The Practical Enlightenment of Lenin’s Historical Analysis Method for the Party’s Formulation of Correct Policies and Strategies

Lenin was a great proletarian revolutionary mentor, politician, theorist, and thinker. He not only inherited the Marxist worldview and methodology but also integrated the universal truths of Marxism with the latest world situation and the concrete realities of Russia, successfully leading the October Revolution in Russia to victory. Lenin provided a classic theoretical summation of the experience of Russia’s socialist revolution and construction, forming Leninism and elevating Marxism to a new height. In the process of transforming socialism from scientific theory into great practice, Lenin placed great emphasis on the study and research of history, especially the history of socialist revolution and the international workers’ movement. In his view, correctly recognizing and interpreting history was the foundation for the scientific application of historical materialism. During the period of socialist revolution, Lenin constantly paid attention to analyzing problems from a historical perspective, grasping the situation, and promptly adjusting the Party’s policies and revolutionary strategies. During the period of socialist construction, Lenin promptly discovered and corrected various erroneous practices that did not conform to the laws of social and historical development, ensuring the continuous progress of the Party and the steady advance of the revolutionary situation. He was a model for the scientific application of dialectical materialism and historical materialism.

列宁是伟大的无产阶级革命导师、政治家、理论家、思想家，他不仅继承了马克思主义的世界观和方法论，还将马克思主义的普遍真理同最新的世界形势，同俄国的具体实际相结合，成功领导了俄国十月革命并取得胜利。列宁对俄国社会主义革命和建设经验作了经典的理论概括，形成了列宁主义，把马克思主义推向了新的高度。在将社会主义从科学理论转变为伟大实践的过程中，列宁十分重视对历史的学习和研究，特别是社会主义革命史和国际工人运动史。在他看来，正确认知和解读历史是科学运用历史唯物主义的基础。在社会主义革命时期，列宁时刻注意从历史的角度去分析问题，把握局势，及时调整党的政策和革命策略。在社会主义建设时期，列宁又及时发现和纠正各种不符合社会历史发展规律的错误做法，确保了党的不断进步和革命形势的不断前进，是科学运用辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的典范。

I. The Connotation and Practical Application of Lenin’s Historical Analysis Method

一、列宁历史分析法的内涵和实际运用

Throughout Lenin’s entire revolutionary career, he not only had to continuously resolve major problems arising in socialist revolution and construction but also had to wage resolute struggles against various erroneous trends of thought and opponents, such as populism, revisionism, opportunism, the Economists, and the Mensheviks. On the one hand, Lenin used historical facts as evidence to scientifically argue for and defend his own views; on the other hand, by summarizing the objective laws of social and historical development, he accurately predicted the development trends and outcomes of the Russian revolution. In May 1920, when annotating and commenting on Bukharin’s 1920 book *The Economics of the Transition Period*, Lenin pointed out: “Dialectics includes historicity.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, “Remarks on Bukharin’s *The Economics of the Transition Period*,” *Collected Works*, vol. 11, p. 383 (Chinese edition). When formulating revolutionary programs, Lenin stated: “It is necessary to assess the concrete historical situation, to study the entire development and whole process of the revolution, and to derive our tasks not from programmatic principles but from the already taken steps and stages of the movement. Only such an analysis is the genuine historical analysis that a dialectical materialist ought to undertake.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution,” *Collected Works*, vol. 29, p. 166 (Chinese edition). When addressing problems in the social sciences, Lenin believed that “the most reliable method” was “not to forget the fundamental historical connection, to examine every question from the perspective of how a certain phenomenon arose in history, through which main stages it has passed in its development, and, on the basis of this development, to examine what that thing is like today.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, “On the State,” *Collected Works*, vol. 37, p. 61 (Chinese edition). In summary, Lenin’s historical analysis method is a research method that integrates materialist dialectics with specific historical stages, specific historical conditions, and specific historical phenomena to scientifically analyze social problems, flexibly apply policies and strategies, promptly sum up experiences and lessons, and firmly guide practice. It was one of Lenin’s magic weapons for analyzing the revolutionary situation, formulating revolutionary strategies, and solving practical problems.

