾琦、李璜等在巴黎建立中国青年党，标榜“国家主义”和“全民政治”，反对马克思主义，破坏国共合作，受到旅欧共产主义者的批判。1924年秋，曾琦、李璜等回国后，与左舜生等会合，在上海创办《醒狮》周报，打着所谓“外抗强权、内除国贼”的旗号蛊惑人心，在各省、市陆续发展了 30多个“国家主义派”小组织。

From the winter of 1925 to the first half of 1926, the activities of the “Nationalist Faction” were rampant for a time. According to their own statistics, “in less than three years, no fewer than a million people nationwide believed in nationalism, and those who joined the core groups to carry out the revolution of the whole people numbered over fifty thousand.” These figures are somewhat exaggerated, but they reflect to a certain extent the rapid development of the “Nationalist Faction.” The “Nationalist Faction” obliterated the class essence of the state, propagated a supra-class view of the state, and attacked the Marxist theory of class struggle and Sun Yat-sen’s policies of alliance with the Soviet Union, alliance with the Communist Party, and support for peasants and workers.

从 1925年冬到 1926年上半年，“国家主义派”的活动嚣张一时。据他们自己统计，“时未三载，全国之信仰国家主义者，不下百万，其加入干部团体以实行全民革命工作者，都五万有几”。这些数字有些夸张，但在一定程度上反映了“国家主义派”迅猛发展的事实。“国家主义派”抹煞国家的阶级实质，宣传超阶级的国家观，攻击马克思主义的阶级斗争学说和孙中山的联俄、联共、扶助农工政策。

In response, Chinese Communists published a series of articles exposing and criticizing the true face and reactionary nature of the “Nationalist Faction.” The “Cun Tie” [8]8 The *Guide* (《向导》周报) was a weekly newspaper published by the Central Committee of the CPC from 1922 to 1927, serving as the Party’s first official political organ. column of *The Guide* was one of the main battlefronts for our Party’s resolute struggle against the erroneous propositions of the “Nationalist Faction.”

对此，中国共产党人发表一系列文章，对“国家主义派”的真实面目和反动本质进行了揭露和批判。《向导》的“寸铁”栏目，是我们党同“国家主义派”的错误主张作坚决斗争的主阵地之一。

On the one hand, *The Guide* published articles refuting the “Nationalist Faction’s” supra-class view of the state and vindicating the Marxist view of the state. The “Nationalist Faction” propagated that the emergence of the state was natural, that state power existed naturally and had no class character, and advocated “the state above all” and “the nation above all.” In reality, this kind of argument, which uses an abstract concept of the state to conceal its class essence, is a supra-class view of the state. Marxism holds that the state is an instrument used by one class to oppress another, and is the product and manifestation of irreconcilable class contradictions.

一方面，《向导》刊文批驳了“国家主义派”超阶级的国家观，为马克思主义国家观正名。“国家主义派”宣扬国家的产生是自然的，国家政权是自然存在的，没有任何阶级性，主张“国家至上”“民族至上”。实际上，这种以抽象的国家概念来掩盖国家的阶级实质的论调是一种超阶级的国家观。马克思主义认为，国家是一个阶级压迫另一个阶级的工具，是阶级矛盾不可调和的产物和表现。

The “Cun Tie” column published an article stating: “The Communist Party’s attitude toward the state is: the state is merely a tool used by the ruling class to control the ruled class… In the future, the proletariat will also use it to control the bourgeoisie. Only when all classes are eliminated can the system of the state be eliminated.” The “Nationalist Faction” attacked Communists as having no fatherland and opposing patriotism. In fact, the proletariat demonstrated the most resolute and thorough revolutionary character in its practical actions to save the nation from peril. The “Cun Tie” column published articles such as “A Party That Takes No Action,” “Can We Rely on External Forces to Make Revolution for Us?” and “Zeng Qi Will Soon Be an Official,” which powerfully refuted the “Nationalist Faction’s” despicable behavior of clinging to imperialism and its weakness and incompetence in the face of imperialist aggression, exposing the hypocrisy of its “patriotism.”

