Mao Zedong’s Creative Application and Development of the Traditional View of “All under Heaven”

In the fine traditional Chinese culture, “all under heaven” (tianxia) is an important concept and core category, containing many ideas such as “taking all under heaven as one’s own responsibility,” “great harmony under heaven,” “those who win the people’s hearts win all under heaven,” and “all under heaven as one family.” Mao Zedong creatively applied and developed the view of “all under heaven” in the fine traditional Chinese culture, vividly demonstrating the characteristic of Mao Zedong Thought that insists on integrating the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities.

在中华优秀传统文化中，“天下”是一个重要概念和核心范畴，蕴含着“以天下为己任”“天下大同”“得民心者得天下”“天下一家”等许多理念。毛泽东创造性地运用和发展了中华优秀传统文化中的天下观，生动展现了毛泽东思想坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合的特质。

I. The View of “All under Heaven” in the Fine Traditional Chinese Culture

一、中华优秀传统文化中的天下观

In ancient China, “all under heaven” was a composite concept with multiple connotations. In the sense of natural geography, “all under heaven” was a natural geographical space conceived by the Chinese ancestors based on their own direct life experience, whose concrete structure was figuratively summarized as “the heavens are round and the earth is square.” In the political sense, “all under heaven” mostly referred to territory and state power. It should be pointed out that “all under heaven” in ancient China also presented a cultural order pattern of “the Central States within, the barbarians without.” [1]1 “Twenty-One Demands”: A set of demands presented by Japan to the Chinese government in 1915, which would have effectively reduced China to a Japanese protectorate; their partial acceptance sparked widespread nationalist outrage.

中国古代的“天下”是一个具有多重内涵的复合概念。在自然地理意义上，“天下”是中国先民根据自身直接的生存体验所构想的自然地理空间，其具体构造被形象地概括为“天圆地方”。政治意义上的“天下”则多指疆土、政权。需要指出的是，中国古代的“天下”还呈现出“内诸夏而外夷狄”的文化秩序格局。

Some scholars believe that the origin of the traditional Chinese view of “all under heaven” “may be related to the spatial imagination of ancient Chinese people.” [2]2 May Fourth Movement: A Chinese anti-imperialist, cultural, and political movement that began with student protests on May 4, 1919, against the Treaty of Versailles’ transfer of German concessions in Shandong to Japan, and later evolved into a broader movement for national renewal and the spread of new ideas, including Marxism. In high antiquity, the emergence of the two positional concepts of “center” and “four directions” laid the foundation for the origin of the traditional view of “all under heaven.” Over thousands of years, the Chinese people have engaged in heated discussions around the term “all under heaven,” depicting an ideal and beautiful picture of the world, summarizing the objective laws of the operation of heaven and earth, entrusting their life ambitions of standing between heaven and earth, and finally condensing these into the unique Chinese national sentiment of “all under heaven.” Xi Jinping points out that the fine traditional Chinese culture “contains the concepts of ‘the world is for all,’ ‘the people are the foundation of the state,’ ‘governing with virtue,’ ‘reforming the old and innovating,’ ‘appointing people on their merits,’ ‘the unity of heaven and humanity,’ ‘unceasing self-renewal,’ ‘embracing all things with virtue,’ ‘valuing good faith and harmony,’ and ‘being kind to neighbors,’ which are important manifestations of the Chinese people’s worldview, view of all under heaven, social view, and moral view accumulated in long-term production and life, and are highly compatible with the value propositions of scientific socialism.” [3]3 Hunan Self-Government Movement: A political movement in 1920-1921 led by Mao Zedong and other Hunan intellectuals advocating for provincial autonomy within a federal republic; its failure convinced Mao of the necessity of a more radical, revolutionary approach. It can be seen that the Chinese view of “all under heaven” is by no means limited to the description of “what all under heaven is” in natural geography, politics, and culture, but has also derived a series of excellent value principles and cultural concepts, mainly manifested in the following aspects:

有学者认为，中国传统天下观的起源“可能与古代中国人关于空间的想象有关”。上古时期，“中央”和“四方”两个方位观念的出现为传统天下观的起源奠定了基础。几千年来，中国人围绕“天下”一词展开了热烈讨论，描绘了理想中美好的天下图景，总结了天地运行的客观规律，寄托了自己立足天地之间的人生抱负，并最终凝结为中华民族独有的天下情怀。习近平指出，中华优秀传统文化中“蕴含的天下为公、民为邦本、为政以德、革故鼎新、任人唯贤、天人合一、自强不息、厚德载物、讲信修睦、亲仁善邻等，是中国人民在长期生产生活中积累的宇宙观、天下观、社会观、道德观的重要体现，同科学社会主义价值观主张具有高度契合性”。可见，中国人的天下观绝不局限于在自然地理上、政治上、文化上对“天下是什么”的描述，还衍生出了一系列优秀的价值原则和文化理念，主要表现在以下几个方面：

First, the view of responsibility for all under heaven of “taking all under heaven as one’s own responsibility.” The Chinese nation has always revered the character and breadth of mind that prioritize all under heaven, always closely linking the individual self with the family, the state, and all under heaven, and even when possessing nothing, still worrying about the world. Mencius exclaimed, “If Heaven wishes to bring peace and order to all under heaven, who is there besides me in the present age?” [4]4 “Who else but me” (舍我其谁) and “not yielding to others” (当仁不让) are classical Chinese idioms expressing a sense of mission and moral obligation. Zhang Zai said, “To ordain conscience for Heaven and Earth, to secure life and fortune for the people, to continue lost teachings for past sages, to establish peace for all eternity.” [5]5 The Great Revolution refers to the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation period (1924-1927), which ended with the KMT’s violent suppression of the CPC. Gu Yanwu’s statement, “The rise and fall of all under heaven is the responsibility of every individual,” is even more familiar to people today. The view of responsibility for all under heaven of “taking all under heaven as one’s own responsibility” has inspired generation after generation of Chinese people to step forward at critical moments of national crisis and fight bravely to defend the homeland and resist foreign aggression.