纵观列宁的整个革命生涯，他不仅要不断解决社会主义革命和社会主义建设中出现的重大问题，还要同民粹主义、修正主义、机会主义、经济派、孟什维克等各种错误思潮和对手进行坚决的斗争。列宁一方面将历史史实作为论据，科学地论证并捍卫了自己的观点，另一方面通过总结社会历史发展的客观规律，准确预判了俄国革命的发展趋势和结果。1920年5月，列宁在对布哈林1920年出版的《过渡时期经济学》一书作批注和评论时指出：“辩证法包括历史性。”在制定革命纲领时，列宁指出，“必须估计具体的历史形势，研究革命的全部发展和整个过程，不是从纲领原则中，而是从运动已往的步骤和阶段中得出我们的任务。只有这样的分析才是辩证唯物主义者所应当作的真正的历史分析”。在解决社会科学问题时，列宁认为“最可靠的方法”是“不要忘记基本的历史联系，考察每个问题都要看某种现象在历史上怎样产生、在发展中经过了哪些主要阶段，并根据它的这种发展去考察这一事物现在是怎样的”。概括地说，列宁的历史分析法，是一种将唯物主义辩证法，同特定历史阶段，特定历史条件，特定历史现象相结合，科学分析社会问题，灵活运用政策策略，及时总结经验教训，坚定指导实践的研究方法，是列宁分析革命形势，制定革命策略，解决现实问题的法宝之一。

(I) Flexibly Applying Policies and Strategies in Specific Historical Stages to Lead the Russian Proletarian Revolution to Victory

（一）在特定历史阶段灵活运用政策策略，带领俄国无产阶级革命走向胜利

Lenin’s historical analysis method was fully utilized and verified during the course of the Russian revolution. It was a perfect performance of flexibly applying policies and strategies in specific historical stages.

列宁的历史分析法在俄国革命的过程中得到了充分的发挥和验证，是在特定历史阶段

During the first bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia in 1905, the Mensheviks mechanically copied Marx’s exposition on bourgeois revolution, believing that the nature and driving forces of the Russian revolution were the same as those of the bourgeois revolution in Western Europe, and thus handed over the leading role of the revolution to the bourgeoisie. Lenin discerned the differences between 20th-century Russia and Western Europe at the time of its bourgeois revolutions and forcefully refuted the Mensheviks’ opportunist strategy. Lenin pointed out that the Russian proletariat had already reached a historical stage of development and growth, had established its own party, and had adopted a unified party program, making it fully capable of becoming the leading class in the bourgeois revolution. The proletariat needed revolutionary allies. Lenin analyzed that although the peasantry temporarily belonged to the bourgeois-democratic camp, only a democratic system could best reflect the interests of the peasantry. Therefore, the peasantry could become a significant force thoroughly supporting the democratic revolution. Consequently, the revolutionary strategy of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was to unite the broadest masses of the peasantry, “to participate in the revolution with the greatest possible effort, to fight most resolutely for thoroughgoing proletarian democracy, and to carry the revolution through to the end.” [4]4 V. I. Lenin, “Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,” *Collected Works*, vol. 11, p. 42 (Chinese edition). Lenin pointed out sharply that the Mensheviks’ strategy “did not elevate the peasantry to the status of an ally but lowered itself to the level of the monarchist bourgeoisie.” [5]5 Ibid., p. 44. Regarding the form and goal of the revolution, based on the balance of various forces and the development trends of the revolutionary movement, Lenin proposed organizing armed struggle against the autocratic system and striving for the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry. This was because “the implementation of reforms urgently and absolutely needed by the proletariat and the peasantry would inevitably provoke desperate resistance from the landlords, the big bourgeoisie, and the tsarist system. Without dictatorship, it would be impossible to crush this resistance or to break the counter-revolutionary attempts.” [6]6 Ibid., p. 102. Lenin was well-versed in the history of bourgeois revolutions; without armed struggle and a democratic dictatorship, the proletariat, after winning the revolution, could not escape being betrayed and abandoned by the bourgeoisie, with the fruits of the revolution being usurped by the bourgeoisie. Lenin pointed out that the Mensheviks, by evading the issue of relying on military force and attempting to achieve victory in the revolution through peaceful means, were pursuing a policy of “betraying the revolution” and “selling out the revolution.” [7]7 Ibid., p. 104.

灵活运用政策策略的完美演出。1905年俄国第一次资产阶级民主革命时期，孟什维克机械地照搬马克思关于资产阶级革命的论述，认为俄国革命的性质和动力同西欧的资产阶级革命一样，拱手将革命的主导权出让给资产阶级。列宁洞察了20世纪的俄国与发生资产阶级革命时的西欧不同，对孟什维克的机会主义策略进行了有力的驳斥。列宁指出，俄国无产阶级已经处于发展壮大的历史阶段并建立了自己的政党，通过了全党一致的纲领，完全可以成为资产阶级革命的领导阶级。无产阶级需要革命的同盟军，列宁分析指出，农民虽然暂时属于资产阶级民主派，但只有民主制度才能最大体现农民的利益，所以农民能成为彻底地拥护民主革命的重要力量，因此，俄国社会民主党的革命策略是团结最广大的农民，“尽最大的努力参加革命，最坚决地为彻底的无产阶级民主主义、为把革命进行到底而奋斗”。列宁一针见血地指出，孟什维克的策略“没有把农民提高到同盟者的地位，而把自己降低到君主派资产阶级的水平”。对于革命的形式和目标，列宁根据各种力量对比和革命运动的发展趋势，提出组织武装斗争来反对专制制度并争取实现无产阶级和农民的革命民主专政。因为“实现无产阶级和农民所迫切需要而且绝对需要的改革，一定会引起地主、大资产者和沙皇制度的拼命反抗。没有专政，就不可能摧毁这种反抗，就不可能打破反革命的企图。”列宁熟知资产阶级革命的历史，缺少武装斗争和民主专政的无产阶级在革命胜利后逃脱不了被资产阶级背叛和抛弃，革命果实被资产阶级窃取的命运。列宁指出，孟什维克回避依靠军事力量的问题，企图通过和平的方法获得革命的胜利，是“背叛革命”“出卖革命”的政策。

