The Historical Variations, Theoretical Logic, and Symphonic Echoes of People-Centeredness

How is the core code of the hundred-year glory of the Communist Party of China to be dec

中国共产党百年辉煌的核心密码如何解读？习近平在庆祝中国共产党成立100周年大会上的讲话给出了答案：“中国共产党根基在人民、血脉在人民、力量在人民。中国共产党始终代表最广大人民根本利益，与人民休戚与共，生死相依”。一百多年来，不管时代如何变迁，中国共产党始终初心不改，使命在肩，来自人民、植根人民、服务人民的历史底色没有改变，与人民群众“同呼吸、共命运”、“手牵手、心连心”的情怀没有动摇。“人民至上”彰显出中国共产党的初心使命与价值追求。党的二十大把“坚持人民至上”作为“六个必须坚持”之首，掀开了马克思主义人民观中国化时代化的新篇章。新时代的“人民至上”涵摄人民主人论、人民主体论、人民主考论三重意蕴。从传统民本思想到人民民主观念，从唯物史观所凸显的理论逻辑到中国共产党百年辉煌所证明了的历史逻辑，中国共产党用人民情怀把“人民至上”的主题弹奏成了彪炳史册的铿锵绝响。

I. From People-Oriented Governance to Democracy: The Historical Variations of People-Centeredness

一、从民本到民主：人民至上的历史变奏

Within the landscape of traditional Chinese political wisdom, the thought of people-oriented governance (minben), with its focus on and prominence given to "the people," constitutes a core domain of discourse. The deep political logic of Confucian minben philosophy unfolds roughly along three dimensions: "establishing the ruler for the people," "the people as the foundation of the state," and "governance lies in nourishing the people." "Establishing the ruler for the people" addresses the question of the purpose of monarchical power. The *Xunzi, "Great Compendium"* states, "Heaven gives birth to the people, not for the sake of the ruler. Heaven establishes the ruler, for the sake of the people." [1]1 *Xunzi* is a foundational text of Confucian philosophy compiled by the Warring States period thinker Xun Kuang (c. 310–c. 235 BCE). The "Great Compendium" (Daluè) is a chapter within it. The *Book of Documents, "The Great Declaration, Part II"* says, "Heaven sees as my people see; Heaven hears as my people hear," [2]2 The *Book of Documents* (Shangshu) is a collection of ancient Chinese historical documents and speeches, one of the Five Classics of Confucianism. "The Great Declaration" (Taishi) is a chapter within it. directly using the people's hearts to represent Heaven's heart and the people's will to represent Heaven's will. In effect, this uses Heaven's will to bolster the people's will, placing a check of political legitimacy on the malignant expansion of monarchical power. The *Xunzi, "Duke Ai"* uses the metaphor of a boat and water to clarify the dual structure of "ruler-people." [3]3 The "boat and water" metaphor, attributed to Confucius in the *Xunzi*, compares the ruler to a boat and the people to the water: the water can support the boat or capsize it. "The people as the foundation of the state" addresses the question of the rationality of the traditional political governance structure. Since "the people are the foundation of the state; when the foundation is secure, the state is tranquil," then the people's security is a necessary condition for the state's security. In this sense, the people as "foundation" prevents the "people" from being in a weak and unbalanced position within the "ruler-people" dual political structure. Hence, the *Mencius, "Jinxin, Part II"* asserts, "The people are the most valuable; the altars of the soil and grain come next; the ruler is the least important." [4]4 The *Mencius* (Mengzi) is a Confucian classic recording the teachings of Mencius (c. 372–c. 289 BCE). "Jinxin" is a chapter within it. "Governance lies in nourishing the people" addresses the methodological question of traditional political governance. The ancient sages put forward a series of propositions on valuing the people, esteeming the people, protecting the people, securing the people, enriching the people, showing compassion for the people, benefiting the people, and loving the people, giving rich content to the "people's livelihood" dimension of minben thought. Confucius proposed "broadly bestowing benefits upon the people and being able to aid the multitude," advocating first enriching and then educating, ensuring sufficient food and military strength. Mencius advocated "regulating the people's property," emphasizing that "they must be made so that they have enough to serve their parents above and to support their wives and children below; in good years they will always be well-fed, and in bad years they will escape death." [5]5 This passage is from the *Mencius*, "King Hui of Liang, Part I." Xunzi put forward the idea of enriching both the upper and lower levels, advocating protecting and loving the people, taking "people's livelihood" as the foundation of governance, "so that the people do not suffer from heatstroke in summer, do not freeze in winter, are not overworked in urgent times, are not delayed in slack times, tasks are accomplished and merits established, both upper and lower are enriched, and the common people all love their superiors, returning to them like flowing water, and being close to them as happily as to their parents." [6]6 This passage is from the *Xunzi*, "On Enriching the State" (Fuguo). The *Guanzi, "Shepherding the People"* takes "people's livelihood" as the prerequisite for social governance, emphasizing that "when the granaries are full, the people know propriety and righteousness; when food and clothing are sufficient, they know honor and disgrace." [7]7 The *Guanzi* is a foundational text of Chinese political and economic thought, traditionally attributed to the statesman Guan Zhong (c. 720–645 BCE). "Shepherding the People" (Mumin) is its first chapter.

在中国传统政治智慧的版图中，民本思想以其对“民”的关注和凸显而成为核心论域。儒家民本哲学的深层政治逻辑，大抵在“立君为民”“民为国本”“政在养民”三个维度展开。“立君为民”解决了君权的目的性问题。《荀子·大略》指出，“天之生民，非为君也。天之立君，以为民也”。《尚书·泰誓中》有：“天视自我民视，天听自我民听”，直接用民心指代天心、用民意指代天意，实际上是用天意为民意张目，为避免君权的恶性膨胀套上政治合法性的缰绳。《荀子·哀公》关于君民关系的舟水之喻厘清了“君—民”的二元结构。“民为国本”解决了传统政治治理结构的合理性问题。既然“民为邦本，本固邦宁”，那么，民安乃国安的必要条件。在此意义上，民之为“本”，才避免了“民”在“君—民”二元政治结构中的弱势失衡，故《孟子·尽心下》有“民为贵，社稷次之，君为轻”的论断。“政在养民”解决了传统政治治理的方法论问题。先贤们提出系列重民、贵民、保民、安民、富民、恤民、利民、爱民的主张，使民本思想的“民生”维度内涵十分丰富。孔子提出“博施于民而能济众”，主张先富后教，足食足兵；孟子主张“制民之产”，强调“必使仰足以事父母，俯足以畜妻子，乐岁终身饱，凶年免于死亡”；荀子提出上下俱富的思想，主张保民爱民，以“民生”为治理之基，“使民夏不宛暍，冬不冻寒，急不伤力，缓不后时，事成功立，上下俱富，而百姓皆爱其上，人归之如流水，亲之欢如父母”；《管子·牧民》把“民生”作为社会治理的前提，强调“仓廪实而知礼节，衣食足而知荣辱”。

However, traditional minben thought finds it difficult to escape two fundamental theoretical dilemmas: First, how can the minben demand that the people's will is Heaven's will be implemented within the institutional design and governance practice of supreme monarchical power, and substantially check that supreme power? Second, can the common people, and if so how, escape their role as objects (the governed) within the political governance structure, thereby manifesting their status as "foundation" and their subjective existence in governance practice?