一是“以天下为己任”的天下责任观。中华民族历来推崇以天下为重的品德和胸怀，总是将个人小我与家国天下紧密联系起来，即使身无半亩，仍心忧天下。孟子慨言“如欲平治天下，当今之世，舍我其谁也”，张载云“为天地立心，为生民立命，为往圣继绝学，为万世开太平”。顾炎武所言“天下兴亡，匹夫有责”则更为今人所耳熟能详。“以天下为己任”的天下责任观激励了一代又一代中国人在民族危难关头挺身而出，为保卫家国、抵御外侮而英勇奋斗。

Second, the view of the ideal of all under heaven of “great harmony under all under heaven.” The Chinese nation has its own unique expectations and insights regarding a beautiful life. The “Book of Rites: The Conveyance of Rites” calls it “great harmony.” [6]6 The North China Incident (华北事变) refers to a series of events in 1935 where Japan expanded its control over North China, intensifying the national crisis. According to the descriptions of ancient sages, the great harmony society is one where all under heaven is for all, managed by publicly selected virtuous and capable persons; a society with an immense abundance of material wealth and an excellent social security system; a society with a highly developed cultural-ethical progress and good moral customs. The ideal of great harmony is deeply rooted in the spiritual home of the Chinese nation, and even into modern times, it still made countless Chinese people yearn for it. Hong Xiuquan advocated establishing a heavenly kingdom in the human world where “all under heaven is one family, sharing great peace.” [7]7 The quotation is from Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (1949). Kang Youwei fantasized about ascending to a world of great peace where “there are no states, no emperors, everyone loves each other, everyone is equal, and all under heaven is for all.” [8]8 Huang Yanpei (1878–1965) was a prominent Chinese educator and political figure. The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (历史周期率) refers to the pattern in Chinese history whereby a dynasty rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls, a concept Huang famously raised with Mao in 1945. Sun Yat-sen wrote “all under heaven is for all” on his revolutionary banner. As Xi Jin

二是“天下大同”的天下理想观。中华民族对美好生活有着自己独特的期待和见解。《礼记·礼运》称之为“大同”。根据古圣先贤的描述，大同社会是一个天下为公，由公选的贤能者管理的社会，是一个物质财富极大丰盛、建立了优越的社会保障的社会，是一个精神文明高度发达、有着良好道德风尚的社会。大同理想深深地植根于中华民族的精神家园，及至近代，依然使无数中国人心向往之。洪秀全宣扬要在人间建立一个“天下一家，共享太平”的天国，康有为幻想升入“无邦国，无帝王，人人相亲，人人平等，天下为公”的太平世，孙中山将“天下为公”写在自己的革命旗帜上。正如习近平指出，“天下太平、共享大同是中华民族绵延数千年的理想”。

Third is the view of the rise and fall of the world that “those who win the people’s hearts win the world.” The repeated dramas of changes of rulers and dynastic cycles in history made the ancients feel that the mandate of heaven was inconstant, and also prompted them to seek the causes of the rise and fall of the world. Ancient sages unanimously noted that the rise and fall of the world depended on the orientation of the people’s hearts. Laozi held that “the sage has no fixed mind; he takes the people’s mind as his mind.” Guanzi pointed out, “The rise of governance lies in following the people’s hearts; the decline of governance lies in opposing the people’s hearts.” Mencius said, “Jie and Zhou lost the world because they lost their people; they lost their people because they lost their hearts.” Those who win the people’s hearts win the world, and the maintenance of state power cannot be separated from the people’s support—this constituted the basic view of the Chinese nation regarding the law of the rise and fall of the world.

三是“得民心者得天下”的天下兴亡观。历史上无数次上演的天下易主、王朝更迭的兴衰剧使古人感到天命靡常，也促使古人寻找导致天下兴亡的原因。古圣先贤不约而同地注意到天下兴亡取决于民心向背。老子认为，“圣人恒无心，以百姓之心为心”；管子指出，“政之所兴，在顺民心；政之所废，在逆民心”；孟子有言，“桀纣之失天下也，失其民也；失其民者，失其心也”。得民心者得天下，国家政权的维系离不开人民的拥护，这构成了中华民族关于天下兴亡规律的基本看法。

Fourth is the holistic view of the world as “all under heaven as one family.” The “world” in the minds of ancient Chinese was a holistic concept: under the vault of heaven, the four seas are one family. The Chinese nation esteems harmony and concord, does not favor military aggression, advocates benevolence toward neighbors and harmony among all states, and is confident that the glory of Chinese culture can transform distant peoples, “always wishing to transcend national boundaries, to practice the Way throughout the world, and to seek peace for the world.” Thus, the Chinese nation constructed a world system that transcends states and nations, holding that the world is an indivisible community in which all countries and all nations are closely linked, coexisting and prospering together. The holistic view of the world as “all under heaven as one family” is the presuppositional cognitive framework that the Chinese nation upholds in viewing and handling relations between states and between nations, demonstrating the Chinese nation’s extraordinary consciousness of all humanity and its broad global vision.

四是“天下一家”的天下整体观。中国古人心中的“天下”是一个整体概念，天穹之下，四海一家。中华民族崇尚和合、不好武伐，主张亲仁善邻、协和万邦，自信凭借中华文化的荣光能够感化远人，“常愿超越国家的疆界，来行道于天下，来求天下太平”。于是，中华民族建构了一个超乎国家和民族之上的天下体系，认为世界是一个不可分割的共同体，世界上所有国家、所有民族休戚相关，共生共荣。“天下一家”的天下整体观是中华民族在看待和处理国家之间、民族之间关系时所秉持的前提性认知框架，显示出中华民族超凡的全人类意识和宏阔的世界眼光。

II. Mao Zedong’s Creative Application and Development of the Traditional View of the World

二、毛泽东对传统天下观的创造性运用和发展

(1) “Every Individual Is Responsible for the Rise and Fall of the World”

（一）“天下兴亡，匹夫有责”

From his youth, Mao Zedong was deeply influenced by the concept that “every individual is responsible for the rise and fall of the world.” He set a great ambition to save the country and the people, and resolutely threw himself into the historical torrent of national salvation and rejuvenation of China. After reading a pamphlet about the imperialist partition of China, Mao Zedong “felt deeply grieved for the motherland and believed that every Chinese had a responsibility to save the country.” During this period, he also witnessed with his own eyes the just resistance of starving people in Changsha, the unyielding struggle of the Ge Lao Hui in Shaoshan against landlords and officials, and the “eat the rich” movement of villagers during the lean season, expressing deep sympathy and indignation at the people’s suffering. The nation’s critical situation and the people’s hardship weighed heavily on Mao Zedong’s mind, and finally, in the autumn of 1910, he decided to go beyond Shaoshan to find a way to save the country and the people. At the Dongshan Academy in Xiangxiang, Mao Zedong’s sense of responsibility for the world became more conscious and intense. He told his classmates, “We should seek the way to make the country rich and the army strong,” and “Every citizen should strive. Gu Yanwu said it well: ‘Every individual is responsible for the rise and fall of the world.’” He adopted the alias “Ziren” to show his determination to take the salvation of the world as his own mission.