“寸铁”栏目发文指出：“共产党对于国家的态度是：国家只是统治阶级用做控制被统治阶级之工具，……将来无产阶级也要用他控制资产阶级，必须一切阶级消灭，国家这个制度才能够消减。”“国家主义派”攻击共产党人无祖国、反对爱国主义。事实上，无产阶级在挽救国家危亡的实际行动中，表现出了最坚决、最彻底的革命性。“寸铁”栏目刊发《一个不行动的党》《可以靠外力替我们革命吗？》《曾琦将交官运》等文，有力驳斥了“国家主义派”依附帝国主义的卑劣行径及其面对帝国主义侵略所表现出的软弱无能，揭露了他们“爱国”的虚伪面目。

On the other hand, *The Guide* published articles refuting the “Nationalist Faction’s” theory of “revolution of the whole people,” upholding the Marxist theory of class struggle. The “Nationalist Faction” denied classes and class struggle, arguing that carrying out class struggle in China was a deliberate provocation by

另一方面，《向导》刊文批驳了“国家主义派”的“全民革命”论，维护了马克思主义的阶级斗争学说。“国家主义派”否定阶级和阶级斗争，认为在中国搞阶级斗争是共产党故意挑拨，对国家有损无利，因而主张“不分阶级的全民革命”。

In response to these fallacies and slanders from the “nationalist faction,” the “Cuntie” column published short articles such as “Nationalists Who Defend Duan Qirui,” “Why Do Nationalists Oppose Soviet Russia?” and “The Nationalist Faction Sends Hawkers to Oppose Trade Unions,” revealing that “the fundamental task of China’s nationalists is not ‘resisting foreign powers from without,’ but only attacking Soviet Russia, the vanguard of the world proletariat and the ally of the Chinese national revolution; it is not ‘eliminating traitors from within,’ but only attacking the working class and its political party, the Communist Party, which are the leaders of the Chinese national movement.”

针对“国家主义派”的这番谬论和污蔑，“寸铁”栏目刊发《替段祺瑞辩护之国家主义者》《国家主义者为什么反对苏俄？》《国家主义派宣传小贩反对工会》等短文，揭示出“中国国家主义者的根本任务并不在‘外抗强权’，只在攻击世界无产阶级的前锋中国民族革命的友军苏俄；并不在‘内除国贼’，只在攻击中国民族运动的领导者工人阶级及其政党共产党”。

The “nationalist faction” denied class antagonism, failed to fundamentally analyze the basic issues of Chinese society and the Chinese revolution, and did not recognize China’s fundamental national conditions. Consequently, it could not meet the practical demands of modern China to oppose imperialism and feudalism, instead degenerating into a tool of imperialism and the feudal warlords.

“国家主义派”否认阶级对立，没有从根本上分析中国社会和中国革命的基本问题，也没有认清中国的基本国情，因而无法满足近代中国反帝反封建的现实诉求，反而沦为帝国主义和封建军阀的工具。

The “Cuntie” column of *The Guide* was dedicated to propagating Marxism-Leninism to the masses in plain language. The articles it published were short and concise, drew on extensive sources, and kept pace with current events. It played an important role in this struggle to analyze and refute the erroneous propositions of the “nationalist faction,” firmly and effectively defending Marxism.

《向导》“寸铁”栏目致力于用通俗的语言向民众宣传马克思列宁主义，所发文章短小精悍、旁征博引、紧跟时事，在这次剖析和批驳“国家主义派”的错误主张的斗争中发挥了重要作用，坚实有力地捍卫了马克思主义。

Truth becomes clearer through debate. It was precisely through struggle against various anti-Marxist currents of thought that Marxism was accepted by more and more Chinese people, profoundly influencing and driving the progress of Chinese society. By publishing articles that analyzed and refuted the erroneous propositions of the anti-Marxist “Dai Jitaoism” and the “nationalist faction,” *The Guide* achieved the effect of enlightening the national mind, consolidating national consensus, and boosting national morale. In this process, Chinese Communists gained a deeper understanding of the scientific nature of Marxism and its important guiding significance for the Chinese revolution.

