The Historical Practice of Chinese-Path Modernization: Agrarian Change and Peasant Life in Contemporary Liangshan Yi Area from the Perspective of Oral History

After a century of exploration, China has forged a path of Chinese-path modernization, which holds significant and far-reaching implications for the progress of human civilization. Consequently, Chinese-path modernization has become a hot topic in current academic discourse. Existing research primarily addresses Chinese-path modernization from a macro perspective, focusing on its theoretical foundations, essential characteristics, historical evolution, and target pathways. However, there remains considerable scope for further development in concrete empirical research. This paper focuses on the socialist agrarian practices in China’s rural areas during the 1950s–1970s, attempting through oral history methods to understand the experiences of early New China modernization from the perspective of individual and collective memory. Scholarly works on the agrarian changes of this period are abundant, with rich research findings from both the macro perspective of the state and the micro perspective of the village. Yet current research mainly concentrates on Han society in the plains regions, while studies on agrarian change in minority societies of the borderland mountainous areas remain relatively scarce, particularly lacking systematic research from a political economy perspective. Minority societies in borderland mountainous areas differ significantly from rural areas in the central plains in terms of environmental endowments, crop types, social history, and cultural traditions. The empirical material for this paper primarily comes from the author’s fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2016 in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture of Sichuan Province and Yunnan Province. Through the narratives of local elders regarding historical events, personal life experiences, and their views and feelings, combined with historical archival materials and academic writings, this paper attempts to present the historical features of socialist agrarian practices in China’s minority areas and their impact on local economy and social life. The concept of “agrarian change” originates from Marxist political economy, referring to the transformation of structural relations and institutional arrangements concerning agriculture, farmland, peasants, and villages in the process of national development.

历经百年探索，我国走出了一条中国式现代化道路，这对于人类文明进步具有重大而深远的意义，亦由此，中国式现代化成为当前学术界的热点议题。既有研究主要从宏观角度围绕中国式现代化的理论基础、内涵特征、历史演变、目标路径等方面展开论述。然而，在具体经验研究方面仍有待进一步展开。本文聚焦20世纪50—70年代中国农村地区的社会主义农政实践，试图通过口述史方法，从个人和集体记忆的视角出发理解新中国成立初期现代化建设经验。对于这个时期的农政变革，学界著述颇丰，无论是从宏观的国家视角，还是从微观的乡村视角，均有丰富研究成果。但当前研究主要聚焦于平原地区汉族社会，对于边疆山区少数民族社会的农政变迁研究仍较为欠缺，尤其缺少政治经济视角的系统性研究。边疆山区少数民族社会在环境禀赋、作物种类、社会历史和文化传统等方面与中部平原农村地区有较大差异。本文的实证材料主要来自2013—2016年间笔者在四川凉山彝族自治州和云南省的田野调查。通过当地老人对历史事件、个人生活经历、观点感受的讲述，同时结合历史档案材料和学术著述，本文试图呈现我国少数民族地区社会主义农政实践的历史面貌及其对地方经济和社会生活的影响。“农政变迁”这一概念源自马克思主义政治经济学，指的是国家发展进程中农业、农地、农民和农村的结构关系与制度安排的转型。

I. The Old Society of the Liangshan Yi Area Exhibited Strict Hierarchical Distinctions

一、凉山彝区旧社会呈现严格等级差别

The Liangshan Yi people call themselves “Nuosu” and today mainly reside in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture of Sichuan Province and the Ninglang Yi Autonomous County of Yunnan Province. On the eve of the “Democratic Reform” [1]1 The Democratic Reform (民主改革) refers to the series of socialist transformations carried out in China’s ethnic minority regions in the 1950s, aimed at abolishing feudal and slave systems and establishing socialist relations of production. implemented in 1956, the power of the tusi [2]2 Tusi (土司) were hereditary native chieftains appointed by imperial Chinese dynasties to govern ethnic minority regions. in most parts of Liangshan had already waned. Liangshan Yi society was nominally administered by the tusi but was in fact ruled by various Black Yi [3]3 Black Yi (黑彝) and White Yi (白彝) are the two main caste-like divisions within traditional Yi society, with Black Yi considered the aristocratic slaveholding class and White Yi the commoner class. clan branches (jiazhi) [4]4 Jiazhi (家支) refers to the patrilineal clan-based organizational units that formed the basic political and social structure of traditional Liangshan Yi society. in a fragmented manner, with a strict internal hierarchical system. Social hierarchy was determined by blood lineage, mainly divided into four ranks: Black Yi (Nuoho), White Yi (Qunuo), Andi Wa’zi (Ajia), and Guozhuang Wa’zi (Gaxi) [5]5 Ajia (阿加) and Gaxi (呷西) are the two lower ranks of slaves in traditional Yi society; Ajia were settled slaves with limited autonomy, while Gaxi were household slaves with no personal freedom.. Members of the latter three ranks all had personal dependency relations with the Black Yi and lacked freedom of movement, yet there were also hierarchical differences among them. The White Yi held a higher status, possessing relatively more autonomy, and their relationship with the Black Yi involved paying rent, offering tribute, performing corvée labor, and the obligation to participate in “feuds” (da yuanjia) [6]6 Da yuanjia (打冤家), literally “fighting enemies,” refers to the traditional practice of armed feuds between Yi clan branches.. The Ajia had independent dwellings and owned small plots of “self-sustaining land,” but at the same time had to perform unpaid labor for the master’s household. The Gaxi were completely owned as persons, lived in the master’s household, and provided unpaid labor year-round. Social and historical survey data from the 1950s show that the number of Black Yi households across Liangshan accounted for 4.2%–14.8% of total households, with an even lower population proportion; the number of White Yi households and their population proportion were both approximately 40%–50%; Ajia accounted for 20%–40%; and Gaxi accounted for about 10%.

凉山彝族自称“诺苏”，今天主要聚居在四川凉山彝族自治州和云南宁蒗彝族自治县。在1956年推行“民主改革”前夕，凉山大部分地区的土司统治力量已式微，凉山彝族社会名义上由土司管理，实则由各个黑彝家支割据统治，内部实行严格的等级制度。社会等级由血统出身规定，主要分为四个等级：黑彝（诺合）、白彝（曲诺）、安家娃子（阿加）、锅庄娃子（呷西）。后三个等级成员均对黑彝有人身依附关系，没有迁徙自由，但他们之间亦存在等级差别。白彝地位较高，相对拥有更多自主权，对黑彝是交租、纳贡、服劳役的关系，以及有“打冤家”的义务。阿加有独立住所，拥有小块“自食地”，但同时要为主人家从事无偿劳动。呷西则人身完全被占有，住在主人家，终年为主人提供无偿劳动。20世纪50年代的社会历史调查资料显示，凉山各地黑彝的户数占总户数4.2%—14.8%之间，人口比例还更低一些；白彝的户数和人口比例均约为40%—50%；阿加为20%—40%；呷西为10%左右。

Throughout the Liangshan Yi area, 70% of the land was owned by slaveholders, including 90% of the Black Yi and 2% of the wealthy White Yi. The Black Yi leased or distributed part of the land to White Yi and Ajia for cultivation, while another part was cultivated by Gaxi for them without compensation. Thus, land was divided into self-cultivated land, leased land, and slave-cultivated land, with the proportions of these three types varying by locality. Leased land generally required payment of rent in kind (grain), with rent accounting for 30%–50% of the land’s output. The entire product of Gaxi labor belonged to the master, who only provided them with rations. This slave-based mode of production severely hindered the improvement of agricultural productive forces. On one hand, Black Yi slaveholders ideologically regarded agricultural labor as base, and thus were generally unwilling to engage in production themselves, nor were they keen on improving production techniques. The entire region had a low level of agricultural technology, with simple and scarce farm tools. Local agriculture commonly employed the “slash-and-burn” cultivation technique, whereby shrubs and grass on long-fallowed land were cut down and burned, using the ash to fertilize the soil; seeds were broadcast by hand, resulting in extensive cultivation with low yields. In terms of production organization, although some Black Yi clan branches possessed large amounts of land and slaves, they failed to organize large-scale agricultural production. The basic unit of agricultural production was generally the individual household, with simple cooperative labor among them. Under the forced labor of the slave system, the quality of agricultural work was not easily guaranteed, and instances of slaves slacking off or damaging tools were common. Under these conditions, crop output was low; the per-mu yield of the main food crop, bitter buckwheat, was 50–100 jin [7]7 Jin (斤) is a Chinese unit of weight, equivalent to 0.5 kilograms., with harvests only 3–8 times the seed quantity, while corn yields were generally about 50 times the seed quantity.

整个凉山彝区70%的土地为奴隶主占有，包括90%的黑彝和2%的富裕白彝。黑彝将一部分土地出租或分发给白彝和阿加耕种，另一部分则由呷西无偿为自己耕种。由此土地分为了自耕地、出租地、奴隶耕作地，三类土地所占比例在各地情况有所不同。租种土地一般交实物（粮食）租金，租金占土地产出的30%—50%。而呷西的劳动所获则全部归主人，主人只为他们提供口粮。这种奴隶制生产方式严重阻碍了农业生产力的提高。一方面，黑彝奴隶主在意识形态上视农耕劳动为下贱之事，因而自身一般不愿从事生产，亦不热心于生产技术的改良。整个地区农技水平较低，农具简陋匮乏。当地农业普遍采用“火烧法”的耕种技术，即将多年轮歇地的灌木草丛砍伐后焚烧，以草木灰来肥地，种子随手撒播，广种薄收。在生产组织方面，虽然一些黑彝家支拥有大量土地和奴隶，但未能进行有组织的规模农业生产。农业生产单位总体上以个体家庭为主体，相互之间开展简单的协作劳动。在奴隶制的强迫劳动下，农业劳动质量并不容易得到保障，时常出现奴隶怠工、破坏劳动工具的现象。在这种情况下，作物产出低下，主要粮食作物苦荞亩产为50—100斤，收获量仅为种子量的3—8倍，玉米一般为50倍左右。

At the same time, the fragmented and hostile state of the Black Yi clan branches also hindered socio-economic development. Clan branches frequently resolved resource pressures through armed feuds, which often led to large tracts of land lying waste and labor shortages. In terms of resource utilization, although the land in intermountain basins and river valleys was fertile, these areas were often boundary lines between clan branches’ spheres of influence and vulnerable to raids. For safety reasons, people were reluctant to move to these areas, preferring to live in the mid-mountain and high-mountain areas with poorer soil and cultivation conditions.