然而，传统民本思想难以摆脱两个根本性的理论困境：一是民意即天意的民本诉求何以贯彻于君权至上的制度设计和治理实践，并能实质性地制衡至高君权？二是老百姓是否能够且如何摆脱政治治理结构中作为对象物（统治的客体）出场，从而在治理实践中彰显出自身的“本”之地位与主体性存在？

Since modern times, insightful individuals attempted to cultivate the flower of modern democracy in the soil of minben. "Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong, Liang Qichao, Liu Shipei, and others, on the one hand, criticized monarchical autocracy, and on the other hand, tried to interpret traditional minben thought by combining it with modern Western democracy, hoping to move from minben to democracy. Thus, traditional minben was elaborated into various concepts such as 'the people are valuable, the ruler is base,' 'the people are the master, the ruler is the servant,' and 'the people are the host, the ruler is the guest,' all of which were connected to modern democracy." [8]8 This is a quotation from a secondary source cited by the authors. Tan Sitong, in his *Benevolence Studies*, interpreted minben from the perspective of modern democracy, thereby making minben the antithesis of monarchical autocracy and endowing it with democratic content. This somewhat "wishful" approach of "annotating the classics with my own views" could hardly break through the theoretical and practical dilemmas of traditional minben thought. It lacked in-depth investigation into how the "people" could escape their objectified existence within the "ruler-people" dual governance structure and realize their subjectivity, as well as into the "coexisting soil" and "synergistic mechanisms" of minben thought and autocratic royal power.

近代以来的有识之士曾试图在民本之壤中培育现代民主之花。“康有为、谭嗣同、梁启超、刘师培等一方面批判君主专制，一方面试图结合近现代西方的民主制来阐发传统的民本思想，希望由民本走向民主。于是，传统的民本被阐发为民贵君贱、民主君仆、民主君客等种种与近现代民主相通的观念。”谭嗣同在《仁学》中从近现代民主的视角上去解读民本，民本因之成为君主专制的对立物而具有了民主的内涵。这种略带“想当然”的“我注六经”难以突破传统民本思想的理论与实践困境，其对“民”如何摆脱“君—民”二元治理结构中的对象性存在而落实其主体性，以及对民本思想与专制王权的“共存土壤”与“协同机制”等缺乏深度考察。

It was a group of early Marxists who truly realized the modern variation from minben to democracy. Early Marxists represented by Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu mostly possessed scholarly foundations spanning Chinese and Western learning. They not only had a penetrating understanding of traditional minben wisdom but also delved deeply into modern Western democratic politics. Traditional minben thought largely became nourishment for their modern democratic ideas. Li Dazhao's thought underwent two important transformations. The first was from minben doctrine to populism. In his essay "The People's Standard and Politics," he transformed traditional minben thought into his theory of the "people's standard" (minyi). [9]9 "The People's Standard and Politics" (Minyi yu zhengzhi) is a 1916 essay by Li Dazhao (1889–1927), a co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party. "Minyi" (民彝) is a neologism coined by Li, combining "people" (min) with "standard" or "norm" (yi), a term from ancient Chinese ritual bronzes. In short, the so-called "people's standard" is what Maurice Meisner referred to as "the law of the people." [10]10 Maurice Meisner (1931–2012) was an American historian of modern China, known for his studies of Li Dazhao and Mao Zedong. Li Dazhao interpreted the "people's standard" from the two aspects of the people's hearts and the people's will, considering these two as the foundation of democratic politics, stating, "The people's standard is the foundation of the people's constitution." He advocated for populist politics, arguing that populism means eliminating class and hierarchical distinctions, so that "everyone is a ruler, and no one is a subordinate." In this way, the lofty monarchical power or privileged classes are replaced by populist politics, and the common people, who were originally only "the ruled," achieve "liberation through overturning," with everyone becoming a ruler and the subject of political governance practice. This is a model of "governance by the people" seeking consensus among the majority: "In countries today that implement governance by the people, the reason for adopting the majority system is not to use the majority to coerce the minority, but rather to ensure that when an issue arises, everyone can engage in full discussion and thorough consultation with freedom and fairness, seeking a common agreement." [11]11 This is a quotation from Li Dazhao's "The People's Standard and Politics." The second was the shift from populism to Marxism. He embraced the Russian October Revolution with great joy and wrote articles such as "The Victory of the Common People" and "The Victory of Bolshevism," celebrating the victory of the common masses, celebrating "the spirit of Russian humanity," and celebrating new concepts and ideas such as "justice," "freedom," "democracy," and "socialism." Therefore, the October Revolution provided important groundwork for his transformation to Marxism. Later, Li Dazhao gradually accepted the Marxist theory of class struggle, warmly eulogizing Marx and Engels's view of the people: "Marx and Engels jointly published the *Communist Manifesto*, loudly proclaiming and exhorting the laboring classes of the world to unite and overthrow capitalism. Only then did everyone realize that the realization of socialism, without the people themselves, is absolutely impossible. This is a tremendous achievement of Marxism." [12]12 This is a quotation from Li Dazhao's essay "The Victory of Bolshevism" (1918).