In 1917, the February Revolution in Russia overthrew the tsarist autocracy, resulting in a situation of dual power coexisting: the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies. The revolution entered a new historical stage, and Lenin needed to formulate appropriate strategies based on the new situation to continue advancing the revolution. In the *April Theses* of April 1917, Lenin pointed out that the specific feature of the situation in Russia was the transition from the first stage of the revolution to the second, which would place power in the hands of the proletariat and the peasantry. Given that the Bolsheviks were temporarily in the minority in the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies, Lenin formulated a strategy of patient and persistent struggle, separating from the petty bourgeoisie, and exposing the lies of the Provisional Government. At that time, there were dissenting views within the Party, such as the claim that Russia was not yet mature enough for a socialist revolution. In April 1917, in his *Letters on Tactics*, Lenin criticized this rigid viewpoint and put forward the principle of historically analyzing problems: “Marxism demands that we make the most precise, objectively verifiable analysis of the correlation of class forces and the concrete features of each historical moment.” [8]8 V. I. Lenin, “Letters on Tactics,” *Collected Works*, vol. 29, p. 136 (Chinese edition). It should not “cling to yesterday’s theory.” [9]9 Ibid., p. 137. Lenin also proposed some economic measures for Russia’s transition to socialist revolution, suggested convening a Party congress, revising the Party program, and changing the Party’s name to the Communist Party. After the July Days incident in 1917, the Russian bourgeois Provisional Government violently suppressed the proletariat, persecuted Bolshevik Party members, and power fell completely into the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, ending the situation of dual power. Faced with a complex and ever-changing new situation, Lenin promptly formulated new struggle strategies for the proletariat, led the Bolsheviks to rapidly enhance their prestige among the masses, and prompted significant changes in the correlation of class forces within the country. When a possibility for peaceful development of the revolution emerged, Lenin proposed making certain compromises with the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, provided they were “loyal to the cause of preparing the revolution and educating the masses to strive for revolutionary victory.” [10]10 V. I. Lenin, “The Tasks of the Revolution,” *Collected Works*, vol. 32, p. 155 (Chinese edition). However, when the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks rejected the Bolsheviks’ proposal for compromise, Lenin immediately changed the revolutionary strategy, pointing out that an armed uprising was imperative. On November 7, 1917, Lenin issued the order to immediately launch the uprising and seize power. “If we do not seize power now, history will not forgive us.” [11]11 V. I. Lenin, “Letter to the Central Committee, the Moscow Committee, the Petrograd Committee, and the Bolshevik Members of the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets,” *Collected Works*, vol. 34, p. 435 (Chinese edition). Lenin personally led the world-shaking October Socialist Revolution to victory, founded the world’s first socialist state, and inaugurated a new epoch in human history.

1917年，俄国二月革命推翻了沙皇制度，形成资产阶级专政的临时政府和工兵代表苏维埃两个政权共存的局面。革命进入新的历史阶段，列宁需要根据新的形势制定出合适的策略继续把革命向前推进。在1917年4月的《四月提纲》中列宁指出，俄国形势的特点是革命从第一阶段向第二阶段过渡，第二阶段要使政权转到无产阶级和农民手中。鉴于布尔什维克在工人代表苏维埃中暂时处于少数地位，所以列宁制定了耐心地、坚持不懈地斗争，与小资产阶级分离，揭露临时政府的谎言的斗争策略。当时党内还存在俄国没有成熟到实行社会主义革命等异议，1917年4月，列宁在《论策略书》中对这种僵化的观点进行了批判，提出了历史地分析问题的原则：“马克思主义要求我们对每个历史关头的阶级对比关系和具体特点作出经得起客观检验的最确切的分析。”而不应该“抱住昨天的理论不放”。列宁同时提出了俄国向社会主义革命过渡的一些经济措施，建议召开党代表大会，修改党纲，把党的名称改为共产党等。1917年七月事变发生后，俄国资产阶级临时政府大肆镇压无产阶级，迫害布尔什维克党员，政权被反革命资产阶级完全掌握，两个政权并存的局面结束了。面对错综复杂，不断变化的新形势，列宁及时为无产阶级制定新的斗争策略，领导布尔什维克迅速提升在人民群众中的威信，促使国内阶级力量对比发生了重大变化。在革命因此出现和平发展的可能性时，列宁提出在“忠于准备革命和教育人民群众走向革命胜利的事业”的前提下，可以向社会革命党和孟什维克作出一定的妥协。而当社会革命党和孟什维克党拒绝布尔什维克关于妥协的建议后，列宁立刻改变革命策略，指出武装起义势在必行。1917年11月7日，列宁发出了立即举行起义，夺取政权的命令。“如果我们现在不夺取政权，历史是不会饶恕我们的。”列宁亲自领导了震撼世界的十月社会主义革命并取得了胜利，缔造了世界上第一个社会主义国家，开创了人类历史的新纪元。