毛泽东青少年时期即深受“天下兴亡，匹夫有责”的观念熏陶，立下救国救民大志，毅然投身于救亡图存、振兴中华的历史洪流之中。在读了一本关于帝国主义瓜分中国的小册子后，毛泽东“很为祖国忧伤，认为每个中国人都有救国的责任”。这期间他还耳闻目睹了长沙饥民的正义反抗、韶山哥老会同地主和官府的不屈斗争以及乡民在青黄不接时的“吃大户”运动，对人民的苦难深表同情、愤懑不已。国家的危急情势和人民的困厄处境一直萦绕在毛泽东心头，终于在1910年秋天，他决定到韶山以外的世界找寻救国救民办法。在湘乡东山学堂，毛泽东的天下责任意识更加自觉和强烈，他告诉同学“我们应该讲求富国强兵之道”，“我们每个国民都应该努力。顾炎武说得好：‘天下兴亡，匹夫有责’”。他给自己取别号“子任”，以示以拯救天下为己任的决心。

In his youth, Mao Zedong’s resolve to step forward and his ambition to save the country and the people were very firm, but at this time it was more a spontaneous surge of passionate emotion arising from the nation’s peril. For example, in 1915, when Japan forced China to sign the humiliating “Twenty-One Demands,” Mao Zedong, upon hearing the news, wrote passionately: “May 7, the national shame; how to avenge it? On us, the students!” This expressed the towering indignation of a patriotic youth and the fervent determination to wipe out the shame and save the nation. But if one further asked how to actually shoulder the responsibility of washing away the national disgrace, Mao Zedong at this time could not yet give, or had not yet found, the real answer. The reason for this was that the traditional Chinese view of responsibility for the world mainly provided the spirit of active engagement in worldly affairs and the sentiment of caring for the world; as for the specific tasks of stabilizing the chaos and governing the people at that time, Mao Zedong had to explore them on his own by combining the new characteristics of the era and historical tasks, and this could only be accomplished after mastering a scientific worldview and methodology.

青少年时期毛泽东挺身而出的志愿和救国救民的志向非常坚定，但此时更多的是因国家遭遇危难而自然生发的激昂感情。例如，1915年日本强迫中国签订丧权辱国的“二十一条”，毛泽东听闻后慷慨写下“五月七日，民国奇耻；何以报仇？在我学子！”，表达了一位爱国青年的冲天忧愤和雪耻救亡的满腔热血。可如果进一步追问如何才能担负起洗刷国耻的责任，此时的毛泽东还无法给出或者说还没有找到真正的答案。之所以如此，是因为中国传统的天下责任观所提供的主要是积极入世的精神和心系天下的情怀，至于当下扶危定乱、经世济民的具体任务到底是什么，则需要毛泽东结合新的时代特征和历史课题自行探索，而这只有在掌握了科学的世界观和方法论之后才有可能完成。

In 1917, the October Revolution in Russia broke out, greatly promoting the spread of Marxism in China. Under the influence and inspiration of Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu, Cai Hesen, and others, Mao Zedong deeply studied Marxist theory and initially established his belief in Marxism. After the baptism of the May Fourth Movement, and especially after the failure of the Hunan Self-Government Movement, Mao Zedong thoroughly cleared away the anarchist and social reformist elements in his thinking, achieved an ideological transformation, and became a steadfast Marxist.

1917年俄国十月革命爆发，大大促进了马克思主义在中国的传播。在李大钊、陈独秀、蔡和森等人的影响和启发下，毛泽东深入研究了马克思主义理论，初步树立了对马克思主义的信仰。经过五四大潮的洗礼，特别是经过湖南自治运动的失败，毛泽东彻底清理了头脑中的无政府主义和社会改良主义因素，实现了思想的蜕变，成为一名坚定的马克思主义者。

Marxism renewed Mao Zedong’s perspective for observing China and his approach to transforming China, and also helped Mao realize the transformation of the Chinese concept of responsibility for all under heaven from the ancient to the modern. On the one hand, Mao still brimmed with the heroic sentiment of “who else but me” and “not yielding to others,”[4]4 “Who else but me” (舍我其谁) and “not yielding to others” (当仁不让) are classical Chinese idioms expressing a sense of mission and moral obligation. maintaining a childlike heart toward the Chinese nation and the Chinese people. On the other hand, he applied the Marxist method of class analysis and the theory of contradiction to accurately grasp the social nature and principal contradiction of modern China, clarifying the responsibilities and tasks of the Communist Party of China in each historical period. For example, after the failure of the Great Revolution,[5]5 The Great Revolution refers to the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation period (1924-1927), which ended with the KMT’s violent suppression of the CPC. Mao pointed out that the Party’s responsibility and task were mainly to take up arms, to oppose armed counter-revolution with revolutionary armed force, to mobilize the broadest masses of peasants, to carry out agrarian revolution in the countryside, and to implement the armed independent regime of workers and peasants; after the North China Incident,[6]6 The North China Incident (华北事变) refers to a series of events in 1935 where Japan expanded its control over North China, intensifying the national crisis. the main task was to overcome the “Left” closed-doorist tendency within the Party, to establish the broadest possible anti-Japanese national united front, and to promote the realization of nationwide resistance against Japan; after the founding of New China, the main task was to accelerate the recovery of the national economy, smoothly complete the transition to socialism, steadily advance socialist construction, and make the country “year by year move toward greater wealth and strength.” Of course, Mao also had a general summary of responsibility for all under heaven. For example, in 1925, in “The Reasons for Launching the Political Weekly,” Mao pointed out that the Chinese revolution was “to achieve the liberation of the Chinese nation, to realize the rule of the people, and to bring economic happiness to the people.”

马克思主义更新了毛泽东观察中国的视角和改造中国的思路，也帮助毛泽东实现了中华天下责任观的化古为今。一方面，毛泽东依然满怀舍我其谁、当仁不让的豪情，保持着一颗对中华民族和中国人民的赤子之心。另一方面，他运用马克思主义阶级分析法和矛盾学说，准确把握近代中国的社会性质和主要矛盾，明确了中国共产党在各个历史时期的责任和任务。例如在大革命失败后，毛泽东指出党的责任和任务主要是拿起枪杆子，以革命的武装反对武装的反革命，最广泛地发动农民，在农村开展土地革命，实行工农武装割据；在华北事变后主要是克服党内的“左”倾关门主义倾向，建立最广泛的抗日民族统一战线，推动实现全民族抗战；在新中国成立后主要是加快恢复国民经济，顺利完成向社会主义过渡，稳步推进社会主义建设，使国家“一年一年走向更富更强”。当然，毛泽东也有对天下责任的总概括。例如1925年，毛泽东在《<政治周报>发刊理由》中指出，中国革命是“为了使中华民族得到解放，为了实现人民的统治，为了使人民得到经济的幸福”。

After becoming a Marxist, Mao Zedong insisted on promoting the fine tradition of the Chinese nation of “taking all under heaven as one’s own responsibility,” while at the same time closely linking it with the historical tasks of modern China in striving for national independence, people’s liberation, and achieving national prosperity and people’s happiness, enriching and developing the contemporary content of the responsibility for all under heaven that the Chinese people should bear. Thus, “taking all under heaven as one’s own responsibility” became not merely an inspiring slogan, but a banner of action with clear goal orientation.