同时，黑彝家支之间的割据敌对状态也阻碍了社会经济发展。家支之间时常通过冤家械斗的方式来解决资源压力问题，由此往往造成田地大量荒芜和劳动力不足等问题。在资源利用方面，山间盆地及河谷地带的土地虽肥沃，但由于这些地带常常是家支之间的势力分界线，容易遭受冤家劫掠，出于安全考虑人们往往不愿迁居这些地区，宁愿选择居住在地力和耕种条件欠佳的二半山区和高山区。

In addition to factors of the mode of production and political aspects, the cultivation of opium in modern Liangshan brought disastrous impacts on the local socio-economy. Against the backdrop of the global expansion of Western capitalism in modern times, opium cultivation began to enter the Yunnan-Guizhou-Sichuan region in the late Qing Dynasty and spread to the Liangshan Yi area around 1910. As opium cultivation spread rapidly, on one hand, most of the arable land in the Liangshan Yi area was used for commercial opium cultivation, severely squeezing the space for local food crop production. At the same time, the excessive depletion of soil fertility from years of continuous opium cultivation also led to reduced grain yields, exacerbating the survival plight of the lower social strata. On the other hand, the massive demand for land and labor from opium cultivation led to more frequent armed feuds among clan branches over land and slaves, and also stimulated growers to plunder and traffic in populations from surrounding areas, causing a sharp increase in the slave population, thereby further strengthening the slave-based mode of production in Liangshan Yi society. Opium cultivation persisted in the Liangshan Yi area for over 30 years, until it was completely eradicated in the 1950s.

除了生产方式和政治层面因素影响，近代凉山地区的鸦片种植更是给当地社会经济带来了灾难性影响。在近代西方资本主义全球扩张的背景下，鸦片种植在清末开始进入云贵川地区，于1910年前后传入凉山彝区。随着鸦片种植迅速蔓延，一方面，凉山彝区大部分耕地被用于鸦片的商业种植，严重挤压了当地粮食作物的生产空间。同时，连年鸦片种植对土地肥力的过度消耗也导致粮食减产，加剧了社会底层群体的生存困境。另一方面，鸦片种植对土地和劳动力的大量需求，使家支之间为争夺土地和奴隶进行更为频繁的冤家械斗，还刺激种植者掠夺、贩卖周边地区人口，使奴隶人口数量徒增，由此进一步强化了凉山彝族社会的奴隶制生产方式。鸦片种植在凉山彝区持续了30多年，直到20世纪50年代才彻底禁绝。

II. Establishing a Modern Society: Democratic Reform and Empowerment of the Poor Peasants

二、建立现代社会：民主改革与贫农赋权

In early 1950, the People’s Liberation Army entered the Liangshan Yi area, dispatched work teams, implemented the policy of regional ethnic autonomy, and established the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan Province. To better carry out local administration, the new government first organized work teams to conduct social surveys. These survey materials later became the basis for formulating the “Democratic Reform” policy. In January 1956, the government issued the “Implementation Measures for Democratic Reform in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture of Sichuan Province,” stipulating that the Democratic Reform would be carried out through peaceful consultation, and stating that the core content of the Democratic Reform was to “abolish the slave system, emancipate slaves, and realize the people’s personal freedom and political equality; abolish the land ownership system of the slaveholder class, and implement the land ownership system of the working people… to create conditions for the realization of the socialist transformation of agriculture and the development of the cooperative movement.” The specific implementation of the Democratic Reform involved emancipating and resettling slaves, confiscating the land of slaveholders, expropriating their surplus draft animals, farm tools, and other property, and then redistributing land and other means of production. The aim was to destroy the material foundation of traditional ruling forces, abolish the hierarchical system, establish a modern state and society, and liberate individuals from the shackles of religious and feudal relations. Clearly, the new government’s transformation of Liangshan Yi society was carried out under the guidance of Marxism, that is, transforming old relations of production to develop productive forces and eliminate inequality.

1950年初，中国人民解放军进入凉山彝区，派驻工作队，推行民族区域自治政策，成立了四川省凉山彝族自治州。为更好开展地方管理工作，新政府首先组织工作队开展社会调查。这些调查资料成为后来制定“民主改革”政策的依据。1956年1月，政府颁发《四川省凉山州彝族自治州民主改革实施办法》，确定民主改革以和平协商的方式进行，提出民主改革的核心内容是“废除奴隶制度，解放奴隶，实行人民的人身自由和政治平等；废除奴隶主阶级的土地所有制，实行劳动人民的土地所有制……为实现农业社会主义改造、开展合作化运动创造条件”。民主改革的具体实施涉及解放和安置奴隶，没收奴隶主的土地，征收其多余耕畜、农具等财产，然后进行土地等生产资料的再分配，目的是摧毁传统统治力量的物质基础，废除等级制度，建立起现代国家和社会，把个人从宗教、封建关系的禁锢中解放出来。显然，新政府对凉山彝族社会的改造是在马克思主义指导下进行的，即改造旧有生产关系，以发展生产力、消除不平等。

The Democratic Reform Movement (1956–1958) completely overthrew the slave-based mode of production and blood-lineage hierarchy in Liangshan Yi society, which was founded on the clan (jiazi) system. As a social equalization movement, the Democratic Reform not only had a major impact on individual destinies but also exerted a profound influence on local society and economy. The following are accounts recorded by the author during fieldwork from some local elders. Through these accounts, we can understand the enormous changes in the living conditions and social status of the底层 masses before and after the Democratic Revolution, as well as how individuals understood this social transformation movement.

民主改革运动（1956—1958年）彻底推翻了凉山彝族社会以家支制度为基础的奴隶制生产方式和血缘等级制。作为一场社会平权运动，民主改革不仅对个体命运产生重大影响，也对地方社会经济具有深远影响。以下是笔者在田野调查当中记录的当地一些老人的讲述。通过这些讲述，我们可以了解到民主革命前后底层群众的生存状况和社会地位的巨大变化，还能了解个体是如何理解这场社会变革运动的。

Account One: An elderly man from Village B, County A, 75 years old, Pumi ethnicity.

讲述一：A县B村老人，男，75岁，普米族。

When the Yi were up in the mountains, they also had dealings with us, forming sworn brotherhoods (jie bai xiongdi). Up in the mountains they could only grow potatoes, buckwheat, and oats; sometimes they came down to trade for corn and salt, and we sometimes went up to trade with them. Some of them could speak Chinese, and children from wealthy families also went to school.

彝族在山上时也跟我们有交往，打亲家（结拜兄弟）。山上只能种洋芋、荞子和燕麦，他们有时下来换苞谷和盐巴，我们有时也上山跟他们换东西。他们一些人能讲汉语，有钱家庭的小孩也上学。

Our village was also raided, by Yi people from elsewhere. The elder brother of the old man who was just sitting here was kidnapped as a child, and they burned down their house. Later, we heard someone mention in casual conversation that there was such a person in Peach Township, and after liberation he was settled in a farm village there. They went to look for him and found him; normally in such cases, people are never found. His brother is 70 years old this year, a mute; he can make sounds but cannot speak.

我们村也遭过抢，从别的地方过来的彝族。刚才坐这的那位大爷他兄弟小时候就被抢走了，还把他们家的房子烧了。后来听别人闲聊在桃子乡有这么一个人，解放后被安置在那边一个农场村里，他们找过去就找着了，一般这种情况人都找不回来的。他家兄弟今年都70岁了，是个哑巴，可以发出声音，却不会说话。

Account Two: Rebu from Village P, County H, born in 1941, Yi ethnicity.

讲述二：H县P村惹布，男，1941年出生，彝族。

In the past, this flatland belonged to the L family. They grew buckwheat, oats, potatoes, and opium poppies; they did not know how to grow corn. In the past, buckwheat yielded one to two hundred jin per mu; newly reclaimed land could increase the yield by about 50 jin. Back then, one kilogram of opium could be exchanged for one or two bolts of cloth in Y place. After 1958, there was no more opium. My father used to smoke opium; it was like today's heroin, addictive. When he had it, his health was good; when he didn't, he had no energy and fell ill.

以前这个坝子是L家的。种荞子、燕麦、洋芋、鸦片，不会种苞谷。过去荞子一亩产一两百斤，新开荒的地能增收50斤左右。那时1公斤鸦片到Y地能换一两块布。1958年后就没有鸦片了。我父亲以前吃鸦片的，跟现在的海洛因一样，会上瘾，有吃的时候身体好，没吃的时候就没有精神，生病。

Three or four generations ago, our family was also Han; gradually we became Yi. My father herded cattle for the L family, just like working for wages today, except in the past they didn't pay wages, only gave meals, enough to sustain life. There was no surplus grain; we ate meal by meal. Potatoes, turnips, and wild greens were boiled together; we couldn't get buckwheat noodles. During festivals and New Year, the master family would trade a little rice with people on the flatland; it was a rare treat, and we couldn't eat it. Sometimes when the work was too heavy, or if we couldn't get up in the morning, the master would give a little opium to eat; after eating it, we had the energy to work. There was work all year round; in winter, we chopped firewood. If we were disobedient, we were beaten and scolded. It was hard to escape; we didn't know the roads, and everywhere there were relatives of the L family, so we were easily caught and brought back.

