Mao Zedong’s Profound Analysis of Why the “Road of Capitalist Society” Cannot Work in China

After the Opium War of 1840, China gradually became a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. In the search for a correct path to save the country and the people, various social forces stepped forward one after another, and various plans were put forward in turn. China’s national bourgeoisie attempted to learn from European and American countries, advocating the “road of capitalist society,” “establishing a purely national bourgeois old-style democratic dictatorship,” and “realizing the democratic politics of the British and American type.” Although the specific formulations and expressions of these proposals and plans were not entirely identical, their essence was all to take the European and American capitalist road. The “road of capitalist society” was divorced from China’s objective reality and was repeatedly proven by practice to be “completely unworkable” in China. The development of modern Chinese history proves that there is only one correct path for China’s future: under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, to take the new-democratic road and the socialist road, and “to reach socialism and communism through the People’s Republic.” Mao Zedong had many relevant discussions and analyses on why the “road of capitalist society” cannot work in China and why China did not and could not take the European and American capitalist road. This article intends to explore this issue specifically on the basis of Mao Zedong’s discussions and analyses, in order to deepen the understanding of this problem.

1840年鸦片战争以后，中国逐步成为半殖民地半封建社会。为找寻救国救民的正确道路，各种社会力量前赴后继，各种方案轮番出台。中国的民族资产阶级试图学习欧美国家，主张走“资本主义社会之路”，“建立一个纯粹民族资产阶级的旧式民主专政的国家”，“实现英美式的民主政治”。尽管这些主张和方案具体提法和表述不完全一样，但本质都是要走欧美式的资本主义道路。走“资本主义社会之路”，脱离了中国的客观实际，屡次被实践证明在中国“是完全行不通的”。中国近代历史的发展证明，中国的前途只有一条正道，就是在中国共产党领导下，走新民主主义道路和社会主义道路，“经过人民共和国到达社会主义和共产主义”。关于为什么“资本主义社会之路”在中国行不通，为什么中国没有也不能走向欧美式的资本主义道路，毛泽东有很多相关论述和剖析。本文拟以毛泽东的这些论述和剖析为基础，专门就此问题进行探讨，以期深化对该问题的认识。

I. “Imperialism Does Not Permit It”

一、“帝国主义不容许”

That the “road of capitalist society” cannot work in China has both external and internal causes. “Imperialism does not permit it” is an important external cause. Mao Zedong believed: “The purpose of the invasion of China by the imperialist powers is not to turn feudal China into capitalist China. The purpose of the imperialist powers is the opposite; they want to turn China into their semi-colony and colony.” It can be seen that taking the capitalist road in China runs counter to the purpose of imperialist aggression against China.

“资本主义社会之路”在中国行不通，既有外部原因，也有内部原因。“帝国主义不容许”，就是一个重要的外部原因。毛泽东认为：“帝国主义列强侵入中国的目的，决不是要把封建的中国变成资本主义的中国。帝国主义列强的目的和这相反，它们是要把中国变成它们的半殖民地和殖民地。”可见，中国走资本主义道路与帝国主义侵略中国的目的是背道而驰的。

Mao Zedong also pointed out that to achieve this purpose, imperialism adopted a series of political, economic, and military means: on the basis of various unequal treaties, it controlled all important trading ports and transportation networks in China, controlled China’s customs and domestic and foreign trade, so as to sell large quantities of its industrial products to China; it established various light and heavy industrial enterprises in China, using China’s cheap raw materials and labor resources, to

毛泽东还指出，帝国主义为了达到这个目的，采取了政治、经济、军事等一系列手段：依据各种不平等条约，控制中国一切重要的通商口岸与交通网，控制中国的海关与内外贸易，以便向中国大量销售它们的工业品；在中国开办各种轻重工业企业，利用中国的廉价原料和劳动力资源，对中国的民族资本主义企业进行排挤与打压，阻挠中国民族资本主义发展；在中国开设银行，强迫借贷，垄断中国的金融与财政，以便在金融与财政上堵塞中国资本主义发展道路；扶植在中国的代理人，包括培育为帝国主义服务的买办阶级和商业高利贷阶级，以及将中国的封建势力改造为它们统治中国的支柱；向中国的反动政权派遣军事顾问，提供大量军火，甚至直接出兵，扼杀中国的民主革命。

In modern times, whenever the Chinese people strove for the goal of a bourgeois democratic republic, imperialism invariably intervened until such efforts were completely defeated. The Revolution of 1911, a bourgeois revolution, is a typical example. Shortly after the Revolution of 1911, Yuan Shikai, relying on the support of imperialism and exploiting the compromise of the national bourgeoisie that had led the revolution, usurped the presidency and stole the fruits of victory.

近代以来，每当中国人为资产阶级民主共和国目标努力时，帝国主义必然会予以干涉，直至这种努力完全失败为止。作为资产阶级革命的辛亥革命就是典型的例子。辛亥革命后不久，袁世凯就依靠帝国主义的支持，又利用当时领导革命的民族资产阶级的妥协性，篡夺了总统职位，窃取了胜利果实。

It is undeniable that the invasion of foreign capitalism in modern times eroded China’s self-sufficient natural economy, impacted China’s feudal economy, and to a certain extent objectively promoted the development of China’s modern commodity economy, indeed providing some realistic conditions for the emergence and development of China’s national capitalism. However, national capitalism never developed into the main form of China’s social economy. One direct reason for this was that “imperialism would not permit it.” One can imagine that if China had completely changed its backward semi-colonial and semi-feudal state and become an independent capitalist country, imperialism would not only have lost the privileges and markets it had already gained in China, but would also have faced a powerful competitor, which would inevitably affect its own survival and development. Lenin pointed out: “Capitalism cannot exist and develop without constantly expanding its sphere of rule, without developing new places and dragging the non-capitalist ancient countries into the whirlpool of world economy.” The survival and development of imperialism are based on large-scale external aggression and expansion and the deprivation of other countries’ right to development.