在成为马克思主义者后，毛泽东坚持弘扬中华民族“以天下为己任”的优良传统，同时又紧密联系近代中国争取民族独立、人民解放和实现国家富强、人民幸福的历史任务，充实和发展了中国人所应肩负的天下责任的时代内容，从而使“以天下为己任”不单只是一句鼓舞人心的口号，更是一面具有明确目标导向的行动旗帜。

(2) “Great Harmony is Our Goal”

（二）“大同者，吾人之鹄也”

As a Chinese person who received Confucian education from childhood, Mao Zedong deeply yearned for a society of great harmony. In 1917, in a letter to a friend, Mao explicitly stated, “Great harmony is our goal.” On the one hand, Mao inherited the traditional Chinese ideal of great harmony; on the other hand, he used Marxism to interpret the value concepts of a great harmony society, creatively developing the traditional Chinese view of the ideal of all under heaven.

身为一名从小接受儒家教育的中国人，毛泽东十分向往大同社会。1917年，在给友人的一封信中，毛泽东明确表示“大同者，吾人之鹄也”。毛泽东一方面继承了中国传统的大同理想，另一方面又运用马克思主义阐释大同社会的价值理念，创造性地发展了中华传统的天下理想观。

First, Mao eliminated the component of absolute egalitarianism in the traditional ideal of great harmony. Absolute egalitarianism reflected the desire of Chinese small peasants for equal social relations and common prosperity. Due to the special national conditions of modern China, the Communist Party of China absorbed a large number of Party members of peasant origin and was long in an environment of rural guerrilla warfare, so the ideology of absolute egalitarianism was inevitably brought into the Party. Regarding this erroneous ideology, Mao, first, made his attitude clear, explicitly stating that “if absolute equality is demanded, it is impossible not only now but also in the future.” Second, he explained its harm, pointing out that promoting absolute egalitarianism would inevitably damage Party conduct and Party discipline, undermine land reform, destroy the united front, and hinder the development of productive forces. Third, he analyzed its roots, reminding the entire Party to recognize that absolute egalitarianism was “a product of handicraft industry and the small peasant economy,” “merely a fantasy of the peasant petty bourgeoisie,” and its nature was “reactionary, backward, and regressive.” Fourth, he explained the Party’s land policy, particularly emphasizing that “we support the peasants’ demand for equal distribution of land in order to facilitate mobilizing the broad masses of peasants to rapidly eliminate the feudal landlord class’s system of land ownership, not to advocate absolute egalitarianism.” Although Mao’s critique of absolute egalitarianism was focused on correcting erroneous tendencies within the Party, it objectively had the effect of transforming the traditional ideal of great harmony and clarifying misunderstandings within the Party about a great harmony society.

首先，毛泽东剔除了传统大同理想中的绝对平均主义成分。绝对平均主义反映了中国小农对平等的社会关系和共同富裕的渴望，由于近代中国的特殊国情，中国共产党吸收了大量农民出身的党员，又长期处于农村游击战争环境之中，绝对平均主义思想不可避免地被带入了党内。对于这种错误思想，毛泽东一是亮明态度，明确表示“如果要求绝对平均，则不但现在，将来也是办不到的”。二是说明危害，指出推行绝对平均主义必然会破坏党风党纪，破坏土地改革，破坏统一战线，阻碍生产力发展。三是剖析根源，提醒全党认识到绝对平均主义是“手工业和小农经济的产物”，“只是农民小资产者的一种幻想”，其性质是“反动的、落后的、倒退的”。四是解释党的土地政策，特别强调“我们赞助农民平分土地的要求，是为了便于发动广大的农民群众迅速地消灭封建地主阶级的土地所有制度，并非提倡绝对的平均主义”。毛泽东批判绝对平均主义虽然着意点在于纠正党内的错误倾向，但同时在客观上收到了改造传统大同理想的效果，澄清了党内对大同社会的误解。

Second, Mao creatively linked the great harmony society in the minds of the Chinese people with the communist society envisioned by Marxism. In “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship,” Mao discussed the laws of development of human society: “The working class, the working people, and the Communist Party work hard to create conditions so that classes, state power, and political parties will very naturally wither away, enabling mankind to enter the realm of great harmony.” In the same article, when discussing China’s prospects after the bankruptcy of the Western bourgeois republic model, he wrote: “This creates a possibility: to reach socialism and communism through the people’s republic, to reach the elimination of classes and the great harmony of the world.”[7]7 The quotation is from Mao Zedong, “On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (1949). From these two passages, it can be seen that the “realm of great harmony” Mao speaks of here is precisely the communist society advocated by Marxism, and the “great harmony of the world” is precisely the communist society predicted by Marxism. The millennia-old beautiful aspiration of the Chinese nation and the highest goal of Marxism were skillfully linked by Mao Zedong. This is the result of the interactive integration of two kinds of thought and culture: on the one hand, the traditional Chinese ideal of great harmony was infused with communist content and values; on the other hand, the concept of communism acquired an expression easily understood and familiar to the Chinese people.

其次，毛泽东创造性地将中国人心中的大同社会和马克思主义设想的共产主义社会联系起来。在《论人民民主专政》一文中，毛泽东论述人类社会的发展规律：“工人阶级、劳动人民和共产党，努力工作，创设条件，使阶级、国家权力和政党很自然地归于消灭，使人类进到大同境域。”该文在论述西方资产阶级共和国方案破产后中国的前途时写道：“这样就造成了一种可能性：经过人民共和国到达社会主义和共产主义，到达阶级的消灭和世界的大同。”⑤从这两段论述可以看出，毛泽东这里所说的“大同境域”就是马克思主义所主张的共产主义社会，“世界的大同”就是马克思主义所预言的共产主义社会，中华民族几千年来的美好向往和马克思主义的最高目标被毛泽东巧妙地联系起来。这是两种思想文化互动融合的结果，一方面，中华优秀传统文化中的大同理想观被注入了共产主义的内容和价值；另一方面，共产主义概念具有了易为中国人所熟悉和理解的表达方式。