The tortuous process and ultimate victory of the Russian socialist revolution are inseparable from Lenin’s flexible adjustment of revolutionary strategy. In January 1911, Lenin pointed out in “Some Features of the Historical Development of Marxism”: “Marxism is not a lifeless dogma, not a completed, ready-made, immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action, and therefore it cannot but reflect the extraordinarily abrupt changes in the conditions of social life.” [12]12 V. I. Lenin, “Some Features of the Historical Development of Marxism,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 17, p. 40. (Note: This is a standard citation format; the specific edition may vary.) Lenin insisted on applying the method of materialist dialectical historical analysis to study the new developments in the revolutionary situation, constantly summing up both positive and negative experiences of the revolution. As he pointed out in *The State and Revolution*, written in August 1917, Marxists “do not proceed from logical deductions, but from the actual development of events,” from the living experience of history, to put forward the tasks of each stage, adjust corresponding policies and strategies, draw correct conclusions, and, based on the experience of the mass movement, re-examine their own theories, modify them, and put forward new propositions.

俄国社会主义革命经历曲折过程并最终胜利，与列宁灵活地调整革命策略密不可分。1911年1月，列宁在《论马克思主义历史发展中的几个特点》中指出：“马克思主义不是死的教条，不是什么一成不变的学说，而是活的行动指南，所以它就不能不反映社会生活条件的异常剧烈的变化。”列宁坚持运用唯物辩证的历史分析方法研究革命形势的新发展，不断总结革命正反两方面的经验，正如他在1917年8月撰写的《国家与革命》中指出的那样，马克思主义者“不是根据逻辑的推论，而是根据事变的实际发展”，根据历史的生动经验来提出每个阶段的任务，调整对应的政策策略，得出正确的结论，并且根据群众运动的经验重新审查自己的理论，修改并提出新的论断。

(2) Under Specific Historical Conditions, Resolutely Struggle and Continuously Consolidate the Russian Soviet Regime

（二）在特定历史条件下坚决斗争，不断巩固俄国苏维埃政权

Leading the Russian revolution to victory demonstrated Lenin’s extraordinary wisdom in applying the historical analysis method, and leading the Russian people to carry out the great cause of transforming and building a socialist state under extremely difficult conditions was an even greater pioneering feat. The newborn Soviet regime faced a complex situation of internal and external troubles: externally, it was surrounded by hostile powers, ready at any moment to intervene against the newborn Soviet regime; internally, counter-revolutionary forces were stirring, waiting for an opportunity to counterattack; within the Party, there were also erroneous views such as “Left Communism,” which seriously interfered with the formulation and implementation of Party decisions. Lenin led the Bolsheviks and the working masses in a resolute struggle to defend the survival and development of the Soviet regime.

引领俄国革命取得胜利体现了列宁运用历史分析法的卓绝才智，带领俄国人民在极端困

First, Lenin analyzed the main tasks of the laboring masses in the bourgeois revolution and the socialist revolution, pointing out that in the bourgeois revolution the main task of the laboring masses was to complete the destructive work of abolishing the feudal system, the monarchy, and the medieval system, whereas in any socialist revolution, the main task of the proletariat is creative and constructive work. Under the current historical conditions, the Soviet government first needed to use the breathing space to concentrate its forces on the most important and difficult aspect of the socialist revolution, namely, the organizational task. Lenin indicated that the basic condition for successfully completing the organizational task “is that the political leaders of the people, i.e., the members of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and all class-conscious elements among the laboring masses, should fully understand the fundamental difference in this respect between the past bourgeois revolutions and the present socialist revolution.” [13]13 V. I. Lenin, “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 27, p. 246. Second, in order to extricate Russia from war as quickly as possible and gain a breathing space for the broad proletariat to restore national strength, Lenin proposed that the Entente and Germany and its allies hold peace negotiations, and through a large amount of historical facts, he explained to the opposition within the Party the necessity of concluding peace with Germany, pointing out that historical facts had already proved that “peace is a means of accumulating strength.” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, “On the History of the Question of the Unfortunate Peace,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 26, p. 443. Third, Lenin called for helping the peoples of all countries to prevent the continuation of the war, especially “the workers of Britain, France, and Germany, who have contributed the most to the cause of progress and socialism,” [15]15 V. I. Lenin, “Report on War and Peace,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 27, p. 97. to help the exploited laboring masses carry the cause of freeing themselves from all forms of slavery through to the end. Lenin pointed out: “From the perspective of world history, if our revolution always remains isolated, if no revolutionary movement arises in other countries, then there is no doubt that the final victory of our revolution is hopeless.” [16]16 V. I. Lenin, “Report on War and Peace,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 27, p. 98. Although the Entente ultimately did not accept Lenin’s proposal for armistice negotiations, Lenin’s call undoubtedly united the broad proletariat of Western Europe in the anti-war struggle, objectively alleviating the external pressure on the Soviet regime.