真理越辩越明。马克思主义正是在同各种反马克思主义思潮的斗争中被越来越多的中国人所接受，深刻地影响和推动了中国社会的进步。《向导》通过发文剖析和批驳反马克思主义的“戴季陶主义”和“国家主义派”错误主张的同时，达到了启迪民族心智、凝聚民族共识、提振民族士气的效果。在此过程中，中国共产党人更为深刻地认识到马克思主义的科学性及其对中国革命的重要指导意义。

III. Applying the Marxist Method of Class Analysis to Explain the Status and Role of Different Classes in the Chinese Revolution

三、运用马克思主义阶级分析法，阐释不同阶级在中国革命中的地位和作用

Marx profoundly pointed out: “The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism by weapons, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates *ad hominem*, and it demonstrates *ad hominem* as soon as it becomes radical.” The people are the subjects of practice, the decisive factor in transforming theory into material force. “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution.” [6]6 This quotation is from the opening of Mao Zedong’s 1926 text “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society.”

马克思深刻指出：“批判的武器当然不能代替武器的批判，物质力量只能用物质力量来摧毁；但是理论一经掌握群众，也会变成物质力量。理论只要说服人，就能掌握群众；而理论只要彻底，就能说服人。”人民是实践的主体，是使理论转化为物质力量的决定因素。“谁是我们的敌人？谁是我们的朋友？这个问题是革命的首要问题。”

In this regard, *The Guide* adhered to the Marxist method of class analysis to analyze the status and role of different classes in the Chinese revolution. This played an important role in enabling our Party to unite the awakened masses of the whole country in a united front against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism, and to build and consolidate a united front of all classes across the nation.

对此，《向导》坚持运用马克思主义阶级分析法，对不同阶级在中国革命中的地位和作用进行了分析。这对我们党团结全国奋起的民众，一致反对帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义，以组建和筑牢全国各阶级的联合战线，发挥了重要作用。

(I) Emphasizing That the Proletariat Must Seize Leadership of the Revolution

（一）强调无产阶级必须掌握革命领导权

Lenin pointed out: “The proletariat is the only class that is consistently revolutionary, the only leader capable of leading the bourgeois-democratic revolution to victory.” During the May Fourth Movement, the Chinese working class, with its unique organizational strength and steadfastness in struggle, played the role of the main force in the movement and began to step onto the political stage as an independent force. After the founding of the Communist Party of China, under the Party’s mobilization and leadership, the consciousness of the Chinese working class was rapidly raised, and the workers’ movement began to flourish, further demonstrating the firm revolutionary character and strong combat effectiveness of the Chinese working class. In short, various facts of struggle were sufficient to prove that the Chinese working class was the well-deserved leader of the Chinese revolution.

列宁指出：“无产阶级是唯一彻底革命的阶级，是唯一能够引导资产阶级民主革命取得胜利的领袖。”五四运动期间，中国工人阶级以自己特有的组织性和斗争的坚定性，在运动中发挥着主力军的作用，开始以独立的姿态登上政治舞台。中国共产党成立后，在党组织的发动和领导下，中国工人阶级的觉悟很快得到提高，工人运动开始出现蓬勃兴起的局面，进一步彰显了中国工人阶级坚定的革命性和坚强的战斗力。总之，各种斗争事实足以证明中国工人阶级是中国革命当之无愧的领导者。

*The Guide* applied the discussions of Marxist classical writers on the proletariat, combined with the actual conditions of the Chinese working class, to profoundly point out the strong revolutionary character of the Chinese working class. For example, an article pointed out: “From the perspective of the class nature of all humanity, the working class is the most revolutionary; from the perspective of the current state of Chinese society, Chinese workers suffer the triple oppression of imperialists, domestic warlords, and capitalists, and revolution is their only way out”; “The working class is not only the sole vanguard and leader of the Chinese national revolution, but also a powerful army in the world proletarian revolution.”

《向导》运用马克思主义经典作家关于无产阶级的论述，结合中国工人阶级的自身状况，深刻指明了中国工人阶级所具有的强烈的革命性。比如，发文指出，“在全人类阶级根性上看来，工人阶级是最富于革命性的，在中国社会现状看来，中国工人备受帝国主义者及国内军阀、资本家的三重压迫，也只有革命是唯一的出路”；“工人阶级不仅是中国民族革命唯一的先锋军领导者，而且是世界无产阶级革命中一支有力的军队”。

It was precisely based on this profound understanding of the important status and immense revolutionary power contained within the working class that *The Guide* did not reduce its publication of reports related to the working class even after the Chinese workers’ movement entered a low tide following the February 7th Massacre, but instead continued to publish articles guiding the recovery and development of the workers’ movement.