不可否认，近代外国资本主义的入侵，侵蚀了中国自给自足的自然经济基础，冲击了中国的封建主义经济，一定程度上推动了中国近代商品经济的发展，确实客观上为中国民族资本主义的产生与发展提供了某些现实条件。但是，民族资本主义始终没有发展成为中国社会经济的主要形式，其中一个直接原因，就是“帝国主义不容许”。可以设想，如果中国完全改变半殖民地半封建的落后状态，变成一个独立自主的资本主义国家，帝国主义不仅会丧失在中国已经获得的特权与市场，而且会面临一个同自己竞争的强有力对手，这必然会影响到它们的生存与发展。列宁就指出：“资本主义如果不经常扩大其统治范围，如果不开发新的地方并把非资本主义的古老国家卷入世界经济的漩涡，它就不能存在与发展。”帝国主义的生存与发展，就是建立在对外大肆侵略扩张、剥夺他国发展权利的基础之上的。

During the period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong further pointed out in *On New Democracy*: “Imperialism is moribund capitalism.” Because it is on the verge of death, it needs colonies and semi-colonies all the more, and “will never permit any colony or semi-colony to establish any capitalist society under bourgeois dictatorship.” Taking Japanese imperialism as an example, he pointed out that Japan, mired in severe economic and political crises, had become “moribund capitalism.” Therefore, it relied even more on China, going all out to occupy China by armed force and turn it into its complete colony, which thoroughly deprived China of the opportunity to establish a bourgeois political power and develop capitalism. Hence, Mao Zedong pointed out: “Bourgeois republics existed abroad, but they cannot exist in China, because China is a country suffering imperialist oppression.” “The history of imperialist aggression against China, of its opposition to China’s independence and to China’s development of capitalism, constitutes China’s modern history.”

全面抗战时期，毛泽东在《新民主主义论》中进一步指出：“帝国主义是垂死的资本主义”，因为它是濒临死亡的，就更加需要利用殖民地半殖民地，而“决不容许任何殖民地半殖民地建立什么资产阶级专政的资本主义社会”。他以日本帝国主义为例指出，日本深陷严重的经济危机与政治危机，成了“垂死的资本主义”，因此它就更加依赖中国，要倾其全力来武装占领中国，把中国变为它完全的殖民地，这就彻底剥夺了中国建立资产阶级政权与发展资本主义的机会。所以，毛泽东指出：“资产阶级的共和国，外国有过的，中国不能有，因为中国是受帝国主义压迫的国家。”“帝国主义侵略中国，反对中国独立，反对中国发展资本主义的历史，就是中国的近代史。”

II. “Socialism Would Not Permit It”

二、“社会主义不容许”

That “socialism would not permit” China to take the “road of capitalist society” was an important conclusion Mao Zedong reached after deeply analyzing the new era background of the Chinese revolution. He pointed out: “The First Imperialist World War and the first victorious Socialist October Revolution changed the entire direction of world history and demarcated a whole new era in world history.” The Russian October Revolution was the starting point for world history to enter a new era. This new era in world history was a new era in which the proletarian socialist revolution replaced the bourgeois democratic revolution. In this new era, “the socialist state has been established and has declared its willingness to fight to assist the liberation movements of all colonies and semi-colonies.” At the same time, the proletariat of various capitalist countries, as its own strength gradually increased, also “declared that it sponsors the liberation movements of colonies and semi-colonies.”

“社会主义不容许”中国走“资本主义社会之路”，是毛泽东深入剖析中国革命所处的新的时代背景后得出的重要结论。他指出：“第一次帝国主义世界大战和第一次胜利的社会主义十月革命，改变了整个世界历史的方向，划分了整个世界历史的时代。”俄国十月革命是世界历史进入新时代的起点。这个世界历史的新时代，就是无产阶级社会主义革命取代资产阶级民主主义革命的新时代。在这个新时代，“社会主义国家已经建立并宣布它愿意为了扶助一切殖民地半殖民地的解放运动而斗争”，同时，各资本主义国家的无产阶级随着自身力量逐渐增强，也“宣布他们赞助殖民地半殖民地解放运动”。

Therefore, the revolutionary struggles of colonial and semi-colonial countries no longer belonged to the category of the world bourgeois democratic revolution, i.e., the category of the old democratic revolution, but to the category of the world proletarian socialist revolution, i.e., the category of the new democratic revolution. Similarly, China’s anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution, although still bourgeois-democratic in nature, had fundamentally differed from the old-style bourgeois democratic revolution in terms of its era background. It had become a new democratic revolution, “a part of the world proletarian socialist revolution.” The Chinese revolution not only received assistance from the socialist state but also support from the proletariat of various capitalist countries. Consequently, the future of the Chinese revolution should not and could not be the establishment of a bourgeois dictatorship and a capitalist society, but rather the establishment of a new democratic society under the joint dictatorship of all revolutionary classes led by the proletariat, and from there to proceed further to a socialist society.

因此，殖民地半殖民地国家的革命斗争，就不再属于世界资产阶级民主主义革命的范畴，即旧的民主主义革命的范畴，而属于世界无产阶级社会主义革命的范畴，即新的民主主义革命的范畴。同样，中国反帝反封建的革命，虽然在性质上仍属于资产阶级民主主义革命，但是它在时代背景上已经与旧式的资产阶级民主主义革命有了根本区别，它已经成为新的民主主义革命，“是世界无产阶级社会主义革命的一部分”。中国革命不仅获得了社会主义国家的扶助，而且获得了各资本主义国家无产阶级的支持。这样一来，中国革命的前途就不应该也不可能是建立资产阶级专政和资本主义社会，而是建立无产阶级领导的各革命阶级联合专政的新民主主义社会，并由此进一步走向社会主义社会。

During the period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Mao Zedong also deeply analyzed the impact of the changing balance of power between capitalism and socialism on China’s social development. He pointed out that capitalism was declining and heading toward extinction, while socialism was rising and flourishing. On the one hand, “Capitalism is like a horse with four legs. The October Revolution cut off one of its legs, and the Second World War cut off another. Now only two legs are left, making it a cripple, an incomplete thing. Capitalism is crippled; how can it walk?” On the other hand, “The ideological system and social system of communism are spreading throughout the world with the momentum of an avalanche and the force of a thunderbolt, preserving their wonderful youth.”