难的条件下开展改造和建设社会主义国家的伟大事业更是创举。新生的苏维埃政权面对的是内忧外患的复杂局面：对外是列强环伺，时刻准备干涉新生苏维埃政权；对内是反革命势力蠢蠢欲动，伺机反扑；党内还存在“左派共产主义”等错误观点，严重干扰党的决策制定和执行。列宁领导布尔什维克和工人群众为维护苏维埃政权的生存和发展进行了坚决的斗争。

After the victory of the October Revolution, Russia faced a major historical turning point that “required the Soviet regime to determine a new orientation, that is, to put forward new tasks in a new way.” [17]17 V. I. Lenin, “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 27, p. 237. Lenin led the formulation of a “three-step” strategy for the Soviet regime under specific historical conditions: first, the Bolshevik Party determined new policies and strategies and persuaded the majority of the people of the correctness of its program and tactics; second, it suppressed the resistance of the exploiters; third, it directly set about managing Russia, establishing in a new way the deepest economic foundation of the people’s life. Through Lenin’s patient work and scientific decision-making, the first two strategic tasks had been “basically resolved,” and the third step was an entirely new challenge. Lenin drew up various policies and measures, leading the Bolshevik Party to grope forward continuously. In the spring and summer of 1918, foreign armed intervention and civil war began, and Soviet economic construction was forced to be interrupted. At the moment of the regime’s survival or extinction, the Bolshevik Party led the Soviet government to adopt the “War Communism policy,” mobilizing all human and material resources to resist foreign armed intervention and crush counter-revolutionary rebellions. First, regarding the peasants and the countryside. Lenin attached importance to the socialist transformation of the countryside, pointing out that only by taking the socialist road could the peasants completely change their situation of poverty, ignorance, and exploitation, but he opposed the transition to large-scale socialist agriculture through coercive means. In November 1918, Lenin drew historical wisdom from Engels’ *The Peasant Question in France and Germany*, clarifying that the basic tactic of the proletariat towards the small peasant is “never to exceed the level of development of the masses, but to wait until the masses, through their own experience, through their own participation in the struggle, move forward of their own accord.” [18]18 V. I. Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 28, p. 299. (Note: This is a paraphrase of Engels’ argument as cited by Lenin.) Second, regarding the petty bourgeoisie. Lenin saw the turn of the petty-bourgeois democrats towards Bolshevism under the pressure of circumstances and keenly pointed out the need to be adept at utilizing this turn: “Whoever is not adept at seeing and utilizing this is not a Marxist, but a poor socialist.” [19]19 V. I. Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 28, p. 301. Third, regarding the worker-peasant alliance. Lenin formulated the policy of “forming the closest alliance with the poor peasants, merging completely with them; making concessions and compromises with the middle peasants; and ruthlessly suppressing the kulaks,” [20]20 V. I. Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 28, p. 302. pointing out that this was the program of the class-conscious workers, the “policy of the working class.” [21]21 V. I. Lenin, “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 28, p. 303. In addition, in areas such as the cooperative question, state administration, legal construction, national education, and press and publication, Lenin put forward guiding suggestions and requirements based on historical experience, helping the Bolshevik Party formulate policies and strategies that conformed to the laws of historical development.