正是基于对工人阶级的重要地位及其蕴藏的巨大革命力量的深刻认识，《向导》并没有因为二七惨案后中国工人运动转入低潮而减少对工人阶级相关报道的刊发，而是持续发文对工人运动的恢复和发展作出指导。

Regarding the question of the proletariat’s leadership in the revolution, the Fourth National Congress of the CPC explicitly stated that “China’s national revolutionary movement must have the vigorous participation of the most revolutionary proletariat and must obtain a leading position before it can achieve victory.” [7]7 The Fourth National Congress of the CPC was held in Shanghai in January 1925. It formally raised the question of proletarian leadership in the democratic revolution and the question of the worker-peasant alliance. The leadership of the proletariat and its party over the Chinese revolution was not obtained naturally, but was realized in the struggle with the bourgeoisie for leadership. Multiple articles published in the *Guide* directly addressed this issue.

关于无产阶级在革命中的领导权问题，党的四大明确提出，“中国的民族革命运动，必须最革命的无产阶级有力的参加，并且取得领导的地位，才能够得到胜利”。无产阶级及其政党对中国革命的领导权不是自然而然得来的，而是在同资产阶级争夺领导权的斗争中实现的。《向导》刊发的多篇文章直指这一问题。

For example, Qu Qiubai pointed out, “The class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie is indispensable and in fact inevitable. If the proletariat is victorious in this struggle, it can enable the national liberation movement to achieve full development,” thereby reminding the entire Party to maintain a clear understanding that the bourgeoisie was also doing everything possible to contend for revolutionary leadership.

比如，瞿秋白指出，“无产阶级对于资产阶级的阶级斗争是必不可少的，是事实上必不可免的。这种斗争中如果无产阶级胜利，便能使民族解放运动得着充分的发展”，以此提醒全党必须对资产阶级也在千方百计地争夺革命领导权保持清醒的认识。

In summarizing the experience of the May Thirtieth Movement, Chen Duxiu noted, “The May Thirtieth Movement was certainly a united national struggle of various classes, yet those who actually directly confronted imperialism were the striking workers in Shanghai, Hong Kong, Hankou, Jiujiang, Nanjing, Qingdao, Tianjin, Jiaozuo, and other places; people from other walks of life were merely voicing support for the working class.” Therefore, “while we certainly cannot exaggerate and say that the Chinese workers are already the sole force of the Chinese revolution at present, we cannot but acknowledge that they are an important and reliable force.” As for the bourgeoisie, “their compromising and hesitant attitude has already been enough for the imperialists and warlords to exploit the gap.” These discussions all demonstrate the importance of the proletariat contending with the bourgeoisie for leadership.

陈独秀在总结五卅运动经验时指出，“五卅运动固然是各阶级联合的民族斗争，然而实际上和帝国主义直接抗争的，乃是上海、香港、汉口、九江、南京、青岛、天津、焦作等处的罢工工人，其他各界人士不过是工人阶级之声援罢了”，因而，“我们固然不能夸大的说中国工人已是现时中国革命之唯一的势力，而却不能不承认它是一种重要的可靠的力量”；而资产阶级“那妥协犹豫的态度，已足够帝国主义者及军阀乘虚而入了”。这些论述，无不说明无产阶级同资产阶级争夺领导权的重要性。

(2) Pointing Out the Important Position of the Peasant Class in the Revolution

（二）指明农民阶级在革命中的重要地位

Although the Chinese working class is the most class-conscious and best-organized class and is the leading class of the Chinese revolution, facing the three great mountains of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, it is impossible to achieve victory with the strength of a single class alone. It must unite all possible revolutionary classes and strata to form a revolutionary united front. The peasant class is the natural and solid ally of the working class.

中国工人阶级固然是一个最有觉悟性和最有组织性的阶级，是中国革命的领导阶级，但面对帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义这三座大山，单凭一个阶级的力量，是不可能胜利的，必须团结一切可能的革命的阶级和阶层，组成革命的统一战线。农民阶级就是工人阶级天然的坚固的同盟军。

From its very founding, the Communist Party of China paid attention to the peasants, who constitute the majority of China’s population. The monthly *Communist* once published an article titled “To the Peasants of China,” which pointed out, “Chinese peasants make up the vast majority of the entire population. Whether in the preparatory period of the revolution or in the period of its actual implementation, they occupy an important position. If they acquire class consciousness and can rise up to wage class struggle, then our social revolution and communism will have a very high possibility.” Therefore, revolutionaries should face the peasants and “find ways to go to the fields to promote their awakening.”