Third, Mao pointed out the feasible plan and realistic path to a great harmony society. Historically, China’s ancient sages and worthies also proposed and attempted various paths they believed could lead to a great harmony society. As early as the pre-Qin period, there was the Confucian “restraining oneself and restoring the rites,” the Legalist “severe punishments and harsh laws,” the Daoist “governing by non-action,” and the Mohist “universal love and non-aggression.” In modern times, there were Hong Xiuquan’s Taiping Heavenly Kingdom movement, the Kang-Liang reformist constitutional reform and modernization, and Sun Yat-sen’s bourgeois revolution. But all these theories and practices ended in failure. So, how can one actually move toward a great harmony society? Under the guidance of Marxism, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, found the correct path. Specifically, the first step was to complete the new-democratic revolution and establish a people’s republic led by the proletariat, where the working people are the masters of the country; the second step was to complete the socialist revolution, simultaneously transforming the relations of production and developing productive forces, and building socialism; the third step was to gradually transition to communism, ultimately “eliminating classes and achieving great harmony.” Mao’s conception and planning took into account both the national conditions of modern China and conformed to the basic principles of scientific socialism. History has proven and will continue to prove that for the Chinese nation to realize the ideal of great harmony under heaven, it must follow the path guided by Marxism that has been adapted to the Chinese context and the needs of the times.

第三，毛泽东指出了通往大同社会的可行方案和现实路径。历史上，中国的古圣先贤也曾提出和尝试过各式各样的，以为可以导向大同社会的道路，早在先秦时期，即有儒家的“克己复礼”、法家的“严刑峻法”、道家的“无为而治”、墨家的“兼爱非攻”，近代则有洪秀全的太平天国运动、康梁维新派的变法改良和孙中山的资产阶级革命，但这些理论和实践通通宣告失败。那么，究竟如何才能走向大同社会？以毛泽东同志为主要代表的中国共产党人在马克思主义指导下找到了正确道路。具体而言，第一步是完成新民主主义革命，建立无产阶级领导的、劳动人民当家作主的人民共和国；第二步是完成社会主义革命，改造生产关系和发展生产力并举，建设社会主义；第三步是逐步向共产主义过渡，最终“消灭阶级和实现大同”。毛泽东的构思和规划既考虑了近代中国的国情，又符合科学社会主义的基本原理。历史已经证明并将继续证明，中华民族要实现天下大同的理想，必须走中国化时代化的马克思主义所指引的道路。

(3) “The People, and the People Alone, Are the Motive Force in the Making of World History”

（三）“人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的动力”

Mao Zedong attached great importance to the people’s will, deeply understanding that the people’s political identification and material support were the foundation and prerequisite for the continuous progress of the Party’s cause. The people are all under heaven; all under heaven is the people. The reason the Communist Party can govern the country and bring peace to all under heaven lies in winning the people’s hearts. However, fundamentally different from the old view of the rise and fall of all under heaven, which treated the people’s will as a tool for serving monarchical rule and placed the people’s welfare in the hope of the monarch’s grace, Mao Zedong always firmly believed that “the people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history.” His understanding of “winning the people’s will wins all under heaven” was premised on adhering to historical materialism. In other words, Mao replaced the philosophical core of the old view of the rise and fall of all under heaven that contradicted history and reality. Starting from the basic viewpoint of historical materialism that the masses of the people are the true subjects of social history, Mao Zedong repeatedly pointed out that the fundamental force of the Chinese revolution “is the workers and peasants, who make up 90 percent of the national population,” and repeatedly emphasized that “the cause of the proletariat can only rely on the masses of the people.” He taught the entire Party: “As long as we rely on the people, firmly believe that the people’s creative power is inexhaustible, and therefore trust the people, and become one with them, then any difficulty can be overcome, and any enemy can be overwhelmed by us, rather than overwhelming us.” He prophesied heroically: “Once the destiny of China is in the hands of the people themselves, China will shine over the earth with its brilliant radiance, like the sun rising in the East.” He eulogized the masses of the people with deep affection, firmly believing that the masses of the people possess an irresistible historical force.

毛泽东极为重视民心，深知人民群众在政治上的认同和物质上的支持是党的事业不断前进的基础和前提。人民就是天下，天下就是人民。共产党之所以能治国平天下，就在于赢得了人民的心。但是，与旧式天下兴亡观把民心当成是服务君主统治的工具、把人民的福利寄希望于君主的恩赐根本不同，毛泽东始终坚信，“人民，只有人民，才是创造世界历史的动力”，他对“得民心者得天下”的理解是以坚持唯物史观为前提的。换言之，毛泽东替换了旧式天下兴亡观与历史和现实相违背的哲学内核。从人民群众是社会历史的真正主体这一唯物史观的基本观点出发，毛泽东多次指出，中国革命的根本力量“就是占全国人口百分之九十的工人农民”，反复强调“无产阶级的事业只能依靠人民群众”。他教育全党“只要我们依靠人民，坚决地相信人民群众的创造力是无穷无尽的，因而信任人民，和人民打成一片，那就任何困难也能克服，任何敌人也不能压倒我们，而只会被我们所压倒”。他豪迈地预言：“中国的命运一经操在人民自己的手里，中国就将如太阳升起在东方那样，以自己的辉煌的光焰普照大地”。他深情地讴歌人民群众，深信人民群众具有势不可挡的历史伟力。

In order to unite the whole nation under the Party’s banner and to ensure that the Party forever stands together with the people, Mao Zedong formulated the principle of proceeding from the people’s interests and being responsible to the people. He established whether something conforms to the people’s interests and whether it wins the people’s support as the highest criterion for testing the correctness of the Party’s work, demanding that the Party’s “every word, every action, and every policy must suit the people’s interests.” In Mao’s view, being responsible to the people is not an empty phrase; every Party member, regardless of who they are, is a servant of the people, must serve the people wholeheartedly, and should place the people’s interests first and seek benefits for the people. The Party’s leadership over the masses should adhere to the working line of “from the masses, to the masses”—“that is, concentrate the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) into concentrated and systematic ideas (through study), then go to the masses to propagate and explain these ideas, turn them into the masses’ own ideas, make the masses persist in them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in the masses’ actions.” The Party’s mass work must pay special attention to the people’s livelihood; “all empty talk is useless; the people must be given tangible material benefits.” Mao also elaborated on the principle of being responsible to the people from the perspective of liberating and developing social productive forces, pointing out that “the criterion for judging the good or bad, the large or small, of the role played by all political parties in China in the people’s practice is, in the final analysis, whether and to what extent they help develop the productive forces of the Chinese people, and whether they fetter or liberate these productive forces.” “If we cannot develop the productive forces, the common people will not necessarily support us.” Mao Zedong, using historical materialism, brilliantly explained the inner logic of “he who wins the people’s hearts wins the world,” profoundly clarifying the advanced nature of the CPC and the basis for its inevitable victory.