我们家三四代之前也是汉族，慢慢就变成彝族了。我父亲给L家放牛，就跟现在打工一样，只是过去不给工钱，只给饭吃，够维持生命。没有多余粮食，吃一顿算一顿。洋芋、圆根、野菜一起煮了吃，荞面吃不上。主人家在过年过节跟平坝的人换一点大米，稀奇得很，我们吃不上。有时活太重，或早上起不来，主人家给一点鸦片吃，吃了就有精神去干活。一年都有活干，冬天就砍柴。不听话要被打骂，很难逃跑，不认得路，到处都是L家的亲戚，很容易被抓回来。

Another type of person was freer; they just had to hand over a few tenths of their grain to the master. Some families borrowed grain from the Black Yi; if they borrowed 100 jin, the next year they had to repay 200 jin; if they waited another year, it was even more. If they still couldn't repay, their sons and daughters had to go to the master's house as bondservants (wazi). Some bondservants who were capable could also buy slaves themselves.

另一种人自由点，交几成粮食给主人就行。有些人家跟黑彝借粮食，借100斤第二年还200斤，再隔一年就更多，再还不起的，儿子、姑娘要到主人家做娃子。有的娃子有本事的也可以买奴隶。

Their family had guns; they would go to the county town to kidnap Han children and sell them elsewhere. After liberation, all the L family's land, cattle, and sheep were confiscated and turned over to the collective. The liberated bondservants were arranged by the government to settle in the flatlands below.

他们家有枪，去县城抢汉人的娃儿回来，卖到别的地方去。解放之后，L家的土地、牛羊全都被没收了，归为集体。解放的娃子由政府安排到下面的坝子住。

Today I came to the township government to apply for a solitary elderly person's certificate. Now the Communist Party is good; for old people without children, the government sends money every month, 200 yuan a month. If I'm frugal, it's enough; I grow some potatoes and buckwheat myself.

我今天过来到乡政府办孤寡老人证。现在共产党好，老人没有子女了每个月政府发钱，一个月200元。省着点够用，自己种点洋芋、荞子。

Account Three: Village M, County N, a certain O, female, born in 1935, Yi ethnicity. In 1958 (at age 23), she became a cadre; at 24–25, she joined the Party; at 29, she became a production team leader; she also served as the women's director of the production brigade. She served as a cadre for a total of 30 years.

讲述三：N县M村，O某，女，1935年出生，彝族。1958年（23岁）开始当干部，24—25岁入党，29岁当上生产队长，担任过生产大队妇女主任。任职干部共30年。

My mother was a Han from S place. At the age of 12, she was tied up and brought here, sold to the B family. My father was also kidnapped as a very young child and sold to the M family. When my father came, he was so young, only a few years old, that he didn't remember where his hometown was. My mother married at 23 and had two sons and two daughters; I was the second child. My father died when I was young. After liberation, in 1958, my mother went back to S place to visit; her parents and brothers were still there. She didn't go back to live with them because she already had her own family and children.

我妈妈是S地的汉人，在12岁的时候被捆过来，卖给了B家。父亲也是很小的时候被抢来卖给M家。父亲过来时因为太小，才几岁，所以不记得自己家乡在哪。母亲23岁结婚，共生了2男2女，我是老二。我小时候父亲就死了。解放后1958年母亲回S地老家看过，她的父母和兄弟都还在。她没有回去跟父母过，因为她已经有了自己的家庭和孩子。

I married at 17; my husband was ten years older than me, and he was assigned to me by the master. He was a bondservant of the Yang family. After liberation, my husband broke away from the Yang family and changed his surname to Ma; I also took his surname. I gave birth to two sons and two daughters. The master's family had a total of five or six bondservants and land worked by 50–60 yoke of oxen. Later, my husband followed the master and became a bandit, and he died. When class status was assigned, a work team came and stayed in the village, just like you, coming to households to ask questions, understand the situation, and register.

我17岁结婚，男人比我大十岁，是主人配的，他是杨家的娃子。解放后，男人脱离杨家改姓马，我也跟着姓马了。我生了两个儿子两个姑娘。主人家一共有五六个娃子，50—60架牛的土地，后来我男人跟着主人当土匪死了。划成分的时候，有工作队过来，住在村子里，就像你一样，到家里询问了解情况、登记。

In the past, we had no land and no house. The Communist Party came and liberated us, and also built houses for us. In 1958, I became a team leader; from 1960 to 1982, I was a production team leader; I also served as the brigade women's federation director and a March 8th Red Banner Bearer; everyone raised their hands to elect me.

过去我们没有地，没有房子，共产党来了解放了我们，并且给我们建了房子。1958年我当上组长，1960—1982年当生产队长，还当过大队妇联主任，三八红旗手，大家都举手选我。

Once I saw the father of a certain C (C was a relative of the master's clan) slacking off while working in the fields. From a distance, I heard him shouting at the oxen as he plowed, but when I got closer, I saw him lying on the grass resting, with the ox grazing nearby; he was just shouting with his mouth to make others think he was working. I was only 21 at the time, and he was an elder, but I still criticized him.

我有一次看到C某的父亲在地里干活偷懒（C某是讲述人过去主人家的家支亲戚）。远远听见他吆牛犁地的声音，等我走近后却看见他躺在草地上休息，牛在旁边吃草，只是他嘴上在吆喝，让其他人以为他在干活。我当时才21岁，他是长辈，但也批评了他。

In her personal conversation with the author, this narrator did not conceal her past slave status; she felt proud of her work during the collectivization period. Before the Democratic Reform, this group, as part of the slave owners' private property, had no personal freedom, not even parental rights over their own children; many did not even have names, and the masters often called them by the labor they performed. After the Democratic Reform, they received a share of the means of production that belonged to them and also gained space for autonomous development. At the political level, when the new government proclaimed that "slaves have turned over and become masters" and implemented corresponding policies and measures, this group not only broke free from the shame of their past slave status but also gained equal opportunities and social rights in reality, participating in public political life and production management work. However, after the economic reforms of the 1980s, with the deepening of marketization and the tendency of local grassroots organizations to become lax, the clan organization once again played an important role in production and social life. Under these circumstances, "blood lineage theory" re-emerged. Some families faced discrimination and social exclusion because of their past slave background. To escape the oppression of this social discrimination, many families had no choice but to move away from their original communities.

这一讲述人在跟笔者的个人对谈中没有遮掩自己过去的奴隶身份，她为自己在合作化时期的工作感到光荣。民主改革前，这一群体作为奴隶主私有财产的一部分，没有人身自由，甚至没有对自己子女的亲权，很多人连名字都没有，主人常常用他们从事劳动来称呼。民主改革后，他们分得了一份属于自己的生产资料，也获得了自主发展空间。在政治层面，当新政府宣告“奴隶翻身做主人”并落实相应政策措施后，这个群体不仅得以破除过去奴隶身份的耻辱感，并且在现实层面获得了平等机会和社会权利，参与到公共政治生活和生产管理工作中。然而，在20世纪80年代的经济改革后，随着市场化深入和地方基层组织趋于涣散，家支组织重新在生产和社会生活中扮演了重要角色。这种情况下，“血统论”重又抬头。一些家庭因为过去的奴隶身份背景而遭到歧视和社会排斥。为摆脱这种社会歧视的压迫，很多家庭只能搬离原来的社区。

Account Four: Village M, County N, a certain W, female, 75 years old, Yi ethnicity. She joined the Chinese Communist Party in 1971 and was once a labor model in the village.

讲述四：N县M村，W某，女，75岁，彝族。1971年加入中国共产党，曾是村里的劳动模范。

In the past, living conditions were not as good as now; now we don't worry about food, but in the past, spiritual life was good, glorious; I had a say in the team and a high status at home. In the past, the production team promoted equality between men and women and banned arranged and mercenary marriages. At that time, there were over 20 Party members in the village, half men and half women.

过去生活条件没现在好，现在吃的不愁了，但以前精神生活好，光荣，在队里说话有分量，在家里地位也高。以前生产队提倡男女平等，禁止买卖包办婚姻。那时村里党员总共20多人，男女各一半。

In the past, social order was very good; we old peasants were very self-aware and had good character, unlike the young people today. I often educate my children that the descendants of Party members must take the lead in doing good. None of our seven children have ever taken or dealt drugs.

过去社会秩序相当好，我们这些老农民自觉得很，品格好，跟现在年轻人不一样。我经常教育孩子，党员的后代要带头做好。我们家7个小孩从没有吸毒贩毒的。

According to the social tradition of the Liangshan Yi people, patrilineal blood ties are the basis of social organization. In this society, whether in the lineage genealogy or in social public life, women’s roles and influence are absent. In marriage, women in most cases have no freedom of personal choice; they must first consider lineage interests, serving as a link for exchange and alliance between lineages. The concepts and measures of “women’s liberation,” “gender equality,” and “freedom of marriage” advocated during the Democratic Reform and the subsequent collective economy practices greatly elevated the social status of women in ethnic minority areas. A cohort of women grassroots cadres emerged in Liangshan Yi society. As seen in O and W, the positive impact of the Democratic Reform on women’s spiritual life and social status is evident; they were even capable of leading and organizing men to carry out agricultural production activities, something previously unimaginable. After the implementation of the household contract system, with the resurgence of lineage forces in the social public sphere, women rural cadres have rarely been seen in our field investigations. Does this mean that women may once again become a voiceless group in rural public life?