首先，列宁分析了资产阶级革命和社会主义革命中劳动群众的主要任务，指出资产阶级革命中劳动群众的主要任务是完成消灭封建制度、君主制度、中世纪制度这种破坏性工作，而在任何社会主义革命中，无产阶级的主要任务却是创造性和建设性的工作。在当前历史条件下，苏维埃政府首先需要利用喘息时机把力量集中到社会主义革命最重要最困难的方面，即组织任务上。列宁指明了顺利完成组织任务的基本条件“是要使人民的政治领导者即俄国共产党（布尔什维克）党员以及劳动群众中一切觉悟的分子，能够完全理解过去的历次资产阶级革命同现在的社会主义革命在这一方面的根本区别”。其次，为了使俄国尽快摆脱战争，为广大无产阶级争取恢复国家力量的喘息时机，列宁建议协约国与德国及其盟国举行和平谈判，并通过大量史实向党内反对派说明了与德国媾和的必要性，指出历史事实已经证明“媾和是积聚力量的手段” 。第三，列宁呼吁要帮助各国人民阻止战争的继续发展，特别是“对于进步和社会主义事业贡献最多” 的英法德三国工人，要去帮助被剥削的劳动群众把摆脱一切奴役的事业进行到底。列宁指出：“从全世界历史范围来看，如果我国革命始终孤立无援，如果其他国家不发生革命运动，那么毫无疑问，我国革命的最后胜利是没有希望的。”虽然最终协约国没有接受列宁的建议进行停战的谈判，但列宁的呼吁无疑团结了西欧广大无产阶级进行反战斗争，从客观上缓解了苏维埃政权的外部压力。

Soviet Russia fought for three years under extremely difficult conditions, ultimately repelling the forces of foreign armed intervention, winning the civil war, and entering a new historical stage of building socialism. The reason Lenin dared to wage a resolute struggle was that he had a clear understanding of the difficulties. In March 1919, Lenin summarized in *The Achievements and Difficulties of the Soviet Government*: “There has never been a revolution in history that, after achieving victory, could rest on its laurels and enjoy a life of ease. Whoever thinks such a revolution is possible is not only not a revolutionary but a mortal enemy of the working class.” [22]22 V. I. Lenin, “The Achievements and Difficulties of the Soviet Government,” *Collected Works*, Vol. 29, p. 55.

十月革命胜利后的俄国，面对的重大历史转折“要求苏维埃政权确定新的方针，就是说，以新的方式提出新的任务” 。列宁主导制定了苏维埃政权在特定历史条件下的“三步走”战略：首先是布尔什维克党确定新的方针政策并说服大多数人民相信其纲领和策略的正确；其次是镇压剥削者的反抗；最后是直接着手管理俄国，用新的方式去建立人民群众生活的最深刻的经济基础。在列宁的耐心工作和科学决策下，前两步战略任务已经“大体上解决了”，第三步是全新的挑战。列宁拟定了各种政策和措施，带领布尔什维克党不断摸索前进。1918年春夏，外国武装干涉和国内战争开始，苏维埃的经济建设被迫中断。在政权生死存亡之时，布尔什维克党领导苏维埃政府采取“战时共产主义政策”，动员一切人力物力抗击外国武装干涉、粉碎反革命叛乱。一是关于农民和农村。列宁重视对农村的社会主义改造，指出农民只有走社会主义道路才能彻底改变贫穷愚昧，饱受剥削的状况，但反对通过强制手段向社会主义大农业过渡。1918年11月，列宁从恩格斯的《法德农民问题》一文中汲取历史智慧，阐明了无产阶级对待小农的基本策略是，“决不超过群众的发展程度，而要等待群众通过亲身的经验、亲身参加的斗争自己向前走” 。二是关于小资产阶级。列宁看到了小资产阶级民主派迫于形势向布尔什维主义的转变，敏锐地指出要善于利用这种转变，“谁不善于看到和利用这一点，谁就不是马克思主义者，而是一个蹩脚的社会主义者” 。三是关于工农联盟。列宁制定了“同贫苦农民结成最紧密的联盟，同他们完全打成一片；对中农让步、妥协；无情地镇压富农” 的政策，指出这是有觉悟的工人的纲领，是“工人阶级的政策” 。另外，列宁在合作社问题、国家行政管理、法制建设、国民教育、报刊出版等方面都根据历史经验提出了具有指导意义的建议和要求，帮助布尔什维克党制定符合历史发展规律的方针和政策。

(3) Distinguish Specific Historical Phenomena, Criticize Erroneous Trends of Thought, and Defend the Marxist Scientific World Outlook

苏维埃俄国在极其困难的条件下奋战三年，最终击退了外国武装干涉势力，取得了国内战争的胜利，进入了建设社会主义的历史新阶段。列宁之所以敢于进行坚决的斗争，是因为他对困难有着清晰的认识。1919年3月，列宁在《苏维埃政权的成就和困难》中总结道：“历史上从来没有过一种革命，在取得胜利以后就可万事大吉，安享清福。谁认为可能有这样的革命，谁就不仅不是革命者，而且是工人阶级的死敌。”

During the process of Lenin leading the Russian revolutionary movement and building socialism, the struggle on the ideological front was also exceptionally fierce.