为了将全国人民团结在党的旗帜下，为了使党永远和人民站在一起，毛泽东制定了从人民利益出发、对人民负责的原则，将是否符合人民利益、是否得到人民拥护确立为检验党的工作正确与否的最高标准，要求党的“每句话，每个行动，每项政策，都要适合人民的利益”。在毛泽东看来，对人民负责不是一句空话，全体党员不管是谁，都是人民的勤务员，都要全心全意为人民服务，都应当把人民的利益摆在首位，为人民谋利益。党对人民群众的领导应当坚持从群众中来、到群众中去的工作路线，“这就是说，将群众的意见（分散的无系统的意见）集中起来（经过研究，化为集中的系统的意见），又到群众中去作宣传解释，化为群众的意见，使群众坚持下去，见之于行动，并在群众行动中考验这些意见是否正确”。党的群众工作必须格外关心群众生活，“一切空话都是无用的，必须给人民以看得见的物质福利”。毛泽东还特别从解放和发展社会生产力的高度来阐述对人民负责的原则，指出“中国一切政党的政策及其实践在中国人民中所表现的作用的好坏、大小，归根到底，看它对于中国人民的生产力的发展是否有帮助及其帮助之大小，看它是束缚生产力的，还是解放生产力的”。“如果我们不能发展生产力，老百姓就不一定拥护我们”。毛泽东运用唯物史观精辟地解答了“得民心者得天下”的内在逻辑，深刻说明了中国共产党的先进性和必然赢得胜利的根据。

In July 1945, the noted democratic personage Huang Yanpei raised the question in a cave dwelling in Yan’an of whether the CPC could break out of and how to break out of the historical cycle of rise and fall. [8]8 Huang Yanpei (1878–1965) was a prominent Chinese educator and political figure. The “historical cycle of rise and fall” (历史周期率) refers to the pattern in Chinese history whereby a dynasty rises, flourishes, and then declines and falls, a concept Huang famously raised with Mao in 1945. Some ancient dynasties rose and fell in an instant; others, after long periods of prosperity, still could not escape the fate of collapse. The alternation of dynasties seemed to be governed by a historical cycle. Facing Huang Yanpei’s historical question, Mao Zedong replied with a firm voice: “We have already found a new path. We can break out of this cycle. This new path is democracy. Only when the people are allowed to supervise the government will the government not dare to slack off. Only when everyone takes responsibility will there be no end of the state with the death of the ruler.” Mao’s thinking on breaking the historical cycle helped our Party withstand the test of comprehensive governance after the founding of New China, stabilized the state, retained the people’s hearts, and holds pioneering significance in the Party’s history of self-revolution.

1945年7月，著名民主人士黄炎培在延安窑洞中向毛泽东提出了中国共产党能否跳出和如何跳出历史周期率的问题。中国古代有些王朝旋生即灭，有些王朝在长久昌盛之后仍难逃败亡的结局，王朝更替似乎受到了一种历史周期率的支配。面对黄炎培的历史之问，毛泽东掷地有声地答道：“我们已经找到新路，我们能跳出这周期率。这条新路，就是民主。只有让人民来监督政府，政府才不敢松懈。只有人人起来负责，才不会人亡政息。”毛泽东破解历史周期率的思路帮助我们党在新中国成立后经受住了全面执政的考验，稳住了天下，守住了民心，在党的自我革命史上具有首创意义。

(4) Mao Zedong’s Creative Application and Development of the Holistic View of Tianxia as “All Under Heaven Is One Family”

（四）毛泽东对“天下一家”的天下整体观的创造性运用和发展

Mao Zedong was adept at thinking about China’s revolutionary problems from the perspective of the connection between China and the world. The theoretical foundation and analytical tool for this was undoubtedly the Marxist theory of proletarian world revolution, but it was also influenced by the Chinese holistic view of tianxia. For example, Mao believed that the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 was not only a major event in Russian history but also a milestone in human history. From then on, any struggle against imperialism and feudalism fell within the scope of the new proletarian world revolution, and China was naturally no exception: “The Chinese revolution is a great part of the world revolution.” Mao highly evaluated the important role of international assistance, emphasizing that “international assistance is necessary for the revolutionary struggles of all modern states and all nations,” and applied the theory of the united front to the international arena, proposing that “all countries and peoples in the world that oppose imperialism are our friends,” promoting the establishment of a broad international united front. Mao also profoundly elucidated the great significance of the victory of the Chinese revolution for the world—that it broke through the imperialist Eastern front and greatly strengthened the forces in the world that love peace and pursue progress. Mao’s incisive discussions on the historical background, external advantages, and world significance of the Chinese revolution all proceeded from the overall cause of the proletarian world revolution and all closely linked China with the world. It can be said that Mao’s logic of argumentation and the mode of thinking of the Chinese holistic view of tianxia are interconnected.

毛泽东善于从中国与世界相联系的角度来思考中国革命问题，其理论基石和分析工具固然是马克思主义的无产阶级世界革命理论，但其中也有中华天下整体观的影响。比如，毛泽东认为1917年俄国十月革命不单是俄国历史上的大事，更是人类历史上的里程碑。自此以后，任何反对帝国主义和封建主义的斗争都属于新的无产阶级世界革命的范畴，中国自然不能例外，“中国革命是世界革命的伟大的一部分”。毛泽东高度评价国际援助的重要作用，强调“国际援助对于现代一切国家一切民族的革命斗争都是必要的”，并将统一战线理论应用到国际，提出“全世界一切反帝国主义的国家与人民都是我们的朋友”，推动建立广泛的国际统一战线。毛泽东还深刻阐明了中国革命胜利之于世界的伟大意义，即冲破了帝国主义的东方战线，大大增强了世界爱好和平、追求进步的力量。毛泽东对中国革命时代背景、外部优势、世界意义的精辟论述，无一不是从无产阶级世界革命的整体事业出发，无一不是把中国与世界紧密联系起来。可以说，毛泽东的论述逻辑和中华天下整体观的思维方式是相通的。

Mao Zedong was also deeply inspired by the concepts of “harmony in diversity” and “concord among all nations” contained in the Chinese holistic view of tianxia, advocating peaceful coexistence among all countries in the world and mutual learning among all nations. After the end of the Second World War, an iron curtain descended between the capitalist and socialist camps, and countries with different systems replaced peaceful dialogue with fierce confrontation, almost cutting off all exchanges. Mao opposed this pattern of international interaction, believing that international exchanges should not be halted due to differences in ideology and social systems. As long as all countries respect each other, do not invade each other, and treat each other equally and with mutual benefit, “different systems can coexist peacefully.” This principle of Mao’s applied not only between capitalist and socialist countries but also universally among all countries in the world. Based on the principle of peaceful coexistence and equal exchange, Mao put forward the slogan of learning from foreign countries, emphasizing that “we must learn all the good experiences of all countries, whether they are socialist or capitalist,” but without blindly copying them. Countries in the world should actively interact, and nations should also actively communicate. Mao pointed out, “Our policy is to learn the strong points of all nations and all countries, all that is truly good in the fields of politics, economy, science, technology, literature, and art.” The Chinese nation is a great nation; on the one hand, it must humbly learn from other outstanding nations of the world, and on the other hand, “it should make greater contributions to humanity.”