根据凉山彝族社会传统，父系血缘是社会组织的基础。在这个社会中，无论是家支谱系上，还是社会公共生活中，均缺少女性角色和影响。在婚姻方面，妇女在多数情况下没有个人选择的自由，首先要考虑家支利益，充当家支之间进行交换和结盟的纽带。民主改革以及随后集体经济实践过程中提倡的“妇女解放”“男女平等”“婚姻自由”等观念和举措，极大提升了少数民族地区妇女的社会地位。凉山彝族社会出现了一批妇女基层干部。正如O某和W某，从她们身上可以看到民主改革对妇女精神生活和社会地位方面的积极影响，她们甚至有能力领导和组织男性开展农业生产活动，这是以前无法想象的事情。在实行家庭承包制后，随着家支力量在社会公共领域的重新活跃，女性农村干部在我们的田野调查当中已很少能看到，这是否意味着，妇女在乡村公共生活中可能又成为失语群体。

Narration Five: M Village, N County, male, born 1954, Yi. Served as village head in 1986.

讲述五：N县M村，男，1954年出生，彝族。1986年任村长。

My parents were formerly slave owners, so I could not serve as a cadre. O was a slave who turned over and became the master, appointed as a cadre by higher authorities. She was intelligent and capable, able to keep up with the situation, leading everyone to actively engage in agricultural production, and was rated as an advanced worker. After her liberation, she was originally assigned to a farm village (a resettlement village for slaves), and later sent to our village to supervise and manage those of us with poor family backgrounds. Her class background was good, so we all had to obey her, otherwise we would be subjected to criticism and struggle. She had never attended school and was illiterate, but in the past the accountant kept the books, so she did not need to write or calculate.

我父母以前是奴隶主，不能任干部。O某是奴隶翻身做主人，是上级任命的干部。她聪明有能力，能跟上形势，领导大家积极搞农业生产，被评上先进了。她被解放后原先安排在农场村（奴隶安置村），后来被派到我们村来监督管理我们这些家庭成分不好的人。她的成分好，我们都要听她的话，否则挨批斗。她没上过学，不认识字，但过去由会计记账，所以不需要她写字、计算。

Narration Six: M Village, N County, male, born 1953, Yi, junior high school graduate, served as a community-run teacher from 1975 to 1989.

讲述六：N县M村，男，1953年出生, 彝族，初中毕业，1975—1989年当民办教师。

In 1955, the Communist Party entered our area, but it was not public; it only became public in 1956. In 1956, bandits rebelled. In 1956, D’s father became deputy district head; he had previously been a local *degu* [traditional mediator/arbitrator]. The work team also arranged for my uncle to study at university. At that time, some people from our clan also became bandits, and D’s father went to do ideological work, persuading them to return, but both sides were deadlocked. The bandits accused him of betraying his ancestors and clan; he could not bear it and committed suicide. That year D was only 5 years old.

1955年我们这就有共产党进来了，但没有公开，到1956年才公开。1956年土匪叛乱。1956年D某的爸爸当上了副区长，他以前是我们当地的德古。工作队还安排了我叔叔去大学读书。当时我们家族也有人当土匪，D某的爸爸就去做思想工作，劝他们回来，但双方僵持不下。土匪指责他背叛祖先和家族，他想不通就自杀了。那年D某才5岁。

From 1958 to 1960, production was centralized, and we ate from the communal pot; most of the time we could only eat wild vegetables boiled with bitter buckwheat flour. Some people got edema from eating wild vegetables, and some women had irregular menstruation. In 1962, we returned to the original homesteads, and the small teams carried out production on their own.

1958—1960年集中生产，吃大锅饭，我们很多时候只能吃苦荞粉煮野菜。有的人吃野菜后得浮肿病，有的妇女月经不调。1962年恢复老屋基，小队自己干生产。

In the past, we Yi people all lived on mid-mountain or high-mountain slopes. Most of the land on this flatland was muddy, seasonally flooded, and could not be used for crops. During the collectivization period, the government organized everyone to dig ditches, drain water, and level the land, developing the flatland into arable fields.

过去我们彝族都住在二半山或高山上。这个坝子上大部分土地是烂泥巴，季节性水淹，没法种庄稼。集体化时期政府组织大家挖沟、排水、整地，将坝子开发成耕地了。

Narration Seven: M Village, N County, male, middle-aged, Yi.

讲述七：N县M村，男，中年，彝族。

My grandfather formerly had over 400 *wazi* [slaves/serfs] and was a township head under the Kuomintang. People from the same clan among us Yi all support each other, so in the past there were too many wealthy and educated people in our clan. Now every household is the same.

我爷爷以前有400多个娃子，是国民党的乡长。我们彝族同一个家族的人都相互扶持，所以过去我们家族有钱、有文化的人太多了。现在家家都一样了。

In the past, Mao Zedong said to remold ideology and for slaves to turn over, but the local people did not understand correctly and used force. My father and uncles could not study at that time. Now everyone is equal, all the same.

以前毛泽东说改造思想、奴隶翻身，但当地人没有正确理解，使用武力了。我爸爸叔叔他们那时都不能读书。现在人人平等，都一样了。

The two kinds of equality (“sameness”) mentioned by this narrator refer, first, to the equalization of economic conditions and social status among local villagers against the background of the Democratic Reform abolishing aristocratic ascriptive status and social privileges; second, to the gradual elimination of class identities and rights restrictions on “landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists” [11]11 The “five black categories” (地富反坏右, *di fu fan huai you*) were class labels applied during the Mao era to landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists, subjecting them to political discrimination and restrictions on rights. in the 1970s, especially after reform and opening up. Compared with the Land Reform movement in Han areas during the same period, the means of the Democratic Reform in ethnic minority areas were relatively moderate. Although armed rebellions by slave owners resisting the liberation of slaves and confiscation of land occurred in the Liangshan Yi region, and some rebels died in armed conflicts or later in mass criticism struggles, overall the treatment of slave owners was lenient. Many captured or surrendered slave owners were absorbed into the township, district, county, and prefecture Political Consultative Conferences, given the status of CPPCC members, and paid monthly salaries.

这一讲述人提到的两个平等（“一样”），一是指在民主改革废除贵族先赋地位和社会特权的背景下，当地村民的经济状况和社会地位的均等化；二是指在20世纪70年代尤其是改革开放之后，“地富反坏右”的阶级身份和权利限制逐渐取消。相比同时期汉族地区的土地改革运动，少数民族地区的民主改革手段相对和缓。虽然凉山彝区出现了奴隶主组织武装叛乱、抗拒解放奴隶和没收土地的现象，一些反叛者因此在武装冲突中殒命，或在后来的群众批斗中丧生，但总体上对奴隶主的处理是宽大的，不少被俘虏或投降的奴隶主被吸纳进乡、区、县、州的政治协商会议，给予政协委员的身份并按月发放工资。

Narration Eight: Z County, male, born 1936, Yi, member of the Communist Party. Began work in 1956. Married in 1962 through “free love,” having met his spouse while working together. In the 1970s, he studied for one year at Liangshan University in Zhaojue, mainly studying Marxist theory. After retirement, he returned to his rural hometown, and later moved with his son’s family to the flatland area. His son works in farming and also as a casual laborer.

讲述八：Z县，男，1936年出生，彝族，共产党员。1956年参加工作。1962年“自由恋爱”结婚，跟爱人一起工作时认识。1970年代在昭觉的凉山大学进修学习一年，主要学习马克思主义理论。退休后回到农村老家，之后随儿子举家搬迁到坝区。儿子务农兼务工。

In the old society, our place was very poor, with no roads, not even salt. We wove linen and woolen cloth ourselves. The salt we ate came from Y County; Han merchants could sell it in after obtaining guarantees from the *tusi* [local chieftains]. The Kuomintang mainly managed the Yi through *tusi* and Black Yi, unlike the Communist Party, which had local cadres and work teams.

旧社会我们这个地方很穷，路不通，连盐巴都没有，自己纺织麻布和毛布。吃的盐巴从Y县来，汉人商人找土司担保就可以卖进来。国民党主要通过土司、黑彝来管理彝族，不像共产党，没有地方干部和工作组。

In 1951, the Communist Party entered Z County; I was 16 then. At that time, the county party committee and various bureaus had not yet been established; there were only very few units like the government construction department. I began work in 1956 in the construction department, engaged in rural construction. After the various bureaus were established, I went to the animal husbandry bureau. We introduced Xinjiang sheep and Brazilian cattle.