中国共产党从创建开始就关注占中国人口大多数的农民。《共产党》月刊曾发表《告中国的农民》一文，指出，“中国农民占全人口底大多数，无论在革命的预备时期，和革命的实行时期，他们都是占重要位置的。设若他们有了阶级的觉悟，可以起来进行阶级斗争，我们底社会革命，共产主义，就有了十分的可能性了”，因此，革命者应面向农民，“要设法向田间去，促进他们的觉悟”。

The *Guide* analyzed the current situation and causes of the miserable living conditions of modern Chinese peasants: in semi-colonial and semi-feudal Chinese society, “continuous internal strife, war, mutinies, looting, and disasters have gradually swept away the peaceful rural life of old China.” At the same time, “the main foundation of imperialist exploitation of China is that the cultivated land is no longer owned by the peasants, allowing the landlord class to squeeze the peasants as much as possible, offering up the sweat and blood of the Chinese people to the world bourgeoisie through the comprador class.” Precisely because the peasant class was deeply oppressed and exploited, they displayed a strong sense of resistance.

《向导》对近代中国农民悲惨生活境遇的现状及原因进行了分析：在半殖民地半封建的中国社会，“连续不断的内乱、战争、兵变、抢掠、灾荒，将中国旧日农村和平生活扫荡渐尽”；同时，“帝国主义对于中国的剥削，其主要的根基，便是耕地已非农有，地主阶级得以尽量压榨农民，通过买办阶级而供献中国人民的汗血于世界资产阶级”。正因为农民阶级深受压迫和剥削，所以他们身上表现出强烈的反抗意识。

With the development of the revolutionary situation, the Chinese Communists’ understanding of the peasantry’s position in the democratic revolution and the importance of establishing a worker-peasant alliance deepened. As early as 1922, the *Guide* published an article stating that peasants “are the main component of the Chinese people, the pillars of China. If this peasant masses are not awakened, national liberation is hopeless.” The Fourth National Congress affirmed that the peasants were the allies of the proletariat.

随着革命形势的发展，中国共产党人对农民在民主革命中的地位和建立工农联盟的重要性的认识不断加深。早在 1922年，《向导》就发文指出，农民“是中国人民的主要成分，是中国的柱子，若不唤醒这班农民群众，民族的解放是无望的”。党的四大肯定了农民是无产阶级的同盟者。

In April 1925, on the eve of the Second National Labor Congress, the *Guide* published “The Letter of the Communist Party of China to the Second National Labor Congress,” which affirmed the strength of the worker-peasant alliance: “Only the united force of workers and peasants possesses clear political concepts and collective combat effectiveness, and can deliver the final and most fatal blow to the enemy in the national movement.” In May of the same year, the “Resolution on the Worker-Peasant Alliance” adopted by the Second National Labor Congress regarded guiding peasants to participate in the democratic revolution and establishing a solid alliance with them as the guarantee for the victory of the democratic revolution.

1925年 4月，在第二次全国劳动大会即将召开之际，《向导》刊发《中国共产党给第二次全国劳动大会的信》，对工农联盟的力量作了肯定：“有明确的政治观念，有集合的战斗力，在国民运动中，能加敌人以最后最致命的打击者，只有工农联合的力量。”同年 5月第二次全国劳动大会通过的《工农联合的决议案》，把引导农民参加民主革命，与农民建立巩固的联盟，作为民主革命胜利的保证。

In 1927, based on a large amount of first-hand material he had mastered from investigating the peasant movement, Mao Zedong wrote the *Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan*, warmly praising the great achievements of the peasant masses in overthrowing the feudal forces in the countryside and elucidating the close relationship between the peasant struggle and the success or failure of the revolution. The *Guide* specially published the first two chapters of this report. Practice proved that under the leadership of the proletariat, the peasants’ own strong sense of resistance and fighting spirit were further demonstrated, making them the most reliable ally of the proletariat.