真正实现从民本到民主之现代变奏的当属一批早期的马克思主义者。以李大钊、陈独秀等为代表的早期马克思主义者，大多具备学贯中西的学术底蕴，不仅对传统的民本智慧洞若观火，而且对现代西方的民主政治着力颇深，传统的民本思想大多成为他们现代民主思想的养分。李大钊的思想实现了两次重要的转变。一是由民本主义到平民主义的转变。他在《民彝与政治》一文中将传统民本思想改造成他的民彝理论。简言之，所谓“民彝”就是莫里斯·迈斯纳所指出的“人民的法则”。李大钊从民心与民意两个部分去诠释“民彝”，并认为此二者乃民主政治之基，所谓“民彝者，民宪之基础也”。他提出平民政治的主张，认为平民政治就是泯灭阶级等级区别，使“人人都是治者，人人都非属隶”。如此，高高在上的君权或特权阶级就被平民政治所取代，而原本只是作为“被统治者”的平民则“翻身得解放”，人人成为治者，成为了政治治理实践的主体。这是一种多数中求共同的“民治”模式：“今世施行民治之国，所以采行多数制者，其意盖不在以多数强制少数，乃在使一问题发生时，人人得以自由公平之度为充分之讨论、翔实之商榷，而求一公同之认可。”二是从平民主义转向马克思主义。他以十分欣喜的态度拥抱俄国十月革命，并撰写《庶民的胜利》《Bolshevism的胜利》等文章，欢呼平民大众的胜利，欢呼“俄罗斯人道的精神”，欢呼“公理”“自由”“民主主义”“社会主义”等新观念、新思想。因此，十月革命为他实现向马克思主义的转变做了重要的铺垫。后来，李大钊逐步接受马克思主义的阶级斗争学说，热情讴歌马克思恩格斯的人民观：“马氏与昂格思合布《共产者宣言》，大声疾呼，檄告举世的劳工阶级，促他们联合起来，推倒资本主义，大家才知道社会主义的实现，离开人民本身，是万万作不到的,这是马克思主义一个绝大的功绩”。

The early Chen Duxiu greatly admired Western democratic politics and believed that traditional Chinese politics resulted in the obscuring or sacrifice of the people’s rights, whereas European constitutionalism could provide a safeguard for these rights. He pointed out: “As for the people, they are merely made to offer sacrifices for the founders, without the slightest freedom, rights, or happiness… And this has never changed in China from ancient times to the present. In modern times, Europeans and Americans regard the state as a body in which the people jointly seek peace and happiness. The people’s rights are enshrined in the constitution.” [13]13 V. I. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Youth Leagues," *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 285. Therefore, implementing a republic must awaken the masses; otherwise, “if the people lack the strength to build the state, yet forcibly attempt to imitate a republic, or restore the monarchy, as a plan for national salvation, it is like giving a blind man a torch—it is of no benefit and only adds to the disturbance.” [14]14 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Holy Family*, *Collected Works*, vol. 4, p. 93. Only a democratic state established after the awakening of the masses can ensure that the people’s rights are respected. Chen Duxiu attempted to build a bridge between democracy and the people-as-foundation principle. “If democracy is not national, I do not wish the youth to indulge in such an overly lofty ideal; if the nation is not democratic, it will run counter to the theory that the people are the foundation of the state.” [15]15 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The German Ideology*, *Collected Works*, vol. 5, p. 31. However, after being baptized by Marxism, Chen Duxiu saw through the hypocrisy of capitalist democratic politics, believing that the bourgeoisie “use the organs of the state, politics, and law to oppress the majority of the hardworking productive laboring class under the power of capital, treating them as worse than oxen, horses, or machines.” [16]16 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China" (July 1, 2016). Therefore, he called on “everyone to awaken: constitutional politics and political parties will soon become terms of the past; let us no longer be superstitious about them.” [17]17 Karl Marx, "Proceedings of the Sixth Rhine Province Assembly. Third Article: Debates on the Freedom of the Press," *Collected Works*, vol. 1, p. 152. Chen Duxiu absorbed the traditional people-based politics’ emphasis on the “value” of ordinary people, subjected it to a Marxist transformation, and advocated for the unity and alliance of all strata of the people to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, thereby actually achieving a transformation from a people-based thinker to a Marxist democrat.

早期的陈独秀对西方民主政治十分推崇，并认为中国传统政治造成了对人民权利的遮蔽或牺牲，欧洲宪政则能予此以保障。他指出：“若夫人民,惟为缔造者供其牺牲，无丝毫自由权利与幸福焉……而吾华自古讫今，未之或改者也。近世欧美人之视国家也，为国人共谋安宁幸福之团体。人民权利，载在宪章。”所以，实施共和必须唤醒民众，否则“民无建国之力，而强欲摹拟共和，或恢复帝制，以为救亡之计，亦犹瞽者无见，与以膏炬，适无益而增扰耳”。只有民众觉醒后建立的民主国家，才能使人民权利受到尊重。陈独秀试图架起民主与民本之间的桥梁。“民主而非国家，吾不欲青年耽此过高之理想；国家而非民主，则将与民为邦本之说，背道而驰。”但经过马克思主义洗礼的陈独秀看透了资本主义民主政治的虚伪性，认为资产阶级“利用国家、政治、法律等机关，把多数勤苦的生产的劳动阶级压在资本势力底下，当做牛马机器还不如”。因此，他号召“人人都要觉悟起来，立宪政治和政党，马上都要成为历史上过去的名词了，我们从此不要迷信他罢。”陈独秀吸纳传统民本政治对普通民众的“贵重”旨趣，并进行马克思主义的改造，主张各阶层人民团结联合起来，建立无产阶级的专政，实际上实现了从民本主义者到马克思主义民主主义者的转变。

Whether in the garden of traditional people-based concepts or in the modern process of variation from people-based to democratic, the thought of adhering to people-centeredness has not been fully manifested. Even early Marxists like Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu only initially established the Marxist view of the people, serving as the introduction or prelude to the thought of people-centeredness.

坚持人民至上的思想无论是在传统民本观念的园地里，还是在近现代由民本到民主的变奏进程中，都未得到充分的彰显。即便是李大钊、陈独秀等早期马克思主义者，也只是初步确立了马克思主义人民观，是人民至上思想的绪论或先声。

II. Theoretical Logic: Why Are the People Supreme?

二、理论逻辑：人民何以至上？

Why are the people supreme? The most basic theoretical logic lies in Marxist epistemology and historical materialism. From an epistemological perspective, all social life is essentially practical, and the people are the subjects of practice. The people are supreme because “for the practical materialist, i.e., the communist, the whole question is to revolutionize the existing world, to practically oppose and change existing things.” [18]18 Mao Zedong, "On the Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3. Therefore, in the historical drama of changing the world, only the “practical materialists” (the people) are the protagonists, capable of “revolutionizing the existing world.” From a historical perspective, “whatever the outcome of history, people always make their history through each person pursuing his own consciously intended goals, and the resultant of these many wills acting in different directions and their diverse effects on the external world is history.” [19]19 The "historical cycle of rise and fall" refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises, flourishes, declines, and falls. Mao Zedong famously discussed this with Huang Yanpei in 1945, and the CPC has sought ways to break out of this cycle. Marx, in *The German Ideology*, disenchanted the historical views of reason, freedom, and rights that the Enlightenment had eagerly promoted. Starting from “the first premise of human existence,” he pointed out sharply: “In order to live, people first need to eat, drink, have shelter, and clothing, and some other things. Therefore, the first historical act is the production of the means to satisfy these needs, i.e., the production of material life itself, and this is a historical activity that people must engage in daily and hourly from thousands of years ago to the present day just to maintain life.” [20]20 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC" (November 8, 2021). On this basis, people can engage in political, philosophical, religious, moral, and legal activities. Therefore, the masses of the people are not only the creators of material wealth and spiritual wealth but also the decisive force in transforming the world. “People-centeredness” embodies both the inevitable requirement of Marxist epistemology and the essential connotation of historical materialism; it reflects both the most fundamental political stance of the Marxist ruling party and its core governing philosophy; it embodies both the most distinctive value orientation of Communists and their most powerful ideological weapon and working method.