1951年共产党进来Z县，我那时16岁。当时还没有成立县委和各局，只有政府建设部等很少的单位。我1956年参加工作，就在建设部工作，搞农村建设。等到成立各局之后，我去了畜牧局。我们引进了新疆羊、巴西牛。

From 1956 to 1957, land belonged to individuals, and mutual aid teams began to be formed. In 1958, collective ownership was implemented, and communal canteens were set up; the canteens were abolished after two years. In 1958, the Socialist Education Movement began, lasting five years. [12]12 The Socialist Education Movement (社会主义教育运动, 1963–1966) was a nationwide campaign to strengthen socialist ideology in the countryside and purge corrupt or “capitalist” tendencies among grassroots cadres. The Socialist Education Movement was mainly aimed at leaders, targeting their factionalism, favoritism toward their own lineage members, unfair appointments, and corruption. In 1958, the Great Leap Forward lasted three years; life was very difficult then. Workers were issued 30 *jin* of grain coupons, cadres 25 *jin*, children 9 *jin*, and only half a *jin* of meat per year. There were multiple reasons; it was not caused by grain deliveries to the state. During the cooperative period, very little grain was delivered to the state, only one-thousandth. From 1962 to 1964, the “Three Antis” and “Five Antis” movements were carried out. [13]13 The “Three Antis” (三反, 1951–1952) targeted corruption, waste, and bureaucracy within the Party and government; the “Five Antis” (五反, 1952) targeted bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing state economic information among private industrialists and merchants. Here the narrator likely refers to later local campaigns with similar names in the early 1960s. In 1966, the “Cultural Revolution” began.

1956—1957年土地属于个人，当时开始成立互助组。1958年开始实行集体所有制，搞大食堂，搞了2年食堂就撤销了。1958年开始社会主义教育运动，持续了5年。社会主义教育运动主要是针对领导，针对他们拉帮结派，照顾自己家支的人，任用自己家支的人，不公平，贪污。1958年大跃进，3年时间，那时生活很困难，当时工人发30斤粮票，干部25斤，儿童9斤，一年才发半斤肉。有多方面原因，不是交公粮造成的，合作社期间交的公粮很少，千分之一。1962—1964年搞“三反”“五反”运动。1966年开始“文化大革命”。

From slave society to socialist society in Liangshan, I have witnessed a great reduction in conflicts among people. In the past, armed feuds frequently occurred between lineages, as well as conflicts with other ethnic groups from outside. Now people’s lives are getting better and better, and everyone remembers the Communist Party’s goodness.

凉山从奴隶社会到社会主义社会，我目睹着人们的矛盾减少许多。过去家支之间经常发生械斗，也有跟外面其他民族的械斗。现在大家的生活越来越好了，人们都记着共产党的好。

This narrator is a local cadre forged in the practice of rural construction in New China. He witnessed the enormous changes in Liangshan Yi society before and after the Democratic Reform, especially the marked improvement in social conflicts and ethnic tensions. Although this old cadre is now over eighty years old and lives in the countryside, he still cares about national affairs and has a clear understanding and judgment of current social contradictions.

这一讲述人是在新中国乡村建设实践中锻造出来的地方干部。他见证了民主改革前后凉山彝族社会的巨大变化，尤其是社会冲突和民族矛盾问题的显著改善。这位老干部现在虽年逾八旬，且身居乡野，却仍关切国家时局，并对当前的社会矛盾有清楚的认识和判断。

The narrators above, according to their own or their fathers’ social status before the Democratic Reform, include domestic slaves, serfs, and aristocrats. After the Democratic Reform, this ascriptive status determined by blood was completely abolished, profoundly changing the fate of each individual. The lower and middle strata obtained the basic conditions for gaining a foothold and developing in society during this process.

以上讲述者按照他们自身或父辈在民主改革前的社会身份等级区分包括了家奴、农奴和贵族。民主改革后，这种由血缘规定的先天等级身份被彻底废除，由此深刻改变了每个个体的命运。底层和中层群体在这过程中获得了立足社会和发展的基础条件。

III. Collective Agricultural Production Practice and Peasant Life

三、集体农业生产实践与农民生活

After the Land Reform in China’s Han rural areas, new problems soon emerged. On the one hand, scattered household agriculture had low productive forces; on the other hand, under private land ownership, a tendency toward polarization between rich and poor reappeared in the countryside. This reality forced the central leadership to rethink the policy line for agricultural development, proposing that under the current conditions of national industrial underdevelopment, productive forces could be raised and the tendency toward rural polarization overcome by transforming the relations of production.

我国汉族农村地区在土地改革后，很快面临新问题。一方面，分散的家户农业生产力低下；另一方面，在土地私有制下，农村重又出现了贫富分化的趋向。这种现实状况迫使中央领导人重新思考农业发展的政策路线问题，提出在当前国家工业不发达的情况下，通过变革生产关系来提高生产力、克服农村分化的趋向。

The core characteristics of the collective agricultural economy are the collective ownership and centralized management of the means of production, as well as large-scale division of labor and cooperation among members of the collective economy. This economic model demonstrated advantages that individual agricultural management lacked in terms of land improvement, water conservancy construction, technological innovation, mechanization, and social security for members. In addition to developing agriculture, collective economic organizations also utilized local resources to develop small-scale local industries, including processing agricultural products and manufacturing the means of production they needed, such as farm tools, small agricultural machinery, and fertilizer. Furthermore, under the coordination and management of government departments, the agricultural sector also maintained cooperative relations with other economic sectors. For example, in the 1970s, the development of the industrial sector began to prioritize supporting the needs of the agricultural sector, advancing agricultural mechanization through the worker-peasant alliance.

集体农业经济的核心特征是生产资料集体所有和集中管理，以及集体经济成员大规模分工协作。这种经济模式在土地改良、兴修水利、技术革新、机械化和成员社会保障方面均显示了个体农业经营所不具备的优势。除了发展农业，集体经济组织还利用本地资源发展地方小工业，包括开展农产品加工以及制造自身所需农具、小型农机、化肥等生产资料。此外，在政府部门协调管理下，农业部门还与其他经济部门保持合作关系。如1970年代，工业部门发展开始优先考虑扶持农业部门需要，以工农联盟的方式推进农业机械化。

In terms of distribution, during the period of elementary cooperatives, a dual distribution system was implemented: distribution according to capital (land shares contributed) and distribution according to labor. During the period of advanced cooperatives, the system shifted to taking the advanced cooperative as the accounting unit, leading to a situation where wealthy production teams had to support poor production teams, which caused some peasants to be dissatisfied with the income distribution system. In 1956, the government made adjustments, requiring all cooperatives to distribute 60%–70% of their income to members. After 1962, the people's communes established the system of "three-level ownership with the production team as the base," meaning that the means of production were owned respectively by the commune, the production brigade, and the production team, with the production team (natural village) as the basic accounting unit. Distribution was carried out according to labor, with labor measured based on the size of a member's labor capacity and the content of their work ("evaluating work points").

在分配上，初级合作社期间实行的是两套分配制度：按资分配（土地入股数量）和按劳分配。高级合作社期间则转向以高级社为核算单位，出现富裕生产队需要供养贫穷生产队的状况，这引起了部分农民对收入分配制度的不满。1956年政府作出调整，要求所有合作社将收入的60％—70％分给社员。1962年之后，人民公社确定了“三级所有，队为基础”体制，即生产资料分别归公社、生产大队、生产小队所有，以生产小队（自然村）为基本核算单位。分配实行按劳分配，以社员劳动力的大小和工作内容来进行劳动计量（“评工分”）。

Agricultural development work in the Liangshan Yi region began in the early period after the founding of New China, with specific tasks including "disseminating new agricultural techniques, strengthening farmland infrastructure construction, afforestation, organizing production cooperatives, implementing relief measures, and so on." [14]14 The founding of New China refers to the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The trial establishment of agricultural cooperatives began in 1956. By the spring of 1957, 1,397 cooperatives had been established across the prefecture, including 810 advanced cooperatives, with households joining cooperatives accounting for 26.8% of all peasant households. By 1958, the proportion of households joining cooperatives reached 85%. In 1958, the Liangshan Prefecture trial-established 46 people's communes; the establishment of people's communes ceased in 1960, and by 1962 the number of people's communes had been reduced to 30. The construction of people's communes resumed in 1971, and by 1974, all rural areas in the prefecture had been communized.

凉山彝族地区的农业发展工作在新中国成立初期就已开始着手，具体工作包括“传授新农技、加强农田基础建设、植树造林、开展生产组织合作化、实施救济……等等”。1956年开始试办农业合作社。1957年春，全州成立了1397个合作社，其中有810个高级社，入社农户占农户总数的26.8%。到1958年，入社农户占85%。1958年凉山州试办了46个人民公社，1960年停止建立人民公社，1962年人民公社减至30个，1971年人民公社的建设再度继续，至1974年，全州农村地区都公社化。

With the implementation of the collective agricultural economy and the establishment and improvement of rural grassroots organizations, people's production and daily life affairs gradually came to be organized and managed by collective units such as production brigades and communes. Under these circumstances, traditional lineage governance lost its material basis for existence, and correspondingly, the power of lineage organizations to control individuals rapidly weakened.

随着集体农业经济的推行以及农村基层组织的建立和完善，人们生产生活事务逐渐转由大队、公社等集体单位进行组织和管理。在这种情况下，传统家支治理便失去存在的物质基础，相应地，家支组织对个体的支配力量亦迅速弱化。

(I) Collective Agricultural Production Practice in Village X

（一）X村的集体农业生产实践

Village X is subordinate to County Y. The village is located at an altitude of about 2,700 meters, with high mountains and dense forests, and a cultivated land area of over 6,000 mu. [15]15 Mu is a Chinese unit of land area; 1 mu ≈ 0.0667 hectares or 0.1647 acres. The village has more than 300 households, with a population of over 1,000. The Yi ethnic group constitutes the majority. The ethnic identities of other villagers include Han, Tibetan, Naxi, and Mongol. Village X has an overall elongated layout, with houses built along the gentle slope of the village's main road. The villagers' daily activity center is mainly along both sides of the village road, especially concentrated around the small shop in the middle section. Villagers often sit together chatting and playing cards, or resting and looking around, while children play nearby, and occasionally vehicles or motorcycles pass by on the road. During 2014–2015, the author conducted long-term residential fieldwork in the area. The following materials are mainly derived from the author's field observations and oral history interviews (including individual interviews and group interviews).