1927年，毛泽东根据其考察农民运动掌握的大量第一手材料，写成《湖南农民运动考察报告》，热烈赞颂农民群众打翻乡村封建势力的伟大功绩，阐明了农民斗争同革命成败的密切关系。《向导》专门刊发了该报告的前两章。实践证明，在无产阶级的领导下，农民自身强烈的反抗意识和斗争精神得到进一步彰显，成为了无产阶级最可靠的同盟军。

(3) Revealing the Dual Character of the National Bourgeoisie in Politics

（三）揭示民族资产阶级在政治上的两面性

In the democratic revolution, how to understand and treat the bourgeoisie was a complex issue. The Chinese Communists’ understanding of this issue gradually improved and deepened. The bourgeoisie is divided into the comprador big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. Among them, the comprador big bourgeoisie “is a class that directly serves the capitalists of the imperialist countries and is nurtured by them.” Therefore, this class has never been a motive force of the Chinese revolution, but rather an object of the revolution.

在民主革命中，怎样认识和对待资产阶级，是一个复杂的问题。中国共产党人对这个问题的认识是逐步提高和加深的。资产阶级有带买办性的大资产阶级和民族资产阶级的区别。其中，带买办性的大资产阶级“是直接为帝国主义国家的资本家服务并为他们所豢养的阶级”。因此，这个阶级历来不是中国革命的动力，而是革命的对象。

The national bourgeoisie is a class with a dual character: because it is oppressed by imperialism and feudalism, it possesses a certain revolutionary character; at the same time, due to its economic and political weakness, it possesses a certain compromising character.

民族资产阶级是带两面性的阶级：因为受帝国主义和封建主义的压迫而带有一定的革命性；同时由于经济上和政治上的软弱性而带有一定的妥协性。

The *Guide* analyzed this dual character of the bourgeoisie. In April 1923, the *Guide* published Chen Duxiu’s article “The Bourgeois Revolution and the Revolutionary Bourgeoisie,” which divided the bourgeoisie in China’s semi-colonial and semi-feudal society into three categories: the “revolutionary bourgeoisie,” the “counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie,” and the “non-revolutionary bourgeoisie.” Based on the different economic positions of the bourgeoisie, it revealed their different political attitudes toward the revolution, arguing that the revolutionary bourgeoisie “supports revolution because feudal warlords and international imperialism hinder the development of large-scale industry and commerce,” while reminding the revolutionary bourgeoisie to always keep in mind the two principles of “resisting imperialism” and “uniting with the proletariat” in order to realize the bourgeois democratic revolution.

《向导》对资产阶级的这种两面性进行了剖析。1923年 4月，《向导》刊发陈独秀的《资产阶级的革命与革命的资产阶级》一文，将中国半殖民地半封建社会下的资产阶级分为“革命的资产阶级”“反革命的资产阶级”和“非革命的资产阶级”三类，并依据资产阶级不同的经济地位，揭示了其对革命不同的政治态度，认为革命的资产阶级“因为封建军阀及国际帝国主义妨碍大规模的工商业发展而赞成革命”，同时提醒革命的资产阶级要始终牢记“反抗帝国主义”和“联合无产阶级”两个原则，以实现资产阶级的民主革命。

In April 1925, the *Guide* also published Cai Hesen’s article “The Political Situation in China This May Day and the Responsibilities of the Working and Peasant Classes,” which further analyzed the dual political character of the bourgeoisie. The article proposed, “The tendency of the bourgeoisie to participate in the national revolution is completely different from the tendency of the proletariat to participate in the national revolution. The proletariat demands a thorough removal of the economic and political fetters of capitalism and imperialism; the bourgeoisie, as long as the imperialists are willing to cede a part of their privileges to them, has long been ready to compromise with imperialism.”

1925年 4月，《向导》还发表蔡和森的《今年五一之中国政治状况与工农阶级的责任》一文，进一步分析了资产阶级政治上的两面性，文中提出，“资产阶级参加民族革命的倾向，与无产阶级参加民族革命的倾向是完全不同的。无产阶级是要求彻底解除资本主义帝国主义的经济羁轭、政治羁轭的；资产阶级只要帝国主义肯把其特权让一部分给他们，他们老早就准备与帝国主义妥协了”。

During the May Thirtieth Movement, the national bourgeoisie initially actively participated in the anti-imperialist struggle and played an important role, but later compromised and wavered, fully demonstrating its dual political character. On May 30, 1927, on the second anniversary of the May Thirtieth Movement, the *Guide* again published an article pointing out that with the development of the national revolutionary situation, the national bourgeoisie underwent a change in attitude from “being within the united front” to “using military dictatorship to seize the leadership of the revolution” and then to “openly destroying the united front and going over to the counter-revolutionary side.” This dual character of the national bourgeoisie determined that in the process of the democratic revolution, they could become a positive force of the revolution to a certain extent and for a certain period, while in another period, they might stand on the opposite side of the revolution due to wavering and compromise.