人民何以至上？其最基本的理论逻辑是马克思主义认识论和唯物史观。从认识论看，一切社会生活本质上是实践的，而人民是实践的主体。人民之所以至上，在于“对实践的唯物主义者即共产主义者来说，全部问题都在于使现存世界革命化，实际地反对并改变现存的事物”。因此，在改变世界的历史剧中，只有“实践的唯物主义者”（人民）才是主角，才能“使现存世界革命化”。从历史观看，“无论历史的结局如何，人们总是通过每一个人追求他自己的、自觉预期的目的来创造他们的历史，而这许多按不同方向活动的愿望及其对外部世界的各种各样作用的合力，就是历史”。马克思曾在《德意志意识形态》中对启蒙主义津津乐道的理性、自由、权利等历史观进行了祛魅。他从“人类生存的第一个前提”出发，一针见血地指出：“为了生活，首先就需要吃喝住穿以及其他一些东西。因此第一个历史活动就是生产满足这些需要的资料，即生产物质生活本身，而且，这是人们从几千年前直到今天单是为了维持生活就必须每日每时从事的历史活动”。在此基础上，人们方能从事政治的、哲学的、宗教的、道德的、法律的等各项活动。因此，人民群众不但是物质财富的创造者，是精神财富的创造者，而且是变革世界的决定性力量。“人民至上”既体现了马克思主义认识论的必然要求，也反映了唯物史观的本质内涵；既体现了马克思主义执政党最根本的政治立场，也反映了其最核心的执政理念；既体现了共产党人最鲜明的价值取向，也反映了其最强大的思想武器和工作方法。

Why are the people supreme? Mao Zedong’s answer was: the people are the end, and the Party is merely the people’s tool. Mao Zedong pointed out at the Seventh National Congress of the CPC that the Communist Party of China is merely the people’s tool; the leading organs, leaders

人民何以至上？毛泽东的回答是：人民是目的，党只是人民的工具。毛泽东在党的七大上指出，中国共产党只是人民的工具，领导机关、领袖、政府都是工具，党是具有先锋队性质的“领导工具”，中央领导机关是“指挥中国革命的工具”，政府是领导人民“压迫反革命的工具”，共产党人应当“自觉地当工具”。从历史逻辑来看，无论是革命、建设年代，还是改革开放年代，“人民至上”始终是我们党从胜利走向胜利的根本法宝。毛泽东把“全心全意为人民服务”作为中国共产党人的最高价值追求，并在全党把这一价值追求转变为共产党人的生存方式，强调“我们的共产党和共产党所领导的八路军、新四军，是革命的队伍。我们这个队伍完全是为着解放人民的，是彻底地为人民的利益工作的。”正是因为共产党是全心全意为着民众的利益而存在的，理所当然会获得民众的无条件的信任和支持。淮海战役的胜利被形象化地归结为“手推车推出来”的，深刻地揭示了共产党领导革命的核心密码，阐述了革命胜利的必然的历史逻辑。1963年，毛泽东发出“向雷锋同志学习”的号召，其实质是为了弘扬雷锋一切从人民利益出发、把有限的生命投入到无限的为人民服务中去的精神。全党同志都有了这种精神，为人民服务就必然成为我们党的精神密码和生存方式。

How can the people be supreme? Deng Xiaoping’s answer was: the interests of the people are the most fundamental interests. After reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping closely linked the development of productive forces with the interests of the people, and put forward the scientific thesis that “poverty is not socialism,” pointing out that “the superiority of socialism should ultimately be manifested in its productive forces developing faster and at a higher level than those of capitalism.” The development of productive forces is, in the final analysis, for the people, to “make the people’s material life somewhat better, and make the people’s cultural life and spiritual outlook somewhat better.” Deng Xiaoping believed that the “biggest politics” in the early period of reform and opening up was “socialist modernization,” “because it represents the greatest and most fundamental interests of the people.” Deng Xiaoping’s view of the people is concentrated in his “view of the people as the yardstick.” Jiang Zemin repeatedly cited a viewpoint that Deng Xiaoping had stressed many times: whether the people support it

人民何以至上？邓小平的回答是：人民利益才是最根本的利益。改革开放后，邓小平把生产力的发展与人民利益紧密联系在一起，并提出“贫穷不是社会主义”的科学论断，指出“社会主义的优越性归根到底要体现在它的生产力比资本主义发展得更快一些、更高一些”。而生产力的发展归根结底是为了人民，是“使人民的物质生活好一些，使人民的文化生活、精神面貌好一些”。邓小平认为，改革开放初期“最大的政治”就是“社会主义现代化建设”，“因为它代表着人民的最大的利益、最根本的利益”。邓小平的人民观集中体现在他的“人民尺度观”。江泽民曾多次引用邓小平反复强调的一个观点：要把人民拥护不拥护、赞成不赞成、高兴不高兴、答应不答应，作为制定方针政策和作出决断的出发点和归宿。这些科学论断体现了邓小平的人民观蕴含着鲜明的改革开放的时代气息。

Why should the people be placed above all else? Jiang Zemin’s answer was: to respect the laws of social development, one must respect the people’s position as the subject of history. In the important thought of the “Three Represents,” the “requirements for the development of advanced productive forces” and the “fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people” are highly consistent. Jiang Zemin stressed: “Human beings are the most decisive factor among the productive forces. The working class of our country, including the intellectuals, is the basic force driving the development of our country’s advanced productive forces,” while the peasant class and other working masses are the “important forces” driving the development of the productive forces. In response to the debates at the time in society about how to position the various strata, Jiang Zemin proposed: “On the basis of deepening research and understanding of the theory of socialist social labor and labor value, and in conjunction with the objective realities of the development of the socialist market economy, we must accurately grasp the new changes occurring in the composition of our country’s social strata.” He pointed out: “Under the guidance of the Party’s line, principles, and policies, the broad masses of people in these new social strata, through honest labor and work, and through lawful operations, have made contributions to the development of the productive forces of socialist society and other undertakings. They are united with the workers, peasants, intellectuals, cadres, and officers and soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army; they are also builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” The new social strata became “builders of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics,” which was a re-affirmation and defense of the “people’s” subject status and legitimate interests under the historical conditions of that time, unifying thinking both inside and outside the Party. To this end, he firmly emphasized: “All our policy measures and work should correctly reflect and be conducive to properly handling various interest relationships, and should earnestly consider and balance the interests of different strata and different groups of people.” It can be seen that Jiang Zemin’s view of the people as subject and his view of the people’s interests undoubtedly possess a historical connotation that advances with the times.