（三）辨别特定历史现象，批判错误思潮，捍卫马克思主义科学世界观

Various erroneous trends of thought and opposition factions attacked, distorted, and emasculated Marxism, defended the bourgeoisie, compromised with the regime of the exploiters, causing great confusion among the workers and Party members, and even threatening the Party with vacillation and disintegration. As a specific historical phenomenon, the emergence of erroneous trends of thought generally has profound historical backgrounds and historical causes. When criticizing them, Lenin often consulted a large number of historical materials and documents, analyzed and distinguished the views and propositions of the targets of criticism, and with rigorous logic revealed the theoretical roots of the erroneous trends of thought, making the criticism very profound.

在列宁领导俄国革命运动和建设社会主义的过程中，思想战线上的斗争也异常激烈。

Various erroneous ideological trends and opposition factions attacked, distorted, and castrated Marxism, defended the bourgeoisie, compromised with the regime of the exploiters, and caused great confusion among the masses of workers and Party members, even plunging the Party into a crisis of wavering and disintegration. As a specific historical phenomenon, the emergence of erroneous ideological trends generally has profound historical backgrounds and historical causes. When criticizing them, Lenin often consulted a large number of historical materials and documents, analyzed and distinguished the views and propositions of the targets of criticism, and revealed the theoretical roots of erroneous ideological trends with rigorous logic, making the criticism very profound.

各种错误思潮和反对派攻击、歪曲、阉割马克思主义，为资产阶级辩护，向剥削者政权妥协，在工人群众和党员中造成极大混乱，甚至使党面临动摇、瓦解的危机。作为一种特定历史现象，错误思潮的出现一般有着深刻的历史背景和历史原因，列宁在批判时往往查阅大量历史资料文献，分析和辨别被批判对象的观点主张，以严密的逻辑性揭示错误思潮的理论根源，使得批判十分深刻。

In the early period of Lenin’s revolutionary activity, what Lenin had to eliminate was the obstacle posed by the liberal Narodniks to the spread of Marxism and the establishment of a Marxist party. The liberal Narodniks studied so-called subjective objects such as “society in general” and “human nature,” attacked Marx’s materialist conception of history, and distorted the idea of the inevitability of historical development. At the economic level, the Narodniks ignored the objective fact of the rapid development of capitalism in Russia and believed that Russia could bypass capitalism and move toward socialism. In the spring and summer of 1894, in *What the “Friends of the People” Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats*, Lenin refuted the sociological views of the Narodniks. Lenin pointed out that Marx had discarded the abstract arguments of subjective sociology and made a scientific historical analysis of actual capitalist society, understanding “the development of the economic formation of society as a natural-historical process,”[23]23 V. I. Lenin, *What the “Friends of the People” Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 1, p. 118. which “fundamentally destroyed this naive preaching that called itself sociology.”[24]24 Ibid., p. 119. Lenin emphasized that the material productive forces of society are the decisive factor in the development of social history; Marx’s theory of the socio-economic formation revealed the laws of social development, grasped the element of relations of production amid complex social phenomena, and through analyzing relations of production, one could discover “the recurrence and regularity in the social phenomena of various countries.”[25]25 Ibid., p. 120. Regarding the dispute between historical inevitability and the role of the individual, Lenin pointed out that the idea of historical inevitability “does not in the least diminish the role of the individual in history: all history is made up precisely of the actions of individuals who are undoubtedly activists.”[26]26 Ibid., p. 121. At the end of 1895, in order to thoroughly criticize the economic views of the Narodniks, Lenin studied and analyzed the entire history of the development of capitalism in Russia and wrote *The Development of Capitalism in Russia*. Lenin pointed out that, despite the Narodniks’ vehement denial, Russia was already a capitalist country, although economically still very backward compared with Western European capitalist countries. Therefore, Russian capitalism had both a historically progressive role and historical transience; it created the material prerequisites for a socialist revolution. Lenin exposed the reactionary essence of the liberal Narodniks’ program, which denied the emergence and development of capitalism in Russia, thereby obliterating the class antagonism between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, and sought to perpetuate a semi-serf, semi-free economic system, calling it “the theory of the most vulgar petty-bourgeois radicalism.”[27]27 V. I. Lenin, *The Development of Capitalism in Russia*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 3, p. 12. *The Development of Capitalism in Russia*, with its detailed data and scientific historical analysis, later became the basis for the Bolshevik Party’s formulation of its program and strategy, and had great guiding significance for the practice of the Russian revolution.