五卅运动中，民族资产阶级最初曾积极参加反帝斗争并发挥过重要作用，而后却妥协动摇，充分表现出它在政治上的两面性。1927年 5月30日，在五卅运动两周年纪念时，《向导》再次发文指出，随着国民革命形势的发展，民族资产阶级发生了由“在联合战线之内”到“用军事独裁的方式来抢夺革命之领导权”再到“公开的破坏联合战线而走到反革命方面去”的态度转变。民族资产阶级的这种两面性，决定了在民主革命过程中，他们在一定时期和一定程度上能够成为革命的积极力量，而在另一时期，则有可能因动摇妥协而站在革命的对立面。

4. Conclusion

四、结语

The *Guide* weekly recorded the historical trajectory of the Communist Party of China in disseminating Marxism-Leninism and exploring the path of the Chinese revolution through trial and error during the early days of the Party’s founding and the period of the Great Revolution. A reader once wrote to the *Guide*: “Every time I read your newspaper, I feel revolutionary hot blood boiling within me, and a sincere love for the people burning red. I also affirm that your newspaper is the gospel of the Chinese nation.” The Fourth National Congress of the CPC highly evaluated the work of the *Guide* since its inception, affirming that it had achieved a “position of guiding public opinion” in the national revolutionary movement.

《向导》周报记录了中国共产党在建党之初和大革命时期传播马克思列宁主义、上下求索探寻中国革命道路的历史轨迹。有读者曾致信《向导》：“我每读贵报，即滚滚地沸腾着革命的热血，红红的燃烧着爱民众的真心，我并认定贵报是中华民族的福音。”党的四大高度评价《向导》创刊以来的工作，肯定它在全国革命运动中取得了“舆论的指导地位”。

As the first political organ of the Central Committee of the CPC, the *Guide* adhered from its inception to the principle of integrating theory with practice, taking as its historical mission the propagation of Marxism-Leninism and the dissemination of the policies and propositions of the CPC. Guided by Marxism, it actively explored and deepened understanding of issues such as the nature and prospects of the Chinese revolution, the struggle for the leadership of the proletariat, the peasant question, and the question of the bourgeoisie, thereby preparing rich ideological materials for the CPC’s continued exploration of the path of the Chinese revolution.

作为中共中央第一份政治机关报，《向导》在创刊之初就秉承理论与实际相结合的原则，把宣传马克思列宁主义、宣传中国共产党的政策主张作为历史使命，并以马克思主义为指导，积极探讨和深化认识中国革命的性质和前途问题、争夺无产阶级领导权问题、农民问题、资产阶级问题等，为中国共产党接续探索中国革命道路准备了丰厚的思想材料。

The efforts made by the *Guide* in studying and disseminating Marxism have become part of the Party’s propaganda work and the process of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. Its practices of adhering to the Marxist stance, strengthening positive propaganda, and daring to wage resolute struggle against erroneous ideas can provide useful reference for promoting the high-quality development of the Party’s propaganda and ideological work today by taking Party newspapers and journals as a starting point.

《向导》在研究和传播马克思主义方面所作的努力，已经成为党的宣传工作和马克思主义中国化历程的一部分，其所奉行的坚守马克思主义立场、加强正面宣传、敢于同错误思想作坚决斗争等做法，可以为我们今天以党报党刊为抓手推动党的宣传思想工作高质量发展，提供有益借鉴。

(Authors: Liang Dawei, Professor at the School of Marxism, Dalian University of Technology; Ru Yahui, Doctoral Candidate at the School of Marxism, Dalian University of Technology)

（作者：梁大伟，大连理工大学马克思主义学院教授；茹亚辉，大连理工大学马克思主义学院博士生）

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心