人民何以至上？江泽民的回答是：尊重社会发展规律就必须尊重人民的历史主体地位。在“三个代表”重要思想中，“先进生产力的发展要求”与“最广大人民群众的根本利益”是高度一致的。江泽民强调：“人是生产力中最具有决定性的力量。包括知识分子在内的我国工人阶级，是推动我国先进生产力发展的基本力量”，农民阶级和其他劳动群众则是推动生产力发展的“重要力量”。针对当时社会上关于各阶层人士应如何定位的争论，江泽民提出：要在“深化对社会主义社会劳动和劳动价值理论的研究和认识的基础上，结合社会主义市场经济发展的客观实际，对我国社会阶层构成发生的新变化予以准确把握。他指出，“在党的路线方针政策指引下，这些新的社会阶层中的广大人员，通过诚实劳动和工作，通过合法经营，为发展社会主义社会的生产力和其他事业作出了贡献。他们与工人、农民、知识分子、干部和解放军指战员团结在一起，他们也是有中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”。新的社会阶层成为“中国特色社会主义事业的建设者”，这是在当时历史条件下对“人民”主体地位和合法利益的重新确认与维护，统一了党内外思想。为此，他坚定强调：“我们所有的政策措施和工作,都应该正确反映并有利于妥善处理各种利益关系，都应认真考虑和兼顾不同阶层、不同方面群众的利益”。可见，江泽民的人民主体观和人民利益观无疑具有与时俱进的历史内涵。

Why should the people be placed above all else? Hu Jintao’s answer was: the people are the most reliable source of strength. In

人民何以至上？胡锦涛的回答是：人民是最可靠的力量源泉。胡锦涛在庆祝中国共产党成立90周年大会上的讲话中，“人民”一词出现了130次。通观整篇讲话，“人民至上”成为中国共产党建党90周年一以贯之的主旋律，也是党90年辉煌历程的逻辑归结。胡锦涛在讲话中强调，中国共产党的成立这一“中华民族发展史上的大事变”，使“中国人民踏上了争取民族独立、人民解放的光明道路，开启了实现国家富强、人民富裕的壮丽征程”。“人民至上”之所以是“光明道路”，在于在过往一切的政治治理结构中，“人民”总是处于“金字塔”的最底层，只有在中国共产党领导的人民当家作主的治理体系中，人民才居于至高地位。因此，是否把人民放在心中最高位置，是否时刻维护人民利益，成为衡量中国共产党执政治理是否合乎历史逻辑、是否真正做到“以人民为中心”的“试金石”。胡锦涛根据当时党面临的“四大考验”和“四大危险”，一针见血地指出：“密切联系群众是我们党的最大政治优势，脱离群众是我们党执政后的最大危险。”只有发挥这个“最大优势”，只有解决这个“最大危险”，我们党才能始终立于不败之地。因此，“我们必须始终把人民利益放在第一位，把实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民根本利益作为一切工作的出发点和落脚点，做到权为民所用、情为民所系、利为民所谋，使我们的工作获得最广泛最可靠最牢固的群众基础和力量源泉”。

III. The Triple Symphony of the New Era: Master, Subject, and Examiner

三、新时代三重交响：主人、主体、主考

"History has fully proven that the rivers and mountains are the people, and the people are the rivers and mountains." [13]13 V. I. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Youth Leagues," *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 285. This is not only a highly condensed expression of the historical fact and truth of the Communist Party of China sharing weal and woe, life and death, and flesh-and-blood ties with the people, but also a profound revelation of the historical logic and value pursuit of "people-centeredness" in the century-long Party history. People-centeredness in the New Era is concretely unfolded as a triple symphony: the theory of the people as masters, the theory of the people as subjects, and the theory of the people as examiners. The theory of the people as masters is the political representation of people-centeredness, emphasizing that the people are the masters of the country; the theory of the people as subjects is the practical representation of people-centeredness, emphasizing that the people are the source of strength; the theory of the people as examiners is the rights-based representation of people-centeredness, emphasizing that the people are the ultimate judges.

“历史充分证明，江山就是人民，人民就是江山。”这不仅是对中国共产党与人民休戚与共、生死相依、血肉相连的历史事实和历史真相的高度凝练，也是对百年党史“人民至上”的历史逻辑和价值追求的深刻揭示。新时代的人民至上具体展开为三重交响：人民主人论、人民主体论和人民主考论。人民主人论是人民至上的政治表征，强调人民当家作主；人民主体论是人民至上的实践表征，强调人民是力量之源；人民主考论是人民至上的权利表征，强调人民是最终评判者。

First, the theory of the people as masters means that in the political system where the people are the masters of the country, the people occupy the core position, resolving the question of the essence of state power. Engels pointed out that public power originally emerged because "society, to safeguard its common interests, initially established certain special organs through a simple division of labor." [14]14 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Holy Family*, *Collected Works*, vol. 4, p. 93. These special organs served the role of public servants, and at that time, power possessed a "public service nature." "But, as time went on, these organs—headed by the state power—pursuing their own special interests, transformed from servants of society into masters of society." [15]15 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The German Ideology*, *Collected Works*, vol. 5, p. 31. A Marxist ruling party is precisely meant to correct this inverted master-servant relationship and power structure, achieving the return of public power to itself.