毛泽东还深受中华天下整体观蕴含的“和而不同”“协和万邦”的理念启发，主张世界各国和平共处、世界各民族互学互鉴。第二次世界大战结束后，资本主义阵营和社会主义阵营之间降下了一道铁幕，不同制度的国家以激烈对抗代替了和平对话，几乎中断了所有往来。毛泽东反对这种国际交往格局，认为国际交往不应因意识形态和社会制度的不同而停滞。只要各国互相尊重、互不侵犯、平等互惠，“不同的制度是可以和平共处的”。毛泽东的这条原则不仅适用于资本主义国家与社会主义国家之间，也普遍适用于世界上一切国家之间。基于和平共处、平等交往的原则，毛泽东提出了向外国学习的口号，强调“一切国家的好经验我们都要学，不管是社会主义国家的，还是资本主义国家的”，但不能盲目照搬。世界各国要积极交往，世界各民族也应积极交流。毛泽东指出，“我们的方针是，一切民族、一切国家的长处都要学，政治、经济、科学、技术、文学、艺术的一切真正好的东西都要学”。中华民族是一个伟大的民族，一方面要虚心向世界其他优秀民族学习，另一方面“应当对于人类有较大的贡献”。

3. Influence and Significance

三、影响和意义

Mao Zedong’s creative application and development of the view of tianxia in fine traditional Chinese culture holds great significance in the history of the development of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, the history of Chinese cultural development, the history of the CPC’s struggle, and the history of the development of the spiritual pedigree of Chinese Communists.

毛泽东对中华优秀传统文化中天下观的创造性运用和发展在马克思主义中国化发展史、中华文化发展史、中国共产党奋斗史、中国共产党人精神谱系发展史上具有重大意义。

First, it promoted the dissemination, rooting, and application of Marxism in China. Any foreign ideology, upon entering a country, if it cannot harmoniously integrate with that country’s inherent cultural traditions, will inevitably trigger strong rejection psychology among the people, and dissemination, rooting, and application become impossible. Mao accurately and profoundly grasped the points of convergence between the basic principles of Marxism and the traditional Chinese view of tianxia, including the similarity of their spiritual temperament, the correspondence of their value pursuits, and the interconnection of their modes of thinking. It can be said that Mao’s creative application and development of the Chinese view of tianxia was both a process of seeking wisdom from the ancient Chinese under the guidance of Marxism and a process of using the resources of fine traditional Chinese culture to propagate and explain Marxism—a process of integrating the basic principles of Marxism with fine traditional Chinese culture. As a result, Marxism was endowed with a strong Chinese flavor and a distinct Chinese style, making it easier for the Chinese people to understand, accept, and apply.

首先，它促进了马克思主义在中国的传播、扎根和运用。任何一种外来思想，在进入一个国家以后倘若不能同该国固有的文化传统和谐相融，必然会触发该国人民强烈的排异心理，也就谈不上传播、扎根和运用。毛泽东准确而深刻地把握到马克思主义基本原理和中华传统天下观的契合之处，包括二者精神气质的相近、价值追求的相符、思维方式的相通。可以说，毛泽东对中华天下观的创造性运用和发展，既是一个以马克思主义为指导向中国古人寻求智慧的过程，也是一个援引中华优秀传统文化资源宣传和阐释马克思主义的过程，是一个把马克思主义基本原理同中华优秀传统文化相结合的过程。由此，马克思主义被赋予了浓郁的中国气息和鲜明的中国风格，更易为中国人民理解、接受和运用。

Second, it renewed the ideological content of the traditional Chinese view of tianxia. Although the traditional Chinese view of tianxia is a cultural treasure of the Chinese nation, its theoretical aspirations had already fallen far behind the times, with insurmountable defects and drawbacks. This also reveals, from one aspect, the reason why “the old, stubborn feudal ideological weapons were defeated, could not withstand [the challenge], and declared bankruptcy” in modern China. Under the guidance of Marxism, Mao Zedong, combining the themes of the times and the needs of practice, transformed the traditional Chinese view of tianxia, injecting it with new ideological content. Specifically, the fundamental intention of the old view of responsibility for tianxia was to maintain the monarchical order and defend the dignity of the celestial empire; Mao, however, regarded seeking happiness for the people and rejuvenation for the nation as his own responsibility. The old view of the ideal of tianxia could only yearn for the beauty of a Great Harmony society; Mao pointed out the realistic path to reach a Great Harmony society. The old view of the rise and fall of tianxia treated the people as appendages of the monarch; Mao honored the people as masters of the state. Through Mao’s creative application and development, the traditional Chinese view of tianxia was reshaped, achieving creative transformation and innovative development, and radiating new vitality under new historical conditions.

其次，它更新了中国传统天下观的思想内涵。尽管中国传统天下观是中华民族的文化瑰宝，但其理论诉求已经远远落后于时代，存在无法克服的缺陷和弊端，这也从一个侧面揭示了近代中国“旧的顽固的封建主义的思想武器打了败仗了，抵不住，宣告破产了”的原因。在马克思主义的指导下，毛泽东结合时代主题和实践需要改造了中国传统天下观，为之注入了新的思想内涵。具体而言，旧式天下责任观的根本意图在于维护君统秩序、捍卫天朝威严，毛泽东则将为人民谋幸福、为民族谋复兴视为自身责任；旧式天下理想观只能憧憬大同社会的美好，毛泽东则指明了通往大同社会的现实路径；旧式天下兴亡观把人民当成君主的附属，毛泽东则是把人民尊为国家的主人。经过毛泽东的创造性运用和发展，中国传统天下观得到重塑，实现了创造性转化和创新性发展，在新的历史条件下焕发出新的生机。

Third, it gave rise to many correct propositions guiding China’s revolution and construction. Deeply driven by a sense of responsibility that “one takes the world as one’s own duty,” Mao Zedong, on the basis of applying the Marxist scientific world outlook and methodology, rooted himself in China’s national conditions, resonated with the times, and promptly put forward the Party’s central tasks for each period and stage, outlining a roadmap from New Democracy to socialism and then to communism, thereby pointing the way forward for the Party and the people. Mao fully endorsed the idea that “he who wins the people’s hearts wins the world,” demanding that Communist Party members must abide by the principle of being responsible to the people, keep in mind the purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, sincerely accept supervision by the people, and make historic contributions to forging a flesh-and-blood bond between the Party and the people. After the founding of New China, Mao critically inherited the holistic view of *tianxia* as “all under heaven is one family,” striving domestically to build a new type of ethnic relationship characterized by equality, unity, mutual assistance, and harmony among all ethnic groups, and internationally to sound the clarion call of the times for peaceful coexistence among different countries and mutual learning among different civilizations, providing fundamental guidance for the ethnic work and diplomatic work of New China. Mao’s creative application and development of the Chinese view of *tianxia* bore abundant fruit, correctly resolving a series of difficulties encountered in China’s revolution and construction, and it still has guiding significance today.