X村隶属Y县。该村海拔高度2700米左右，山高林密，耕地面积六千余亩。全村有三百余户，居民有一千余人。彝族人口占多数。其他村民的民族身份包括汉族、藏族、纳西族和蒙古族等。新坡村整体呈狭长走向，房屋沿着村子的主干道缓坡而建。村民的日常活动中心主要是在村道两旁，尤其聚集在中间地段的小卖部周围。村民常常坐在一起闲聊和打牌，或休憩张望，小孩则在附近玩耍，偶尔有车辆或摩托车驶过马路。2014—2015年期间，笔者在当地开展了长时段的驻村田野调查。下文材料主要来源于笔者的实地考察和口述访谈（包括个人访谈和集体访谈）。

During the people's commune period, Village X was called Brigade X. Before the democratic reform, [16]16 The democratic reform in Liangshan refers to the land reform and abolition of the slave system carried out in the Yi region in the mid-1950s. all local land was owned by the local headman, and peasant households of various ethnic groups rented land from the headman, with rent generally being 60% of the harvest (the tenant keeping 40%). At that time, the residents of the Village X flatland were mainly Han, "Xi" people, and Mosuo people, while the Yi lived in the mid-mountain areas, about three to four kilometers from the flatland below.

X村在人民公社时期叫X大队。在民主改革前，当地的土地都归土司所有，其他各族农户均向土司租种土地，租金一般是收入的六成（佃户得四成）。当时X村坝子的居户主要是汉族、“西族”和摩梭人，彝族居住在二半山区，距离山下的坝子大概三四公里。

After the democratic reform, Yi villagers from the mountains were mobilized to move to the flatland area, forming a production team, with other teams allocating a portion of their flatland fields for them to cultivate, while they also retained their original mountain land. The poor mountain land was usually used to grow bitter buckwheat, oats, highland barley, and soybeans, crops with low requirements for soil fertility. The flatland soil was fertile and used to grow potatoes, corn, and wheat. Wheat was a newly introduced crop by the government, replacing low-yield bitter buckwheat with its high-yield characteristics, thereby changing the local tradition of single-season spring planting and autumn harvesting to a two-year, three-harvest cultivation system (i.e., "major and minor spring production"). [17]17 "Major and minor spring production" is a Chinese agricultural term referring to the two main cropping seasons: the major spring crop (spring-sown, autumn-harvested) and the minor spring crop (winter-sown, spring-harvested). Typically, in the first year, potatoes and corn were planted (rotated), and after the autumn harvest in September, wheat and hulled wheat were planted, intercropped with soybeans. In the second year, after the wheat harvest in April and May, summer crops such as broad beans were planted. Compared to single-season planting, the two-year, three-harvest system not only increased total annual agricultural income, but diversified planting could reduce losses from natural risks. At the same time, this cultivation system took into account the regulation and maintenance of soil nutrients: the rotting roots of potatoes became natural fertilizer for the following year's corn, while planting leguminous crops could fix nitrogen, benefiting the restoration of soil fertility. At that time, there was no chemical fertilizer; corn yield was 250–300 kg per mu, potato yield was 500 kg per mu, and wheat and hulled wheat yield was 150–200 kg per mu.

民主改革后，山上的彝族村民被动员搬到坝区居住，成立了一个生产小队，由其他小队匀出一部分平坝土地给他们耕种，同时他们仍保留原来山上的土地。山上的瘦地通常被用来种植苦荞、燕麦、青稞和黄豆，这些作物对土壤肥力的要求低。平坝土地肥沃，被用来种马铃薯、玉米和小麦。小麦是政府新引进作物，以高产出的特点取代了低产出的苦荞，并由此改变了当地春耕秋收的单季种植传统，转为两年三收的耕种制度（即“大小春生产”）。通常第一年种植马铃薯和玉米（两者轮作），待9月秋收后种植小麦和花麦，并套种黄豆，第二年四五月收完小麦后种植夏播作物蚕豆。对比单季种植，两年三收的耕种不仅提高了农业全年总收入，并且多样化种植能够降低自然风险带来的损失。同时，这种耕种制度兼顾了土地养分的调节和保持：马铃薯的烂根成为来年玉米的天然肥料，而种植豆科作物则可以固氮，有利于土地肥力的恢复。当时还没有化肥，玉米亩产250—300公斤，马铃薯亩产500公斤，小麦和花麦亩产150—200公斤。

In addition to the effective use of land, collective agriculture also demonstrated incomparable advantages over individual agricultural production in terms of production organization. On the basis of the division of labor and cooperation among members, Brigade X not only carried out diversified planting but also developed large-scale animal husbandry and agricultural product processing. Some members were specifically responsible for the breeding and grazing work of the brigade's livestock farm, which had over 400 head of livestock. In terms of public services, Brigade X specially established a "specialized team," also called the "agricultural突击队." [18]18 The term "突击队" (tūjī duì) literally means "shock brigade" or "assault team," a term commonly used in Mao-era China for volunteer work teams that took on urgent or difficult tasks. The team members consisted of militia and youth, with 50 men and 50 women. The main work of this specialized team was responsible for the production brigade's public facility construction such as soil improvement, road building, and ditch digging, as well as learning, practicing, and disseminating new crop varieties and new technologies. In addition, during the busy farming season, they would take turns helping each production team for 10 days, focusing on supporting backward production teams. Local elderly recalled, "We often went up the mountain to help that Yi team." At the same time, if other production brigades in the commune needed manpower, the specialized team would also go to help.

除了有效利用土地，集体农业在生产组织方式上也展现了相比个体农业生产不可比拟的优势。在社员分工合作的基础上，X大队不仅开展了多样化种植，还发展出大型养殖业和农产品加工业。一些社员专门负责大队畜牧场的养殖、放牧工作，牲畜有400多头。在公共服务方面，X大队特别成立了一个“专业队”，又叫“农业突击队”。队员由民兵和青年组成，男女各50人。这个专业队的主要工作是负责生产队的改土、修路、修堰沟等公共设施建设，以及新品种新技术的学习、实践和传授，此外，农忙季节到各个生产小队轮流帮忙10天，重点扶持落后的生产队。当地老人回忆，“我们经常到山上去帮那个彝族小队”。同时，如果公社里别的生产大队需要人手，专业队也会过去帮忙。

"I participated in the specialized team for over 3 years and earned a few more work points. I could earn 12 work points," an elderly person said proudly.

“我参加了专业队3年多，挣的工分多一点。可以挣12个工分。”一位老人自豪地说。

We helped the brigade below dig a canal to divert water. At that time, there was no dynamite, so we processed ammonium nitrate, sawdust, rice husks, and diesel fuel ourselves into explosives. It took 3–4 years to dig the canal, 17–18 li (9 kilometers) long. After the water diversion was successful, that brigade developed 150 mu of paddy fields.

我们帮过下面那个大队挖渠引水。那时没有炸药，我们就用硝酸铵、锯木面、谷糠、柴油自己加工成炸药。用了3—4年时间开出水渠，长17—18里（9公里）。引水成功后，那个大队开发了水田150亩。

In the 1970s, the Party secretary of our commune was surnamed X, a Han from Gaizu Township. The slogan he proposed was "Wear a hat on the mountain top, tie a belt around the mountainside, put on socks at the mountain foot." [19]19 This is a vernacular slogan from the Mao era, using a metaphor of dressing a person to describe three layers of land management: forest cover on hilltops, irrigation channels on slopes, and terraced fields at the base. "Wearing a hat" meant protecting the forest well, keeping the upper part lush and green; "tying a belt" meant making the irrigation canals flow with water; "putting on socks" meant land transformation, building terraced ditches. The ditches of the 3 brigades were connected together, all the way to the lake below.

1970年代我们公社的党委书记姓X，是盖租乡的汉族。他提出的口号是“山上戴帽子，山腰拴带子，山脚穿袜子”。“戴帽子”是指把森林保护好，让上面绿油油的；“拴带子”是指堰渠通水；“穿袜子”是指土地改造，搞条地沟。把3个大队的沟连在一起，一直通往下面的湖。

From the collective agricultural practice of Village X, it can be seen that the village carried out comprehensive-scale agricultural operations on the basis of unified land management, namely the coordinated development of crop farming, animal husbandry, and agricultural product processing. At the same time, through the division of labor and cooperation among members, the village relied on the self-organizing capacity of the production team and brigade to address rural public construction issues and emergencies. This cooperative comprehensive agricultural management model displays the following advantageous characteristics: First, at the economic and ecological levels, it not only breaks through the bottleneck of rural development under conditions of limited resources, promoting economic efficiency through changes in the mode of production organization, but also consolidates the material foundation for sustainable agricultural development through a circular agricultural model combining crop farming and animal husbandry, as well as through the construction of rural public facilities. Second, at the social level, the cooperative model provides stable and effective support for member teams with weak production foundations, thereby ensuring balanced development among teams and avoiding wealth polarization between production teams and brigades. Finally, at the level of ethnic relations, as a multi-ethnic intersection area, County Y, where Village X is located, historically had deeply entangled ethnic conflicts and constant strife. However, under the collective economic model of public ownership of the means of production, shared economic life and equal distribution rights were able to organize members from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds into effective cooperative production. It can be seen that the collective economy laid the foundational conditions for equal development and common prosperity at all levels.