首先，人民主人论是指在人民当家作主的政治体系中，人民处于核心位置，解决了国家权力的本质问题。恩格斯指出，公共权力最初是“社会为了维护共同的利益，最初通过简单的分工建立了一些特殊的机关”而产生的。这些特殊的机关充当社会公仆的角色，这时的权力具有“公共服务性”。“但是，随着时间的推移，这些机关——为首的是国家政权——为了追求自已的特殊利益，从社会的公仆变成了社会的主人。”马克思主义执政党就是要将这个颠倒了的主仆关系和权力结构纠正回来，实现公共权力自身的回归。

The theory of the people as masters has three substantive implications: The first implication is that the people possess supreme power. Accurately grasping the people's view of power has three basic dimensions: First, power is conferred by the people, resolving the issue of the source of power. Xi Jinping pointed out in the article "Leading Cadres Must Establish a Correct View of the World, Power, and Career": "Our Party, as the ruling party, exercises state power on behalf of the working class and all the people nationwide; the power in the hands of Communist Party members and leading cadres is all conferred by the people." [16]16 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China" (July 1, 2016). Second, power is to be used for the people. All power can only be used to serve the people and seek benefits for the people. Xi Jinping emphasized: "The power in the hands of all our Party members and leading cadres can only be used to seek benefits for the people, and any form of using power for personal gain is absolutely not allowed." [17]17 Karl Marx, "Proceedings of the Sixth Rhine Province Assembly. Third Article: Debates on the Freedom of the Press," *Collected Works*, vol. 1, p. 152. Third, power is controlled by the people. In a proletarian regime, "the state hierarchy was completely eliminated, replacing the lords who ride roughshod over the people with servants who can be recalled at any time, and replacing the false responsibility system with a true responsibility system, because these servants always work under public supervision." [18]18 Mao Zedong, "On the Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3. Power controlled by the people means "we must improve the system for restricting and supervising the exercise of power, let the people supervise power, and let power operate in the sunlight." [19]19 The "historical cycle of rise and fall" refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises, flourishes, declines, and falls. Mao Zedong famously discussed this with Huang Yanpei in 1945, and the CPC has sought ways to break out of this cycle. These three dimensions together demonstrate that all power belongs to the people.

人民主人论有三重实质性蕴涵：第一重蕴涵是人民拥有至上权力。准确把握人民权力观有三个基本维度：一是权为民所赋，解决权力的来源问题。习近平在《领导干部要树立正确的世界观权力观事业观》一文中指出：“我们党作为执政党是代表工人阶级和全体人民在全国执掌政权，共产党员和领导干部手中的权力都是人民赋予的。”二是权为民所用。一切权力只能用来为人民服务，为人民谋利益。习近平强调：“我们所有党员和领导干部手中的权力，只能用来为人民谋利益，而绝不允许搞任何形式的以权谋私。”三是权为民所控。在无产阶级政权中，“彻底清除了国家等级制，以随时可以罢免的勤务员来代替骑在人民头上作威作福的老爷们，以真正的责任制来代替虚伪的责任制，因为这些勤务员总是在公众监督之下进行工作的。”权为民所控，就是“要健全权力运行制约和监督体系，让人民监督权力，让权力在阳光下运行。”三个维度共同表明了一切权力属于人民。

The second implication is that the people hold a supreme status. The identity positioning of "master-servant" and the power conferral relationship determine the supremacy of the people's status. Jiang Zemin emphasized this supreme status with "three cannots": "At no time and under no circumstances can the stance of breathing the same air, sharing the same fate, and being heart-to-heart with the people be changed; the purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people cannot be forgotten; the historical materialist view that the masses are the true heroes cannot be abandoned." [20]20 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC" (November 8, 2021). Ten years later, Hu Jintao further emphasized: "Every Communist Party member must place the people in the highest position in their hearts, respect the people's principal position, respect the people's pioneering spirit, and learn from the people as teachers." [21]21 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China" (July 1, 2016). Another ten years later, Xi Jinping further emphasized: "The rivers

第二重蕴涵是人民拥有至高地位。“主人—公仆”的身份定位与权力授受关系决定了人民地位的至高性。这种至高地位，江泽民用“三个不能”予以强调：“在任何时候任何情况下，与人民群众同呼吸、共命运的立场不能变，全心全意为人民服务的宗旨不能忘，坚信群众是真正英雄的历史唯物主义观点不能丢。”十年后，胡锦涛又强调：“每一个共产党员都要把人民放在心中最高位置，尊重人民主体地位，尊重人民首创精神，拜人民为师”。又十年后，习近平进一步强调：“江山就是人民，人民就是江山，打江山、守江山，守的是人民的心”。中国共产党如何守住人民的心呢？靠的是“三个始终”：即“始终要把人民放在心中最高位置，始终全心全意为人民服务，始终为人民利益和幸福而努力工作”。毫无疑问，坚持人民至上，始终将人民放在心中最高的位置，是新时代中国共产党人的铿锵宣言。

The third implication is that the interests of the people are the most fundamental interests. Marx held that the Communist Party “has no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole,” because “the proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.” Mao Zedong pointed out that the Communist Party of China “is a party that works for the nation and the people, and it itself has absolutely no private interests to pursue.” Xi

第三重蕴涵是人民利益是最根本利益。马克思认为，共产党“没有任何同整个无产阶级的利益不同的利益”，因为“无产阶级的运动是绝大多数人的，为绝大多数人谋利益的独立的运动”。毛泽东指出，中国共产党“是为民族、为人民谋利益的政党，它本身决无私利可图”。习近平强调：“中国共产党始终代表最广大人民根本利益……没有任何自己特殊的利益，从来不代表任何利益集团、任何权势团体、任何特权阶层的利益”。习近平还进一步丰富和发展了马克思主义的人民利益观：一是用初心与使命彰显人民利益。通过在全党开展“不忘初心，牢记使命”主题教育，强调“走得再远也不能忘记来时的路”。二是用共享和共富诠释人民利益。习近平指出：“共享理念的实质就是坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，体现的是逐步实现共同富裕的要求”。而“共同富裕是全体人民共同富裕，是人民群众物质生活和精神生活都富裕，不是少数人的富裕，也不是整齐划一的平均主义”。正是在此意义上，共同富裕是社会主义的本质要求，是中国式现代化的重要特征。三是人民利益的实现要依靠党团结带领人民接续奋斗。习近平多次强调，中华民族伟大复兴绝不是轻轻松松、敲锣打鼓可以实现的，而是需要党团结带领全国各族人民不断为美好生活而奋斗。

Second, the theory of the people as the subject means that in the great practice of socialist revolution, construction, and reform, the people are the subject of historical activity, resolving the question of "for whom and relying on whom." Marx pointed out in *The Poverty of Philosophy* that the masses of the people are both the "authors" and the "actors" of the historical drama. The theory of the people as the subject has three layers of meaning: First, insisting that the subject of historical activity is the people allows one to draw a clear line with various forms of the heroic conception of history and avoid falling into the trap of idealism. Second, as the subject of historical activity, the people constitute an organic whole together with political parties, leaders, and so on. In the great practice of socialist revolution and construction, and on the new journey of socialist modernization, the masses of the people are not the objects or shadows of the political activities of a political party, state organs, or a particular leader; in these activities, "the leader and the class, the leader and the masses form an integral whole, an inseparable whole." [13]13 V. I. Lenin, "The Tasks of the Youth Leagues," *Collected Works*, vol. 31, p. 285. Third, history is the "purposeful activity" of the people. In fact, "it is not 'history' which uses man as a means to achieve — as if history were a person apart — its own ends. History is nothing but the activity of man pursuing his own ends." [14]14 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Holy Family*, *Collected Works*, vol. 4, p. 93. The people are active and conscious participants and practitioners of historical activity; their activity is free, conscious, and dynamic. Of course, the activity of the people is also constrained by certain social and historical conditions.