全面抗战时期，毛泽东还深入分析了资本主义与社会主义的力量变化对中国社会发展的影响。他指出，资本主义是向下低落而日趋衰亡的，社会主义是向上高涨而日渐兴盛的。一方面，“资本主义好比一个四只脚的马，十月革命搞掉它一只脚，第二次世界大战又夹掉它一只脚，现在只剩下了两只脚，成了一个跛子，成了不完全的东西。资本主义残废了，它怎样走路呢？”另一方面，“共产主义的思想体系和社会制度，正以排山倒海之势，雷霆万钧之力，磅礴于全世界，而葆其美妙之青春”。

The Soviet Union at that time represented the socialist forces. The Soviet Union declared the establishment of socialism in 1936 and demonstrated its powerful capacity to lead and assist the proletariat’s revolutionary struggles in various countries and the liberation struggles of colonial and semi-colonial countries. In June 1937, Mao Zedong met in Yan’an with T.A. Bisson, an expert on Far Eastern issues from the American Foreign Policy Association, and Jaffe, the editor-in-chief of the American journal *Amerasia*, among others. When the question “Why can China not become a capitalist country?” was raised, Mao pointed out that, in terms of the international environment, “the existence of the Soviet Union has a decisive influence.” This decisive influence was the aid and support of the socialist Soviet Union for the Chinese revolution. Thanks to this aid and support, after the victory of the New Democratic Revolution, China could avoid taking the old road of European and American capitalism and instead take a completely different new road, that is, the new road leading to socialism. On this basis, Mao Zedong clearly stated: “The present world is in a new era of revolution and war, an era in which capitalism is certainly dying and socialism is certainly flourishing. Under these circumstances, to want to establish a bourgeois-dictatorship capitalist society in China after the victory of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle — is that not sheer nonsense?”

当时的苏联就代表着社会主义力量。苏联在1936年就宣布建成社会主义，并展示了强大的力量去领导和帮助各国无产阶级的革命斗争及殖民地半殖民地国家的解放斗争。1937年 6月，毛泽东在延安会见美国外交政策协会远东问题专家毕森、美国《美亚》杂志主编贾菲等人。当谈到“为什么中国不能成为资本主义国家”这一问题时，毛泽东指出，在国际环境上，“苏联的存在有着决定性的影响”。这种决定性的影响，就是社会主义苏联对中国革命的援助和支持。得益于这些援助和支持，中国在新民主主义革命胜利之后，就可以避免走欧美资本主义的老路，而走出一条与之完全不同的新路，也就是通向社会主义的新路。在此基础上，毛泽东明确指出：“现在的世界，是处在革命和战争的新时代，是资本主义决然死灭和社会主义决然兴盛的时代。在这种情形下，要在中国反帝反封建胜利之后，再建立资产阶级专政的资本主义社会，岂非是完全的梦呓？”

III. “The Big Landlords and the Big Bourgeoisie Are Resolute Opposing Forces”

三、“大地主大资产阶级是坚决的反对力量”

In semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, the landlord class was the representative of the feudal forces. On the one hand, they imposed brutal economic exploitation, political oppression, and cultural enslavement on the peasant class; on the other hand, they colluded externally with imperialism, becoming the main accomplices of imperialist aggression against China. Therefore, this class had no progressive role whatsoever and was a force that seriously hindered China’s social development. The big landlord stratum within it stood firmly on the side of imperialism, becoming an extreme counter-revolutionary faction. Like the big landlords, China’s big bourgeoisie was also an extreme counter-revolutionary faction. On the one hand, they combined with the state power to become the bureaucratic bourgeoisie; on the other hand, they colluded with imperialism, being a class that directly served imperialism and was fed by it, thus a class with a strong comprador character. Regarding China’s big bourgeoisie, Mao Zedong pointed out that they occupied extremely vast economic resources and “monopolized the economic lifelines of the entire country.”

在半殖民地半封建的中国，地主阶级是封建势力的代表。他们一方面对农民阶级施加残酷的经济剥削、政治压迫与文化奴役，另一方面对外勾结帝国主义，成为帝国主义侵略中国的主要帮凶。因此，这一阶级没有任何进步作用可言，是严重阻碍中国社会发展的力量。其中的大地主阶级，更是坚定地站在帝国主义一边，成为极端的反革命派。与大地主阶级一样，中国的大资产阶级也是极端的反革命派。他们一方面和国家政权相结合，成为官僚资产阶级，另一方面又与帝国主义相勾结，是直接为帝国主义服务并被其豢养的阶级，因而是一个带有浓厚买办性质的阶级。对于中国的大资产阶级，毛泽东指出，他们占有着规模极其巨大的经济资源，“垄断了全国的经济命脉”。

Regarding the relationship between the big bourgeoisie and the big landlords, Mao Zedong believed that there were countless ties between them, and they always formed a counter-revolutionary alliance, joining forces to strangle China’s democratic revolution. For example, in the later period of the Great Revolution [1]1 The Westernization Movement (洋务运动, c. 1861–1895) was a self-strengthening reform program undertaken by Qing officials to adopt Western military and industrial technology while preserving Confucian institutions., the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie, instigated by imperialism, formed a counter-revolutionary alliance, frantically seized the fruits of the revolution, and brutally suppressed the revolutionary movements of the workers, peasants, and other petty bourgeoisie, ultimately leading to the failure of the Great Revolution. The big landlords and the big bourgeoisie, with the support of imperialism, firmly controlled the ruling power of semi-colonial and semi-feudal China.