再次，它催生了许多指导中国革命和建设的正确主张。毛泽东深受“以天下为己任”的责任意识驱动，在运用马克思主义科学的世界观和方法论的基础上，他立足于中国国情，与时代同频共振，及时提出党在各个时期、各个阶段的中心任务，描绘了从新民主主义到社会主义再到共产主义的路线图，为党和人民指明了前进方向。毛泽东完全赞同“得民心者得天下”，要求共产党员必须恪守对人民负责的原则，牢记全心全意为人民服务的宗旨，诚恳接受人民监督，为筑牢党和人民的血肉联系作出了历史性贡献。新中国成立后，毛泽东批判地继承了“天下一家”的天下整体观，在国内努力构建各民族平等团结互助的新型民族关系，在国际上发出不同国家和平共处、不同文明各取所长的时代强音，为做好新中国的民族工作和外交工作提供了根本遵循。毛泽东对中华天下观的创造性运用和发展结出了累累硕果，正确解答了中国革命和建设遇到的一系列难题，至今依然具有指导意义。

Finally, it forged the spiritual quality and value pursuit of Chinese Communists for the country, the nation, and the people. As early as his youth, Mao Zedong set the great ambition of saving the country and the people, vowing to transform China and the world, and through a lifetime of unremitting struggle he embodied the integrity and sentiment that “everyone is responsible for the rise and fall of the world.” He internalized “all under heaven is for the common good” as his own moral creed, putting public interest before private interest and being utterly selfless, dedicating everything he had to the Party and the people, with six of his relatives sacrificing their lives heroically in the revolution. He worked day and night, racking his brains, eagerly hoping that the people of all ethnic groups across the country could soon live a good life. Mao’s creative application and development of the Chinese view of *tianxia* fully reflected his great personality and lofty moral character, always bearing in mind the security of the country, the fate of the nation, and the well-being of the people. Mao was truly “the great patriot and national hero of modern China” and truly the people’s leader deeply loved by the people. This spiritual quality and value pursuit for the country, the nation, and the people did not belong only to him personally; it has been sublimated into the common spiritual endowment of all Communist Party members, forever flowing in the blood of our Party.

最后，它锻造了中国共产党人为国家、为民族、为人民的精神品质和价值追求。毛泽东早在青少年时期就立下了救国救民的大志，誓言要改造中国与世界，用一生的不懈奋斗诠释了“天下兴亡，匹夫有责”的操守和情怀。他将“天下为公”内化为自身的道德信条，公而忘私、大公无私，把自己的一切奉献给党和人民，先后有6名亲人在革命中壮烈牺牲。他日夜操劳、殚精竭虑，急切地盼望着全国各族人民都能早日过上好日子。毛泽东对中华天下观的创造性运用和发展充分体现了他时刻将国家安危、民族命运、人民福祉放在心上的伟大人格和崇高品德，毛泽东不愧为“近代以来中国伟大的爱国者和民族英雄”，不愧为深受人民爱戴的人民领袖。他的这种为国家、为民族、为人民的精神品质和价值追求不仅仅只属于其个人，而且已经升华为全体共产党员共有的精神禀赋，永远地流淌在我们党的血液之中。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, Chinese Communists, with Comrade Xi Jinping as their chief representative, have adhered to integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the best of traditional Chinese culture, further enriching and developing the view of *tianxia* in the best of traditional Chinese culture in light of the new conditions of the times and the requirements of practice. Xi Jinping particularly esteems the political aspiration of the ancient Chinese to “be the first to worry about the world’s troubles and the last to enjoy its pleasures,” and with the historical commitment of “I will work selflessly and live up to the people’s trust,” he emphasizes that we must “make our due contribution to advancing the building of a strong country and the rejuvenation of the nation for our generation.” Under the leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, China has built a moderately prosperous society in all respects on the land of China, and the Chinese nation has finally realized its millennia-old dream of moderate prosperity, now steadily advancing toward the goal of building a great modern socialist country in all respects. Xi Jinping emphasizes that “the people’s hearts are the greatest politics,” and “as the saying goes, ‘How is the world governed? By winning the people’s hearts! How is the world thrown into chaos? By losing the people’s hearts!’

党的十八大以来，以习近平同志为主要代表的中国共产党人坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合，根据新的时代条件和实践要求进一步丰富和发展了中华优秀传统文化中的天下观。习近平特别推崇中国古人“先天下之忧而忧，后天下之乐而乐”的政治抱负，以“我将无我，不负人民”的历史担当，强调要为“推进强国建设、民族复兴作出我们这一代人的应有贡献”。在以习近平同志为核心的党中央领导下，中华大地全面建成小康社会，中华民族终于实现了自己的千年小康梦，正向着全面建设社会主义现代化强国的目标稳步前进。习近平强调“民心是最大的政治”，“正所谓‘天下何以治？得民心而已！天下何以乱？失民心而已！’”习近平始终坚持人民至上的价值立场和根本观点，要求深入贯彻以人民为中心的发展思想，将人民对美好生活的向往作为奋斗目标。习近平深刻把握时代发展潮流和人类社会进步方向，主张“各国人民应该秉持‘天下一家’理念，共同推动构建人类命运共同体”。这些新思想、新战略、新举措，既同毛泽东对中国传统天下观的创造性运用和发展一脉相承，又从理论上和实践上谱写了中国传统天下观新的时代篇章，是马克思主义中国化时代化的重要成果，是中华文化和中国精神的时代精华，必将指引我们在新时代新征程上夺取新的胜利、赢得新的荣光。

(Author bios: Ding Junping, professor and doctoral supervisor at the School of Marxism, Wuhan University; Jia Shuheng, graduate student at the School of Marxism, Wuhan University)

（作者简介：丁俊萍，武汉大学马克思主义学院教授、博士生导师；贾书衡，武汉大学马克思主义学院研究生）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心