从X村的集体农业实践可以看到，该村在土地统筹管理的基础上开展了综合规模农业经营，即种植业、养殖业以及农产品加工业的协同发展，同时通过社员的分工协作，以社队自组织力量来解决乡村公共建设问题和突发事件。这种合作化的综合农业经营模式显示出以下的优势特征：首先，在经济和生态层面，它不仅突破了有限资源条件下农村发展瓶颈，通过生产组织方式的变革来促进经济效益提升，同时通过种养结合的循环农业模式，以及农村公共设施建设来巩固农业可持续发展的物质基础。其次，在社会层面，合作模式为生产基础薄弱的成员队提供了稳定有效的支持，从而得以照顾各队均衡发展，避免社队之间产生贫富分化。最后，在民族关系层面，作为一个多民族交集地，X村所在的Y县历史上民族矛盾盘根错节、冲突纷争不断，然而在生产资料公有制的集体经济模式下，共同的经济生活和平等分配权能够将这些来自不同民族文化背景的社员组织起来，开展有效的合作化生产。可以看到，集体经济在各个层面奠定了平等发展、共同富裕的基础条件。

(II) Peasant Life during the Collective Economy Period

（二）集体经济时期的农民生活

During the author’s fieldwork, some elderly villagers in Village X recalled the life of the people’s commune period at a gathering, discussing their respective views on the collective economy. Below are excerpts from their accounts:

在笔者调研期间，X村一些老人在一次聚会中追忆了人民公社时期的生活，谈论他们各自对集体经济的看法。以下是他们的讲述摘录：

Before liberation, it was very difficult to get salt; we had to carry it back on our backs from Yantang Town. When the cooperative was set up, salt was no longer a worry; the production team took care of it.

解放前吃盐巴很难，要自己到盐塘镇背回来。搞合作社时盐巴就不愁了，生产队解决。

The production team was very lively back then, with lots of dancing and singing activities. In the evenings, we lit kerosene lamps for meetings. Life was so much better than in the old society.

那时生产队很热闹，跳舞唱歌活动多，晚上开会点马灯。生活比旧社会好太多了。

During the commune period, working together in the fields meant lots of people, which was fun, but it was very tiring.

公社化时期一起干劳动人多，好耍，但很累。

It was fun before; now it’s free—you work your own land when you want, and rest when you don’t.

以前好耍，现在自由，自己的活想干就干，不想干就休息。

During the cooperative period, we mainly ate buckwheat, potatoes, and corn; we only had rice at New Year’s. Back then, we had to hand in public grain and surplus grain, so we often didn’t have enough to eat. But compared to before liberation, life in the cooperative was much better—we weren’t anxious anymore. Even though grain was insufficient, the team’s warehouse had reserves; if we didn’t have enough, we could borrow, and repay the next year. If the next year’s harvest was good, after deducting the borrowed grain, there was still enough to eat. Anyway, the production team wouldn’t let any family go without grain. If the team’s grain was insufficient, we ate resold grain.

合作社时期主要吃荞麦、洋芋、苞谷，过年时才有大米吃。那时要上公粮和余粮，所以经常不够粮吃。但对比解放前，合作社的生活好很多，不焦虑了。粮食虽然不够吃，但队里仓库有粮食存着，不够吃了可以借，借了明年还。如果明年产粮高，扣除了借粮，也够吃的，反正生产队不会让哪家人没有粮吃。队里粮食不够就吃返销粮。

The cadres back then included the production team leader, deputy leader, storekeeper, accountant, and group leader. The accountant and storekeeper were changed every two or three years, appointed by the commune. The team leader was appointed by the work team. The team leader had no salary; he got work points, a maximum of 10 points per day.

以前的干部有生产队长、副队长、保管、会计、组长。会计和保管两三年换一次，由公社任命。队长由工作队任命。队长没有工资，给工分，最高一天10分。

I was a storekeeper; it wasn’t easy to take the team’s supplies. Everything was recorded. To take anything, the team leader and accountant both had to sign off.

我做过保管，没那么容易拿队里的物资，都有记账的，要拿的话需要队长和会计一起签名的。

During the commune period, it wasn’t about connections; it was fair. The lives of salaried workers and peasants weren’t too different.

公社化时期不讲关系，公平。上班的职工跟农民的生活不会差太大。

The elderly have different views on collective economic life, but overall, they affirm that the collective economy ensured everyone’s livelihood and believe that collective labor was more enjoyable and cultural life richer.

老人们对集体经济生活有不同看法，但总体上，他们肯定了集体经济让每个人的生活得到了保障，并且认为集体劳动乐趣多、文化生活丰富。

IV. Changes in Peasant Household Livelihoods during the Market Economy Period

四、市场经济时期的农户生计变化

(I) Changes in Resource Utilization and Production Conditions

（一）资源利用和生产条件方面的变化

With the dissolution of collective economic organizations in the 1980s, agricultural production arrangements in Village X underwent tremendous changes. The system of two harvests in three years, practiced for nearly two decades, was quickly abandoned after the implementation of the household contract responsibility system, reverting to single-season production. At the same time, the management model combining crop farming and animal husbandry became increasingly difficult to sustain. Below are the reasons given by local villagers:

随着20世纪80年代集体经济组织的解散，X村的农业生产安排发生了巨大变化。曾经实践了近20年的两年三收制度在实行土地承包制后很快被放弃，恢复原来的单季生产。同时，种养结合的经营模式亦日益难以维系。以下是当地村民给出的理由：

During the commune period, the production team had a lot of land and could arrange it well, so we could plant both spring and autumn crops. Now, each family has little land and few people; there’s no way around it—we can only plant one season.

公社化时期生产队土地多，好安排，所以可以种大小春。现在一家人地少、人少，没办法了，只能种一季。

Growing wheat requires a lot of labor hours, and with insufficient household labor, we can’t manage two seasons, unlike during the production team period when there were many people.

种小麦需要的工时多，家里人手不够，种两季应付不来，不像生产队时人多。

The production team had people specifically raising cattle and sheep, four or five hundred head. Now that it’s been distributed to individuals, many families don’t have the labor to raise them.

生产队有人专门养牛养羊，四五百头。现在分给个人后，很多家庭就没有人工养了。

It can be seen that the villagers mainly attribute the reasons to “little land” and “insufficient labor.” Their reference to “more land” in the past does not, of course, mean that the total land area of Village X was larger; rather, it refers to the scale effect achieved under the conditions of centralized land management and unified utilization during the collective economy period. After the household contract system, many families received land far from irrigation channels, making it inconvenient to irrigate. Moreover, if the family upstream did not want to plant wheat or release water, the families downstream could not irrigate either. Similarly, the villagers’ mention of “more people” does not mean the population was larger in the past, but rather that the different labor organization methods of the two periods produced different effects. At the same time, with the development of the market economy, young and middle-aged laborers have left their hometowns for work, making the problem of household labor shortages increasingly prominent. Most local families can no longer balance both farming and animal husbandry. Abandoning animal husbandry not only reduces livelihood sources and weakens the risk-resistance capacity of agricultural households but also breaks the local circular agricultural system. In the past, soil fertility was mainly restored using organic fertilizer formed by mixing pig and sheep manure with bitter buckwheat straw, pine needles, and oak leaves. Now, without cattle and sheep, farmers have to rely increasingly on chemical fertilizer inputs, thereby increasing the fragility of agricultural production. Comprehensive agricultural management is the most rational way to allocate and utilize agricultural resources, but under today’s individualized production conditions, it is already difficult to achieve.

可以看到，村民将原因主要归结为“地少”“人手不够”。他们所说的过去“地多”当然并非指过去X村的土地总面积更大，而是集体经济时期在土地集中管理和统筹利用的条件下得以实现的规模效应。而在土地家庭承包后，许多家庭分得的土地离沟渠远，不方便灌溉，并且如果上面的家庭不想种小麦、不放水，下面的家庭亦没法进行灌溉。同样，村民口中的“人多”亦非指过去人口更多，而是两个时期不同的劳动组织方式产生了不同效应。同时，随着市场经济发展，青壮年纷纷离乡务工，家庭劳动力短缺问题日益突出，当地大多数家庭已无法兼顾耕种和畜牧。而放弃畜牧不仅减少了生计来源，削弱农业家庭的抗风险能力，并且造成当地的循环农业系统被打破。过去土地肥力的恢复主要依靠猪羊粪与苦荞秸秆、松针栎叶混合发酵形成的有机肥，现在没有了牛羊，便只能越来越多地依靠化肥投入，由此增加了农业生产的脆弱性。综合农业经营对农业资源的配置利用是最合理的，但在今天个体化的生产条件下已难以实现。

At the same time, under the individualized production mode, public construction in the village can only rely on investment from higher-level government departments. In terms of irrigation, the canals built during the cooperative period to channel water from the mountains down to the foothills have fallen into disrepair due to long-term neglect. Coupled with private commercial logging and land reclamation in the 1980s and 1990s, which caused soil erosion, the lower half of the village’s canals have silted up and been destroyed. Although the upper half can still carry water, it now mainly serves the irrigation of a few large apple orchards, while most farmland, being far from the canals, cannot be effectively utilized.