对于大资产阶级与大地主阶级的关系，毛泽东认为两者之间存在着千丝万缕的联系，并且总是结成反革命联盟，联合起来扼杀中国的民主革命。例如，在大革命后期，大地主阶级和大资产阶级就在帝国主义的指使下结成反革命联盟，疯狂抢夺革命果实，残酷镇压工人、农民和其他小资产阶级的革命运动，最终导致大革命失败。大地主大资产阶级在帝国主义支持下牢牢控制着半殖民地半封建中国的统治权。

Mao Zedong believed that the counter-revolutionary alliance formed by the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie had always “exploited the laboring people by feudal, comprador, and monopolistic methods, and oppressed, harmed, or restricted the liberal bourgeoisie.” Therefore, “on the issue of democracy, the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie are resolute opposing forces.” After 1927, the Nanjing Nationalist government was their direct political representative. Through the Nanjing Nationalist government, they implemented various policies in political, economic, and cultural fields, all aimed at safeguarding the interests of their own class and clique. Mao Zedong profoundly analyzed this: they preached “the supremacy of the nation,” but in fact “their actions did not conform to the demands of the majority of the people in the nation”; they preached “the supremacy of the state,” but in fact “the state they referred to was the feudal fascist dictatorship of the big landlords, big bankers, and big comprador stratum, not a democratic state of the masses of the people”; they preached economic development, but in fact they were “accumulating bureaucratic capital, that is, the capital of the big landlords, big bankers, and big compradors, monopolizing China’s main economic lifelines, and brutally oppressing the peasants

毛泽东认为，大地主大资产阶级结成的反革命联盟，一直是“以封建的、买办的、垄断的方法剥削劳动人民，并压迫、损害或限制自由资产阶级”。因此，“在民主一点上则大地主大资产阶级是坚决的反对力量”。1927年以后，南京国民党政府就是他们直接的政治代表。他们通过南京国民党政府推行政治、经济、文化等方面的各种政策，目的都是为了维护本阶级本集团的利益。毛泽东对此进行了深刻剖析：他们宣扬“民族至上”，实际上“他们的行为却不符合于民族中大多数人民的要求”；他们宣扬“国家至上”，实际上“他们所指的国家，就是大地主、大银行家、大买办阶层的封建法西斯的独裁国家，并不是人民大众的民主国家”；他们宣扬发展经济，实际上则是在“积累官僚资本，亦即大地主、大银行家、大买办的资本，垄断中国的主要经济命脉，而残酷地压迫农民，压迫工人，压迫小资产阶级和自由资产阶级”；他们宣扬推进“民主”，实际上则是“残酷地压迫人民的民主运动，不愿实行丝毫的民主改革”；他们宣扬建立“近代国家”，实际上则是“拼死命保持那个大地主、大银行家、大买办的封建法西斯独裁统治”。所有这一切，都是与发展资本主义背道而驰的。

On the eve of the defeat of the Great Revolution in 1927, the national bourgeoisie once harbored illusions that the Guomindang government could develop capitalism and that Chiang Kai-shek could become China’s “Kemal,” and therefore turned to side with the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie, becoming accomplices of the counter-revolution. The result, however, completely disappointed them. Chiang Kai-shek did not become China’s “Kemal,” nor did the Guomindang regime develop into a bourgeois regime; instead, it became a regime of the dictatorship of the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie. This regime colluded with imperialism to maintain China’s semi-colonial and semi-feudal state. Mao Zedong pointed out: “After the defeat of China’s First Great Revolution in 1927, did not the Chinese bourgeois elements once loudly sing the praises of Kemalism? But

1927年大革命失败前夕，民族资产阶级曾幻想国民党政府能够发展资本主义，幻想蒋介石能够成为中国的“基马尔”，因而转身投靠大地主大资产阶级，成了反革命的帮凶，结果却让他们完全失望。蒋介石没有成为中国的“基马尔”，国民党政权也没有发展成为资产阶级政权，而是成了大地主大资产阶级专政的政权。这个政权与帝国主义相勾结，维持着中国半殖民地半封建的社会状态。毛泽东指出：“一九二七年中国第一次大革命失败之后，中国的资产阶级分子不是曾经高唱过什么基马尔主义吗？然而中国的基马尔在何处？中国的资产阶级专政和资本主义社会又在何处呢？”

After the victory in the War of Resistance against Japan, the national bourgeoisie, on the one hand, harbored illusions about the United States and the Guomindang government, and on the other hand, expressed doubts about the strength of the Chinese Communist Party and the people. Thus, standing between the two, they trumpeted a new plan for a so-called “third road,” hoping to establish a genuine bourgeois democratic regime and thereby develop China into a capitalist country of the European-American type, independent and free. However, under the forceful suppression of the Guomindang government, this plan quickly collapsed. In December 1947, Mao Zedong pointed out: “If, in 1946, among the intellectuals of the upper petty bourgeoisie and middle bourgeoisie under Chiang Kai-shek’s rule, there were still some who harbored the idea of a so-called third road, then now this idea has already collapsed.” This further proved that a China under the dictatorship of the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie could not possibly embark on an independent “road of capitalist society.”