其次，人民主体论是指在社会主义革命、建设和改革的伟大实践中，人民是历史活动的主体，解决了“为了谁、依靠谁”的问题。马克思在《哲学的贫困》中指出，人民群众既是历史剧的“剧作者”，同时也是“剧中人”。人民主体论有三重内涵：一是坚持历史活动的主体是人民，就可以与形形色色的英雄史观划清界限，避免陷于唯心主义的陷阱。二是作为历史活动的主体，是人民与政党、领袖等构成的有机整体。在社会主义革命和建设的伟大实践中，在社会主义现代化的新征程上，人民群众不是政党、国家机关或某个领袖政治活动的对象物或影子，在这些活动中，“领袖和阶级、领袖和群众结成一个整体，结成一个不可分离的整体。”三是历史是人民“有目的的活动”。事实上，“并不是‘历史’把人当做手段来达到自己——仿佛历史是一个独具魅力的人——的目的。历史不过是追求着自己目的的人的活动”。人民是历史活动积极主动的参与者、实践者，他们的活动是自由的、自觉的、能动的活动。当然，人民的活动同时也受到一定社会历史条件的制约。

The theory of the people as the subject in the New Era can be unfolded into four dimensions. First, the masses of the people are the subject of history; they are "real individuals" and not abstract persons. The masses of the people, as the creators of history and the subjects of all practical activity, "are not in some kind of illusory isolation and fixity, but in their actual, empirically perceptible process of development under definite conditions." [15]15 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The German Ideology*, *Collected Works*, vol. 5, p. 31. This highlights the essential attribute of humans as "the ensemble of social relations," requiring us to grasp the essence and role of the masses of the people from the social practice and social relations of the New Era. Second, the masses of the people are the subject of selfhood, meaning that "real individuals" can liberate themselves. Marx and Engels pointed out in *The German Ideology* that the masses of the people are the most active factor in the productive forces, representing the most advanced force in human society, and thus the most active booster of social development. The primary content of the Chinese Communist Party's mass viewpoint is the firm belief that the masses of the people liberate themselves. Third, the masses of the people are the subject of strength; all work of the Party must maintain close ties with the masses and truly rely on them. Adhere to asking the people about governance, asking the people about their needs, and asking the people for their advice, to the greatest extent possible to stimulate the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of the broadest masses of the people in devoting themselves to socialist modernization, always "implement the mass line, respect the principal position of the people and their pioneering spirit, always maintain flesh-and-blood ties with the people, gather the mighty force of unity of purpose, and unite and lead the people to jointly create historical great achievements." [16]16 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China" (July 1, 2016). Fourth, the masses of the people are the subject of interests, so it is necessary to effectively safeguard the interests of the people, let the people share in the fruits of development, and achieve common prosperity.

新时代的人民主体论可展开为四个维度。一是人民群众是历史主体，是“现实的人”而不是抽象的人。人民群众作为历史的创造者，作为一切实践活动的主体，“不是处在某种虚幻的离群索居和固定不变状态中的人，而是处在现实的、可以通过经验观察到的、在一定条件下进行的发展过程中的人”。这就凸显了人作为“一切社会关系的总和”的本质属性，要求我们必须从新时代的社会实践和社会关系中去把握人民群众的本质和作用。二是人民群众是自我主体，即“现实的人”能够自己解放自己。马克思恩格斯在《德意志意识形态》中指出，人民群众是生产力中最活跃的因素，代表人类社会最先进的力量，因而也是社会发展最活跃的助推器。中国共产党的群众观点的首要内容就是坚信人民群众自己解放自己。三是人民群众是力量主体，党的各项工作必须密切联系群众，切实依靠群众。坚持问政于民、问需于民、问计于民，最大程度地激发最广大人民群众投身社会主义现代化建设的积极性、主动性和创造性，始终“贯彻群众路线，尊重人民主体地位和首创精神，始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系，凝聚起众志成城的磅礴力量，团结带领人民共同创造历史伟业”。四是人民群众是利益主体，所以必须切实维护人民利益，让人民共享发展成果，实现共同富裕。

Third, the theory of the people as the examiner means that the people are the ultimate judges of all political governance activities, resolving the question of "who grades the exam." Regarding who should ultimately judge historical activities, Marx emphasized, "The people have always been the sole judges of which authors are 'qualified' and which are 'unqualified'." [17]17 Karl Marx, "Proceedings of the Sixth Rhine Province Assembly. Third Article: Debates on the Freedom of the Press," *Collected Works*, vol. 1, p. 152. Clearly, the masses of the people are the chief examiners; this is a basic viewpoint and basic stance of historical materialism.

第三，人民主考论是指人民才是一切政治治理活动的最终评判者，解决了“谁来阅卷”的问题。对于历史活动最终应由谁来评判，马克思强调，“人民历来就是什么样的作者‘够资格’和什么样的作者‘不够资格’的唯一判断者”。显然，人民群众是主考官，这是历史唯物主义的基本观点和基本立场。

Mao Zedong put forward the proposition of "going to Beijing to take the exam" on the eve of the founding of the People's Republic, which not only reflected the firmness and sobriety of the Communists but also used this political metaphor to highlight the examiner status of the masses of the people. Therefore, "all words and deeds of Communists must conform to the greatest interests of the broadest masses of the people and be supported by the broadest masses of the people as the highest standard." [18]18 Mao Zedong, "On the Coalition Government" (April 24, 1945), *Selected Works of Mao Zedong*, vol. 3. The metaphor of taking the exam established the theoretical tone of the Chinese Communist Party's theory of the people as the examiner. Deng Xiaoping established the people's right to speak and judge by emphasizing that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth. He took whether the people support, approve, are satisfied, and agree as the basic yardstick for whether the whole Party's thinking and work are correct or not, which in essence emphasizes that all work must be subject to the will of the people. Jiang Zemin further condensed the above viewpoint into: The people, and only the people, are the highest arbiters of the value of our work. In 2013, Xi Jinping pointed out during an inspection at Xibaipo that the exam facing the Party is far from over; at the 95th anniversary of the founding of the Party, he again emphasized that all our Party's work is a continuation of this exam; and then at the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Party, he declared embarking on a new road of taking the exam... The theory of the people as the examiner in the New Era has a deeper, more comprehensive, and more systematic theoretical connotation:

毛泽东在建国前夕提出“进京赶考”的命题，既反映了共产党人的坚定和清醒，也用这一政治隐喻凸显了人民群众的主考官地位。因此，“共产党人的一切言论行动，必须以合乎最广大人民群众的最大利益，为最广大人民群众所拥护为最高标准”。赶考之喻奠定了中国共产党人民主考论的理论基调。邓小平是通过强调实践是检验真理的唯一标准来确立人民群众的发言权与评判权的。他把人民是否拥护、赞成、高兴和答应作为全党想事情、做工作对不对、好不好的基本尺度，实际上就是强调一切工作都要以人民的意志为转移。江泽民进一步把上述观点凝练为：人民，只有人民，才是我们工作价值的最高裁决者。2013年，习近平在西柏坡调研时指出，党面临的赶考远未结束；建党95周年时他再次强调，我们党一切工作都是这场考试的继续；再到建党100周年宣告踏上新的赶考之路……新时代的人民主考论有了更加深入、全面、系统的理论内涵：

First, it emphasizes the historical significance of taking the exam, that is, finding the "second answer" to escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall, [19]19 The "historical cycle of rise and fall" refers to the pattern observed in Chinese dynastic history where a ruling house rises, flourishes, declines, and falls. Mao Zedong famously discussed this with Huang Yanpei in 1945, and the CPC has sought ways to break out of this cycle. which is "to persist in self-revolution and ensure that the Party never changes its nature, its color, or its flavor." [20]20 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC" (November 8, 2021). Second, it focuses on the fundamental content of taking the exam, that is, scientifically answering the questions of China, the world, the people, and the times, opening up a new realm of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. Third, it clarifies the historical process of taking the exam, that is, taking the exam is always on the road. "This exam is not over; it is still continuing. All the work our Party unites and leads the people to do is a continuation of this exam." [21]21 Xi Jinping, "Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China" (July 1, 2016). "All Party comrades must... be brave in change, brave in innovation, never become rigid, never stop, continue to be tested in this historical exam, and strive to submit new and more excellent answer sheets to history and the people." [22]22 Ibid. Fourth, it enriches the principles and methods of taking the exam, that is, putting forward the important thought of the "Three Imperatives." [23]23 The "Three Xi Jinping put forward the important thought of the "Three Imperatives" in his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC. From the "Two Imperatives" [24]24 “江山就是人民、人民就是江山” (jiāngshān jiùshì rénmín, rénmín jiùshì jiāngshān): A slogan popularized by Xi Jinping, meaning that to the "Three Imperatives," this is not only a historical dialogue across time and space between several generations of leaders, but also the consistent sobriety and self-awareness of the Chinese Communists passed down in one continuous line, and even more so a "new answer" given based on the new historical juncture and new mission tasks. Fifth, it forms a logical closed loop for taking the exam, that is, pointing out that "the times are the exam-setters, we are the exam-takers, and the people are the exam-graders." [25] The "exam-setters" highlight the theoretical character of Marxism to keep pace with the times, the "exam-takers" highlight the firm and sober historical self-awareness of the Communists, and the "exam-graders" highlight the people's stance and people's sentiment of historical materialism.

一是强调了赶考的历史意义，即找到了跳出历史周期率的“第二个答案”，那就是“坚持自我革命，确保党不变质、不变色、不变味”。二是聚焦了赶考的根本内容，即科学回答中国之问、世界之问、人民之问、时代之问，开辟了马克思主义中国化时代化新境界。三是明确了赶考的历史进程，即赶考永远在路上。“这场考试还没有结束，还在继续。我们党团结带领人民所做的一切工作，就是这场考试的继续。”“全党同志一定要……勇于变革、勇于创新，永不僵化、永不停滞，继续在这场历史性考试中经受考验，努力向历史、向人民交出新的更加优异的答卷。”四是丰富了赶考的原则方法，即提出了“三个务必”重要思想。习近平在党的二十大报告上中提出了“三个务必”重要思想，从“两个务必”到“三个务必”，既是几代领导人跨越时空的历史对话，也是中国共产党人一脉相承的清醒和自觉，更是立足于新的历史方位和新的使命任务所给出的“新答案”。五是形成了赶考的逻辑闭环，即指出“时代是出卷人，我们是答卷人，人民是阅卷人”。“出卷人”彰显了马克思主义与时俱进的理论品格，“答卷人”彰显了共产党人坚定清醒的历史自觉，“阅卷人”彰显了唯物史观的人民立场和人民情怀。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

Scholar Zheng Yongnian, after comparing Chinese and Western party systems and cultures, points out that Western political parties are tools for competing in elections; the parties themselves have lost their own direction of development, lost their own cohesion and ability to integrate society, and instead become political forces that divide society. The Communist Party of China, by contrast, is a mission-oriented political party, and its legitimacy is obtained and realized through establishing and fulfilling its mission. The core cipher for interpreting the CPC’s century of brilliance is always “adhering to people-centeredness,” which is the most authoritative answer. The CPC’s one hundred years are one hundred years of highlighting the people’s master status, one hundred years of unleashing the people’s subjective strength, and one hundred years of implementing the people’s right to act as examiners. As Xi Jinping has pointed out, “The country is the people, and the people are the country.” [24]24 “江山就是人民、人民就是江山” (jiāngshān jiùshì rénmín, rénmín jiùshì jiāngshān): A slogan popularized by Xi Jinping, meaning that It is precisely in the mission of “seeking happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation” that the CPC has written the epochal chapter of “living up to the people.”

学者郑永年在比较中西政党制度和文化后指出，西方政党是竞选选票的工具，政党本身失去了自己的发展方向，失去了自身的凝聚力与整合社会的能力，反而变为分化社会的政治力量。而中国共产党是使命型政党，其合法性是通过确立并实现其使命来获取和实现的。解读中国共产党百年辉煌的核心密码，始终“坚持人民至上”是最权威的解答。中国共产党的一百年，是凸显人民主人地位的一百年，是发挥人民主体力量的一百年，是落实人民主考权利的一百年。正如习近平所指出的，“江山就是人民、人民就是江山”，中国共产党正是在“为中国人民谋幸福，为中华民族谋复兴”的使命担当中书写出“不负人民”的时代华章。

(Author bios: Tang Shaolian, Dean and Professor of the School of Marxism at Guangdong University of Petrochemical Technology; Tang Yanmei, Lecturer at the Party School of the Shuangfeng County Committee of the CPC, Hunan Province)

（作者简介：唐少莲，广东石油化工学院马克思主义学院院长、教授；唐艳枚，中共湖南省双峰县委党校讲师）

Online editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心