同时，在个体化生产方式下，村里的公共建设往往只能等靠上级政府部门投入。在水利灌溉方面，合作化时期修建的由山上引到山下的水渠由于长期得不到维护，加之20世纪八九十年代私人商业砍伐、开荒等行为导致水土流失，村里的堰渠下半截已淤塞毁坏，而上半截虽仍能通水，却只能更多服务于少数大型苹果园灌溉，大多数农地由于离沟渠远而无法有效利用。

In terms of storage facilities, after the household contract system was implemented, the production team’s large granaries were dismantled. The surface of the large threshing ground gradually deteriorated due to long-term neglect, forcing each household to solve grain storage and drying problems on its own. In actual production, individual households have limited space and financial resources. The constraints of storage conditions often force villagers to sell their harvested crops hastily, thereby exacerbating their weak position in market price negotiations. Drying problems have also become a constraint on agricultural production. For example, highland barley, though low-yielding, has abundant straw that is excellent feed for cattle, so a portion of it was always planted during the commune period. Shortly after the household contract system was implemented, villagers abandoned highland barley cultivation. The reasons were, on the one hand, the reduction in the number of cattle, and on the other, the limitations of drying and storage conditions. Because highland barley has long straw, the past practice was to transport it back to the production team’s large granary and threshing ground for storage and threshing. Without the large granary and threshing ground, villagers had no choice but to abandon highland barley cultivation.

在仓储设施方面，家庭承包经营后，生产队的大粮仓被拆除。大晒场的地面由于长年得不到维护逐渐毁坏，村民只能各家自行解决粮食仓储和晾晒问题。在实际生产过程中，个体家庭的空间和财力有限，仓储条件的局限往往迫使村民在收获庄稼后急于出手，由此加剧了他们在市场价格谈判中的弱势地位。而晾晒问题同样成为农业生产的制约因素。比如青稞，虽然产量不高，但秸秆多，是喂牛的上佳饲料，因而公社化时期一直保持种植一部分青稞。在实行家庭承包制后不久，村民便放弃了种植青稞。其原因一方面是牛群数量的减少，另一方面是晾晒和仓储条件的限制。青稞由于秸秆长，过去的做法是运回生产队的大粮仓和大晒场进行存放和脱粒，现在没有大粮仓和大晒场，村民便只能放弃青稞的种植。

(II) Land Distribution Status among Peasant Households and Its Development Trends

（二）农户的土地分配状况及其发展趋势

Village X implemented the household contract responsibility system in 1981. Villagers generally believe that the starting point of land distribution was fair.

X村在1981年实施家庭承包制。村民普遍认为土地分配的起点是公平的。

Land distribution was fair back then; it was done according to central policy, not decided by any individual. Cadres from the township and village came together to handle the distribution, including the commune head and production team leader.

当时分地是公平的，根据中央政策办，不是哪个人说了算。乡上和村上的干部一起过来分，包括社长、生产队长等。

It was allocated based on the number of people in each household, with fertile and poor land, and distant and nearby plots, matched and distributed together.

按家庭的人头数，肥地瘦地、远近搭配着分。

The four production brigades of X were divided into 11 villager groups, of which six were Yi. The increase in the Yi population proportion was due, on the one hand, to the continuous relocation of some peasant households from surrounding mountainous areas downhill by means of "seeking refuge with relatives and friends"; on the other hand, villagers believed that Yi families were more willing to have more children. The land allocated to Yi peasant households consisted of two parts: land on the ancestral mountains and flatland land obtained after relocation downhill. On average, each household had 40 to 50 mu of mountain land, while flatland land was 1.2 mu per capita (a household typically had 5 to 7 mu), a smaller amount than that of other brigades. For these Yi peasant households, although the mountain land area was large, the distance was far, requiring more than two hours for a round trip. During the collective agriculture period, a division of labor was implemented among team members, with some working in the mountains and others working at the foot of the mountains, so cultivating the mountain land was entirely feasible. However, after the implementation of the household contract responsibility system, it became very arduous for a single household's labor force to manage production in both locations simultaneously, and grain yields from mountain land were low, while cultivating cash crops lacked water. In the first few years, Yi peasant households still returned to cultivate the mountains, but they did not persist for long and gradually abandoned it. Some households "sold" or "gave away" their land, and most of the land was left fallow. Under these circumstances, the actual arable land area that Yi peasant households could utilize was smaller than that of other households in the flatland area, which became an important reason for their economic lag behind other families long settled in the flatlands. With little arable land and low agricultural income, they had to increasingly rely on wage labor income. In recent years, with the progress of land transfer, the problem of unequal land holdings among villagers has become more pronounced.

X生产大队的4个小队被分为了11个村民小组，其中彝族有6个小组。彝族人口比例增加一方面是因为周边山区一些农户不断以“投亲靠友”的方式往山下搬迁；另一方面，村民认为彝族家庭更愿意多生孩子。彝族农户分得的土地包括两个部分，即祖居山上的土地和搬迁下来后分得的平坝土地。山上土地平均一户有四五十亩，平坝土地则人均1.2亩（一个家庭通常有5—7亩），数量要比其他小队少一些。对于这些彝族农户来说，虽然山上土地面积大，可是路途远，来回路程需两个多小时。在集体农业时期队员之间实行分工，一部分人在山上劳动，一部分人在山下劳动，因而耕种山上的土地完全没有问题。但实行家庭承包制之后，以单个家庭的劳动力兼顾两地生产非常辛苦，并且山地种粮出产不高，种植经济作物却又缺水。在刚开始几年中，彝族农户还是会回去山上耕种，但没有坚持多久便逐渐放弃。一些家庭把土地“卖了”或“送人”，大部分土地抛荒。这种情况下，彝族农户实际能够利用的耕地面积就比坝区其他农户要少，这成了他们在经济上落后于其他世居平坝家庭的重要原因。在耕地少、务农收入低的情况下，他们不得不越来越多地依靠打工收入。近年来，随着土地流转的进行，村民土地占有的不平均问题愈加突出。

This article examines the agrarian changes and their social impacts in the Liangshan Yi area over the 30 years since the founding of New China from the perspective of peasants. It can be seen that

本文从农民视角考察了新中国成立30年以来凉山彝族地区的农政变迁及其社会影响。可以看到，新政府通过集体化土地产权变革摧毁了凉山彝族社会血缘等级制的物质基础，力图通过组织化的合作生产来解决奴隶制造成的经济和社会问题，走出了一条不同于西方国家的道路。这种中国式农业农村现代化的实践成就具体表现在三方面：第一，经济层面。一方面，土地改良和土地的统筹利用，以及建立在社员分工合作基础上的综合农业经营提高了集体经济效益，在生态层面促进了农业生产的健康可持续发展；另一方面，平等合作的经济基础有效抑制了农村内部贫富分化，能够凝聚起不同民族文化背景的社员，形塑了一个有机团结的乡村经济共同体。第二，政治层面。集体产权制度使维护等级秩序的传统政治力量失去物质基础。新政府通过对权力和财富的再分配，为农村底层群众和妇女群体提供了立足农村社会的物质条件，使贫困农民和妇女获得平等的政治地位和发展机会。此外，男女平等、婚姻自由等政策的推行，有力推动了彝族妇女解放，促使她们进入社会公共生活领域。第三，意识形态层面。在社会主义农政变革过程中，一方面，中国式民主改革让广大底层群众获得了尊严；另一方面，村社的集体经济生活塑造了一种集体精神风貌，培育了有公心、具有主人翁意识的干部和群众。总之，社会主义农政变革所要建构的是一种新的经济逻辑，在不断提高农业生产力水平的同时，注重财富和权力的公平分配，致力于消除形成对抗性社会关系的内在因素，改造导致不同民族之间隔阂和对立的制度环境，由此形成一个建基于合作发展模式的新型乡村共同体，为走向共同富裕奠定基础条件。

With the implementation of market-oriented reforms in the 1980s, China’s economic development achieved remarkable accomplishments

随着20世纪80年代市场化改革的推行，中国经济发展取得了举世瞩目的成就。农村经济迎来了新的发展机遇，农民的物质生活水平由此大幅提升。然而，农村社会经济亦出现了一些新变化。随着农村集体经济组织的解散，家支组织重新在社会经济生活中扮演了重要角色，个体小农家庭重又转向从家支组织寻求生产生活支持。同时，在市场化背景下，城乡差距日益扩大，农村社会内部亦出现了贫富分化。在生产和生活资料高度商品化的条件下，小农家庭的务农收入远不能满足一个现代家庭的再生产需要。在这种情况下，青壮年农民不得不到城市寻找务工机会，由此进一步弱化了小农家庭的农业生产力和市场自主性，加剧了他们脱离农业的趋势。

The state has eliminated absolute poverty through the implementation of the strategy of fighting a decisive battle against poverty [23]23 The strategy of fighting a decisive battle against poverty (脱贫攻坚战略) refers to the nationwide campaign launched by the CPC around 2015 to eradicate absolute poverty by the end of 2020, involving targeted poverty alleviation measures and massive state investment., significantly improving rural infrastructure. Entering the new stage of development, the Party Central Committee has emphasized the need to promote common prosperity in the course of high-quality development. How to narrow the gap between the rich and the poor under market conditions, and to construct a new form of human civilization characterized by common prosperity and the harmonious coexistence of humanity and nature on the new journey of Chinese-path modernization, requires not only that we deeply understand and transcend the crisis of modernity dominated by Western capital logic, but also that we draw valuable experience from the historical practice of China's modernization.

国家通过实施脱贫攻坚战略消除了绝对贫困，显著改善了农村基础设施建设。进入新发展阶段，党中央强调要在高质量发展中促进共同富裕。如何在市场化环境下缩小贫富差距，在中国式现代化新征程中建构以共同富裕、人与自然和谐共生为主要特征的人类文明新形态，不仅需要我们深刻认识和超越西方资本逻辑主导下的现代性危机，而且需要我们从中国现代化的历史实践中汲取宝贵经验。

(Author's bio: Ruan Chiyin, Associate Professor, School of Public Administration, Guizhou University of Finance and Economics)

（作者简介：阮池茵，贵州财经大学公共管理学院副教授）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心