抗战胜利后，民族资产阶级一方面对美国和国民党政府心存幻想，一方面对中国共产党和人民的力量表示怀疑，因此站在两者之间，鼓吹所谓“第三条道路”的新方案，希望建立一个真正的资产阶级民主政权，进而使中国发展成为欧美式的独立与自由的资本主义国家。但是，在国民党政府的强力镇压下，这个方案迅速破产。1947年12月，毛泽东指出：“如果说，在一九四六年，在蒋介石统治下的上层小资产阶级和中等资产阶级的知识分子中，还有一部分人怀着所谓第三条道路的想法，那末，在现在，这种想法已经破产了。”这就进一步证明，一个大地主大资产阶级专政的中国，是不可能走上独立的“资本主义社会之路”的。

IV. The “Weakness,” “Compromising Character,” and “Vacillation” of the National Bourgeoisie

四、民族资产阶级的 “软弱性”“妥协性”“动摇性”

“The weakness of the national bourgeoisie” is “one of the main characteristics of the politics and economy of a semi-colony,” and it first of all stems from the fact that the economic strength of China’s national capitalism was far too feeble. Beginning in the 1860s and 1870s, benefiting from the gradual disintegration of China’s feudal economy after the invasion of foreign capitalism, and also from the stimulus of the Westernization Movement [1]1 The Westernization Movement (洋务运动, c. 1861–1895) was a self-strengthening reform program undertaken by Qing officials to adopt Western military and industrial technology while preserving Confucian institutions., some old merchants and landlords began to invest in modern capitalist industry and commerce. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, the Qing government relaxed restrictions on private factory establishment, further stimulating the development of China’s national capitalism. During the First World War, the Western powers were busy with the war and relaxed their economic aggression against China, giving China’s national capitalism another new development. Nevertheless, the strength of China’s national capitalist economy remained very weak, and this situation did not undergo any fundamental change later on.

“民族资产阶级的软弱性”，是“半殖民地的政治和经济的主要特点之一”，首先源于中国民族资本主义经济力量过于弱小。19世纪 60至 70年代开始，得益于外国资本主义入侵后中国封建经济的逐步解体，也得益于洋务运动的刺激，一部分旧商人与地主开始投资于近代资本主义工商业。19世纪末 20世纪初，清政府放宽了对民间设厂的限制，进一步刺激了中国民族资本主义的发展。第一次世界大战期间，西方列强忙于战争，放松了对中国的经济侵略，中国的民族资本主义又获得了一次新的发展。尽管如此，中国民族资本主义经济的实力仍然十分弱小，而且这种状况在后来也没有发生根本性变化。

In March 1949, in his report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee [2]2 The Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the CPC was held in March 1949 in Xibaipo, Hebei Province, on the eve of the nationwide victory of the Chinese revolution, and laid out the Party’s policy for shifting work from the countryside to the cities and for the transition to socialist construction., Mao Zedong pointed out that in China’s national economy, scattered individual agricultural and handicraft economies accounted for about 90 percent, while modern industrial economy accounted for only about 10 percent. Within the modern industrial economy, imperialism and China’s bureaucratic capitalism controlled the largest and most important parts, and “China’s private capitalist industry occupied the second place in modern industry.” It can be seen that throughout modern China, the national capitalist economy always “did not become the main form of China’s social economy; its strength was very weak.” The condition of being far too weak economically fostered the characteristic of weakness in the national bourgeoisie.

1949年 3月，毛泽东在七届二中全会上的报告中指出，在中国的国民经济中，分散的个体农业经济和手工业经济占到了90%左右，而现代性的工业经济只占到 10%左右。在现代性的工业经济中，帝国主义与中国的官僚资本主义又控制着最大和最主要的部分，“中国的私人资本主义工业，占了现代性工业中的第二位”。可见，在整个近代中国，民族资本主义经济始终“没有成为中国社会经济的主要形式，它的力量是很软弱的”。经济力量过于弱小的状况，养成了民族资产阶级软弱性的特点。

The weakness of the national bourgeoisie also stems from its fear of the masses, its reluctance to mobilize and rely on them. Sun Yat-sen once advocated “equalization of land rights,” “support for workers and peasants,” and “arousing the masses,” but because the national bourgeoisie feared that once the masses were mobilized and awakened, the revolution would exceed their control, they never actually put these proposals into practice. As early as March 1927, Mao Zedong stated: “The national revolution requires a great rural upheaval. The Revolution of 1911 [3]3 The Revolution of 1911 (Xinhai Revolution) overthrew the Qing dynasty and ended imperial rule in China, but failed to establish a stable republic or address land and social issues. lacked this upheaval, and therefore it failed.” The reason the Revolution of 1911 lacked a great rural upheaval was that the national bourgeoisie did not represent the interests of the broad masses, and thus feared that the growth of popular power would compete with them for interests. In May 1939, when summing up why the Chinese bourgeois-democratic revolution had never succeeded, Mao pointed to two key aspects: “First, the enemy’s strength was too great; second, our own strength was too weak.” The reason our own strength was too weak was “mainly because the worker and peasant masses, who make up ninety percent of the national population, had not yet been mobilized, and thus weakness was manifested.” The national bourgeoisie’s fear of the masses, its reluctance to mobilize and rely on them, determined that this class was a weak and powerless class.

民族资产阶级的软弱性，还源于民族资产阶级害怕民众，不敢发动民众和依靠民众。孙中山就曾主张“平均地权”“扶助工农”和“唤起民众”，但由于民族资产阶级害怕民众发动起来、觉悟起来以后，革命会超出他们的控制范围，所以民族资产阶级从未将上述主张切实付诸实施。早在 1927年 3月，毛泽东就提出：“国民革命需要一个大的农村变动。辛亥革命没有这个变动，所以失败了。”辛亥革命之所以缺少一个农村的大变动，原因就在于民族资产阶级代表的不是广大民众的利益，因而畏惧民众力量壮大之后与其争利。1939年 5月，毛泽东在总结中国资产阶级民主革命一直未能取得成功的原因时指出，关键在两个方面：“第一是敌人的力量太强；第二是自己的力量太弱。”自己的力量之所以太弱，“主要的是因为占全国人口百分之九十的工农劳动群众还没有动员起来，所以表现了弱”。民族资产阶级害怕民众，不敢发动民众和依靠民众，决定了这一阶级是一个软弱无力的阶级。

The weakness of the national bourgeoisie caused this class to exhibit a dual character in the Chinese revolution. Mao Zedong pointed out: “The national bourgeoisie is a class with a dual character.” [4]4 This is a direct quotation from Mao’s 1939 essay “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party.” Specifically, on the one hand, because they were weak, imperialism and feudalism dared to oppress them; thus they had contradictions with imperialism and feudalism and possessed a certain degree of anti-imperialist and anti-feudal initiative. At certain stages, they could form a united front with the proletariat and other revolutionary masses. For example, they once acted as leaders in the Revolution of 1911 and played a leading role; in other revolutionary struggles, such as the Northern Expedition and the War of Resistance Against Japan, they were a participating force. This was their revolutionary side. On the other hand, also because of their weakness, they had more or less connections with imperialism and feudalism, and they lacked the courage for thorough anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism. Even in the process of participating in the revolution, they were unwilling to completely break with imperialism and feudalism, and sometimes even betrayed the revolution, acting as accomplices to the counter-revolution. This was their side of incomplete revolution, or their “tendency toward compromise with the revolutionary enemy.” For example, during the Great Revolution, the national bourgeoisie initially participated in the revolution, but later they defected to the counter-revolution.

民族资产阶级的软弱性，导致这一阶级在中国革命中具有两重性的特点。毛泽东就指出：“民族资产阶级是带两重性的阶级。”具体来讲，一方面，因为他们软弱，帝国主义与封建主义就敢于压迫他们，所以，他们同帝国主义与封建主义有矛盾，具有一定的反帝反封建积极性，在一定的阶段可以和无产阶级及其他革命群众一起组成联合阵线。例如，他们曾经在辛亥革命中充当了领导者，发挥了领导作用；在其他革命斗争如北伐战争和抗日战争中则是参与力量。这是他们革命性的一面。另一方面，也由于他们软弱，他们同帝国主义和封建主义有着或多或少的联系，他们缺乏彻底的反帝反封建勇气。即便在参加革命的过程中，他们也不愿同帝国主义和封建主义彻底决裂，有时甚至会背叛革命，充当反革命的帮凶。这是他们革命不彻底的一面，或“对于革命敌人的妥协性”的一面。例如在大革命时期，民族资产阶级开始时参加了革命，但是后来他们又投靠了反革命。

Connected with the characteristic of dual character is the characteristic of the national bourgeoisie’s vacillation. Mao Zedong pointed out: “On the one hand, they dislike imperialism; on the other hand, they fear the thoroughness of the revolution. They vacillate between these two.” He cited “a specimen example of the vacillation” of the national bourgeoisie: “On March 1, 1941, when the People’s Political Council [5]5 The People’s Political Council was a wartime advisory body established by the Kuomintang government in 1938, including representatives from various parties and non-party figures. was convened, our councilors did not attend. The Chairman [6]6 “Chairman” refers to Chiang Kai-shek, then Chairman of the National Government of the Republic of China. insisted that we attend, but we insisted on not attending. We said: ‘Give us something first, then we will attend.’ They said: ‘Attend first, then we will give.’ We said: ‘Give first, then we will attend.’ Thus, back and forth several times, I wanted you to give, you wanted me to attend. In the end, one gave nothing, the other did not attend; what was to be given was not given, what was to be attended was not attended. In the midst of this, some middle-of-the-roaders pulled from both sides, saying to the Guomindang, ‘You give,’ and to us, ‘You attend.’” The middle-of-the-roaders here were the political representatives of the national bourgeoisie. On the one hand, they stood on the revolutionary side and demanded that the Guomindang “give”; on the other hand, they stood on the counter-revolutionary side and demanded that the Communist Party “attend.” They vacillated between the two.

与两重性特点相联系的是民族资产阶级动摇性的特点。毛泽东指出：“他们一方面不喜欢帝国主义，一方面又怕革命的彻底性，他们在这二者之间动摇着。”他列举了民族资产阶级“动摇性的一个标本例子”，就是“一九四一年三月一日开国民参政会，我们的参政员不出席，委员长一定要我们出席，我们一定不出席。我们说：‘你给我们一点东西，我们才出席。’他们说‘出席以后再给’，我们说‘给了以后再出席’。就这样几反几复，我要你给，你要我出，结果一个不给，一个不出，还是给的没有给，出的没有出。在这中间，一些中间人士就两面拉，对国民党说‘你给吧’，对我们说‘你出吧’。”这里的中间派是民族资产阶级的政治代表，他们一方面站在革命的立场要求国民党“给”，一方面又站在反革命的立场要求共产党“出”，他们就在两者之间动摇着。

The weakness, compromise, and vacillation of the national bourgeoisie determined that they could neither thoroughly oppose imperialism nor thoroughly oppose feudalism. Thus, they could not lead China’s democratic revolution to success, nor could they complete the tasks of China’s democratic revolution. Therefore, Mao Zedong pointed out: “The attempt of this class—to establish a state under the rule of the national bourgeoisie—is completely unworkable.”

民族资产阶级的软弱性、妥协性、动摇性，决定了他们既不可能彻底地反对帝国主义，也不可能彻底地反对封建主义。这样，他们就不可能领导中国的民主革命走向成功，不可能完成中国民主革命的任务。所以，毛泽东指出：“这个阶级的企图——实现民族资产阶级统治的国家，是完全行不通的”。

V. “The Struggle Is Carried Out Under the Leadership of the Proletariat”

五、“斗争是在无产阶级领导下进行的”

“The struggle is carried out under the leadership of the proletariat”—this is the decisive factor in why the “road of capitalist society” cannot work in China. The revolution led by the proletariat, of the broad masses of the people, against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, is China’s New Democratic Revolution. The future of this revolution is not capitalism, but the development through New Democracy to socialism.

“斗争是在无产阶级领导下进行的”，这是“资本主义社会之路”在中国行不通的决定性因素。无产阶级领导的，人民大众的，反对帝国主义、封建主义和官僚资本主义的革命，就是中国的新民主主义革命。这个革命的前途并不是资本主义，而是经过新民主主义发展到社会主义。

So why can the proletariat lead the Chinese revolution? Mao Zedong believed this was determined by the characteristics of the Chinese proletariat itself. China’s proletariat, especially the modern industrial proletariat, first emerged in the 1840s and 1850s in factories directly established by foreign capitalism in China. In the 1860s and 1870s, during the process of the emergence of China’s national bourgeoisie, the strength of the proletariat also developed to a certain extent.

那么，无产阶级为什么能领导中国革命？毛泽东认为，这是由中国无产阶级的自身特点决定的。中国的无产阶级尤其是近代工业无产阶级，最早产生于 19世纪 40至 50年代外国资本主义在中国直接开办的工厂。19世纪 60至70年代，在中国民族资产阶级的产生过程中，无产阶级力量又有了一定程度的发展。

Compared with the national bourgeoisie, the Chinese proletariat was older in standing and greater in strength. Besides the general advantages of being associated with the most advanced mode of production, possessing no private means of production, and being rich in organization and discipline, the Chinese proletariat also had some special advantages.

相对于民族资产阶级，中国无产阶级的资格更老，力量也更大。除了与最先进的生产方式相联系、无私人占有生产资料、富有组织性与纪律性等一般优点外，中国无产阶级还具有一些特殊优点。

Mao Zedong summarized these special advantages in three aspects: First, it suffered triple oppression from imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, the severity and cruelty of which were rare in the world; thus the Chinese proletariat possessed a resolute and thorough revolutionary character. Second, shortly after stepping onto the historical stage, it threw itself into revolutionary practice under the leadership of the Communist Party of China; thus it was the most politically conscious class in Chinese society. Third, it came mainly from bankrupt peasants, and thus maintained a natural connection with China’s vast peasantry, facilitating the formation of an alliance with the peasants.

毛泽东将这些特殊优点归纳为三个方面：一是身受帝国主义、封建主义与官僚资本主义三重压迫，其严重程度与残酷程度世界罕见，因而中国无产阶级有着坚决与彻底的革命性；二是在登上历史舞台后不久，就在中国共产党的领导下投身革命实践，因而是中国社会中最有觉悟的阶级；三是主要来源于破产的农民，因而与中国广大的农民保持着天然联系，便于和农民结成联盟。

These special advantages show that the proletariat is the most revolutionary, most advanced, and most mass-based class in China. During the May Fourth Movement [7]7 The May Fourth Movement (1919) was a nationwide anti-imperialist and anti-feudal protest that marked the emergence of the Chinese proletariat as a political force., the strength of the Chinese proletariat had already grown considerably, and it thus stepped onto China’s historical stage. In this way, after the May Fourth Movement, the leadership of China’s democratic revolution gradually shifted from the national bourgeoisie to the proletariat.

这些特殊优点说明，无产阶级是中国最革命、最先进、最有群众基础的阶级。五四运动时期，中国无产阶级力量已经有了很大增长，并由此登上了中国的历史舞台。这样在五四运动以后，中国民主主义革命的领导权就逐步由民族资产阶级转向无产阶级了。

How does the proletariat realize its leadership of the Chinese revolution? Mao Zedong pointed out: “What is called proletarian leadership means leadership by the Communist Party.” The leadership of the revolution by the proletariat is realized through the organization of the Communist Party of China. As the vanguard of the proletariat, the Communist Party is the highest form of proletarian organization. By virtue of its unique advantages in ideology, politics, and organization, the Communist Party can “overcome the narrow-mindedness of the peasants and petty bourgeoisie, overcome the destructiveness of the lumpenproletariat, and can also overcome the vacillation and lack of thoroughness of the bourgeoisie (if the Party’s policy does not commit errors), thereby enabling the revolution and the war to advance along the path to victory.”

无产阶级如何实现对中国革命的领导？毛泽东指出：“所谓无产阶级领导，就是共产党领导。”无产阶级对革命的领导，是通过中国共产党这一组织来实现的。共产党作为无产阶级的先锋队，是无产阶级组织的最高形式。凭借着思想、政治、组织等方面的独特优势，中国共产党能够“克服农民和小资产阶级的狭隘性，克服失业者群的破坏性，并且还能够克服资产阶级的动摇和不彻底性（如果共产党的政策不犯错误的话），而使革命和战争走上胜利的道路”。

The facts indeed bear this out. During the Great Revolution, the Communist Party of China, under the conditions of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, participated in and led the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary war, thereby enabling this revolution to achieve significant victories within a certain period. During the Agrarian Revolutionary War, the Communist Party of China began to lead the revolutionary struggle independently, and although it suffered setbacks, it still maintained the revolution’s firmness and continuity. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Communist Party of China promoted the establishment of and consistently led the Anti-Japanese National United Front, uniting the strength of the entire nation, adhering to total and protracted resistance, and playing the role of the mainstay in the total war of resistance. During the War of Liberation, the Communist Party of China again led the Chinese people, through bloody struggle, to completely overthrow the three great mountains [8]8 “Three great mountains” is a standard Maoist metaphor for imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism. weighing down on the Chinese people, and won the final victory of the New Democratic Revolution. Mao Zedong pointed out: “What is called the victory of China’s democratic revolution? It is the establishment of a New Democratic China.”

事实也的确如此，大革命时期，中国共产党在国共合作条件下参与和领导了反帝反封建的革命战争，从而使得这个革命在一定时期内取得了重大胜利；土地革命战争时期，中国共产党开始独立领导革命斗争，虽然历经挫折，但仍然保持了革命的坚定性与持续性；全面抗战时期，中国共产党推动建立并始终领导了抗日民族统一战线，团结全民族力量，坚持全面抗战和持久抗战，在全面抗战中发挥了中流砥柱作用；解放战争时期，中国共产党又领导中国人民，经过浴血奋战，彻底推翻压在中国人民头上的三座大山，夺取了新民主主义革命的最后胜利。毛泽东指出：“什么叫中国民主革命的胜利？就是建立起新民主主义的中国。”

Regarding the direction and steps of the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong clearly put forward the important idea of a “two-step” progression from the new-democratic revolution to the socialist revolution. He believed that the revolution led by the Communist Party of China proceeds in two steps: “the first step of the revolution” is the new-democratic revolution, thereby establishing a new-democratic China. After the completion of this revolutionary task, a second step of the revolution must be carried out, namely the socialist revolution, thereby establishing a socialist state. The new-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution are two revolutions completely different in nature; only when the task of the former revolution is completed can the latter revolution be undertaken. However, “the leadership of these two revolutionary tasks is both borne on the shoulders of the Chinese proletarian party—the Communist Party of China. Without the leadership of the Communist Party of China, no revolution can succeed.” [9]9 Mao Zedong, “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party” (1939). It was precisely under the leadership of the Communist Party of China that the Chinese revolution was able to advance from one victory to another. Likewise, it was precisely under the leadership of the Communist Party of China that the future of the Chinese revolution could not possibly be a capitalist society, but rather a passage through new-democratic society to socialist society.

关于中国革命的方向和步骤，毛泽东明确提出了由新民主主义革命走向社会主义革命的“两步走”的重要思想。他认为，中国共产党领导的革命是分两步的，“头一步的革命”是新民主主义革命，由此建立新民主主义的中国。这一革命任务完成后，还要进行第二步的革命，也就是社会主义革命，由此建立社会主义的国家。新民主主义革命与社会主义革命是两个性质完全不同的革命，前一个革命的任务完成了，才能去进行后一个革命。但是，“这两重革命任务的领导，都是担负在中国无产阶级的政党——中国共产党的双肩之上，离开了中国共产党的领导，任何革命都不能成功”。正是在中国共产党的领导下，中国革命才得以从一个胜利走向另一个胜利。同样，也正是在中国共产党的领导下，中国革命的前途就不可能是资本主义社会，而是经过新民主主义社会走向社会主义社会。

VI. Conclusion

六、结语

What road to take and where to go—this was the historical question of modern China. Emulating the West, taking the capitalist road of Europe and America, and establishing a bourgeois-dictatorship republic was once a relatively representative and influential answer to this question. This “road of capitalist society” plan was repeatedly repackaged in different historical periods, but in the end it was proven to “not work” in China. There are many reasons why it “does not work,” including both external factors from imperialism and the world socialist revolution, and internal causes from the side of domestic class forces. As Mao Zedong pointed out, “Because of external and internal causes, China has not and cannot develop into a fully capitalist society.” [10]10 Mao Zedong, “On the New Democracy” (1940).

走什么路、向何处去，是近代中国的历史之问。效仿西方、走欧美资本主义道路、建立资产阶级专政的共和国，是对这一问题的回答中一度较有代表性和影响力的一种。这种“资本主义社会之路”方案在不同历史时期屡次改头换面，但最终都被证明在中国“行不通”。“行不通”的原因有很多种，既有来自帝国主义和世界社会主义革命的外部因素，也有来自国内阶级力量方面的内部原因。正如毛泽东指出的，“因为外部和内部的原因，中国没有也不可能发展到完全的资本主义的社会”。

Combining multiple factors and investigating the main reasons, they can be summarized in two aspects. First, there was a lack of objective conditions. The special national conditions of modern China as a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society restricted and determined that China could neither follow the old path of European and American countries in developing capitalism step by step, nor emulate Russia in leaping directly to a socialist society; it could only take the road of the new-democratic revolution, and then transition to the socialist revolution, establishing a socialist society. Second, there was a lack of subjective conditions. The main proponent of the “road of capitalist society”—the national bourgeoisie—was, due to its own weakness, utterly incapable of realizing the political vision it had put forward, and could not become the leading class of China’s new-democratic revolution.

综合多种因素，究其主要原因，可以概括为两个方面。一是缺乏客观条件，近代中国半殖民地半封建的特殊国情限制和决定了中国既不可能亦步亦趋走欧美国家发展资本主义的老路，也不可能效仿俄国直接跃升到社会主义社会，而只能走新民主主义革命道路，进而过渡到社会主义革命，建立社会主义社会。二是缺乏主观条件，“资本主义社会之路”的主要提出者——民族资产阶级，因其自身的软弱，根本无力实现其所提出的政治设想，没法成为中国新民主主义革命的领导阶级。

Only under the leadership of the proletariat and its political party, the Communist Party of China, could the Chinese revolution win final victory. The victory of the new-democratic revolution and the establishment of New China, followed by the carrying out of the socialist revolution and the establishment of the socialist system, not only marked the complete failure of the “road of capitalist society,” but also proved the correctness of the new-democratic revolutionary road and the historical inevitability of moving toward socialism. The history of China since modern times has fully proven that “China ultimately chose the socialist road. This is the choice of history, the choice of the people.” [11]11 Xi Jinping, speech at the celebration of the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (2016).

中国革命只有在无产阶级及其政党中国共产党的领导下，才能赢得最终胜利。新民主主义革命的胜利和新中国的建立，以及此后进行社会主义革命和社会主义制度的建立，既标志着“资本主义社会之路”的彻底失败，也证明了新民主主义革命道路的正确性和走向社会主义的历史必然性。近代以来的中国历史充分证明，“中国最终选择了社会主义道路。这是历史的选择、人民的选择”。

Mao Zedong’s exposition and analysis of why the “road of capitalist society” cannot work in China profoundly analyzed and revealed the essence of this issue. It has very important enlightening significance for our profound understanding of the internal logic therein, our profound understanding of the historical inevitability of China taking the socialist road, our profound grasp of the objective laws and inevitable trends of modern Chinese social development, and our firming up of confidence in the path, confidence in the theory, confidence in the system, and confidence in the culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

毛泽东关于“资本主义社会之路”在中国行不通的论述和剖析，深刻分析和揭示了这一问题的本质，对于我们深刻认识其中的内在逻辑，深刻理解中国走社会主义道路的历史必然性，深刻把握中国近代社会发展的客观规律和必然趋势，坚定中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，具有十分重要的启示意义。

(Author: Cao Mingchen, Associate Professor, School of Marxism, Anhui Normal University)

（作者：曹明臣，安徽师范大学马克思主义学院副教授）

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心