在列宁革命活动初期，列宁要破除的是自由主义民粹派对传播马克思主义和建立马克思主义政党造成的障碍。自由主义民粹派研究所谓的“一般社会”“人的本性”等主观对象，攻击马克思唯物主义历史观，歪曲历史发展的必然性思想。在经济层面，民粹派无视资本主义在俄国快速发展的客观事实，认为俄国可以避开资本主义走向社会主义。1894年春夏，列宁在《什么是“人民之友”以及他们如何攻击社会民主党人？》中回击了民粹派的社会学观点。列宁指出，马克思摒弃了主观社会学的抽象议论，对现实的资本主义社会作了科学的历史分析，“把经济的社会形态的发展理解为一种自然历史过程” ，这就“从根本上摧毁了这种以社会学自命的幼稚说教” 。列宁强调，社会物质生产力是社会历史发展的决定性因素，马克思的社会经济形态理论揭示了社会发展的规律性，抓住了复杂的社会现象中的生产关系这一要素，通过分析生产关系可以发现“各国社会现象中的重复性和常规性” 。关于历史必然性与个人的作用之争，列宁指出，历史必然性的思想“丝毫不损害个人在历史上的作用：全部历史正是由那些无疑是活动家的个人的行动构成的” 。1895年底，为了对民粹派的经济观点进行彻底的批判，列宁研究和分析了俄国资本主义的全部发展历史，撰写了《俄国资本主义的发展》。列宁指出，尽管民粹派极力否认，但俄国已经是一个资本主义国家，只是与西欧资本主义国家相比经济上还很落后。因此，俄国资本主义既具有历史进步作用，也具有历史暂时性，它为社会主义革命创造了物质前提。列宁揭露了自由主义民粹派的纲领否认资本主义在俄国的产生和发展，进而抹杀资产阶级和无产阶级的阶级对抗，企图使半农奴半自由的经济制度永恒化的反动实质，是“最平庸的小资产阶级激进主义的理论” 。《俄国资本主义的发展》因其翔实的数据，科学的历史分析，后来成了布尔什维克党制定纲领和策略的根据，对俄国革命实践具有伟大的指导意义。

At the end of the 19th century, with the continuous development of the revolutionary situation in Russia, erroneous trends of thought such as Economism, Machism, and revisionism within the Party began to spread in Russia. In August 1899, in *A Protest by Russian Social-Democrats*, Lenin, citing a large amount of historical evidence from the development of the world workers’ movement, such as the Chartist movement, the European revolutions of 1848, and the Russian workers’ associations, criticized the ignorance and ulterior motives of the Economists. Lenin pointed out that Marxism combines the economic and political struggles of the working class into an indivisible whole, and the Economists’ “attempt to separate these two forms of struggle is a most clumsy and most deplorable betrayal of Marxism.”[28]28 V. I. Lenin, *A Protest by Russian Social-Democrats*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 4, p. 168. Lenin emphasized: “Historical experience has also conclusively proved that when the proletariat has no political freedom or its political rights are restricted, the political struggle must always be placed in the forefront.”[29]29 Ibid., p. 169. On the basis of criticizing Economism, Lenin elaborated the struggle strategy of the Social-Democratic Party: “not only to help the workers in their economic struggle, but also to help them in their political struggle; not only to agitate on current economic demands, but also to agitate on all political oppression; not only to propagate the ideas of scientific socialism, but also to propagate democratic ideas.”[30]30 Ibid., p. 170. Lenin profoundly pointed out that the Economists vulgarized the concept of socialism, turning the workers into “the tail of the liberals,” and that only an independent workers’ party could lead the broad masses of the people to complete the abolition of the social system based on the oppression of the laborer.

19世纪末，随着俄国革命形势的不断发展，党内经济派、马赫主义、修正主义等错误思潮开始在俄国传播。1899年8月，列宁在《俄国社会民主党人抗议书》中以宪章运动、1848年欧洲革命、俄国工人协会等大量世界工人运动发展史为据，批判了经济派的无知和别有用心。列宁指出，马克思主义把工人阶级的经济斗争和政治斗争结合成了一个不可分割的整体，经济派“企图把这两种斗争形式分开，就是一种最拙劣最可悲地背弃马克思主义的行为” 。列宁强调：“历史经验又确凿地证明，当无产阶级没有政治自由或者政治权利受到限制的时候，始终必须把政治斗争提到首位。” 列宁在批判经济派的基础上阐述了社会民主党的斗争策略：“不仅要帮助工人进行经济斗争，而且要帮助工人进行政治斗争；不仅要针对当前的经济要求进行鼓动，而且要针对一切政治压迫进行鼓动；不仅要宣传科学社会主义思想，而且要宣传民主主义思想。” 列宁深刻指出，经济派把社会主义概念庸俗化，把工人变成了“自由派的尾巴”，而只有独立的工人政党才能领导广大人民群众完成消灭以压迫劳动者为基础的社会制度。

Starting in February 1908, in order to criticize idealist philosophies such as Machism, Lenin carried out a large amount of scientific research work, even traveling from Geneva to the British Museum in London to study the latest literature, and wrote *Materialism and Empirio-Criticism*, a work of milestone significance in the history of the development of Marxist philosophy. Through historical investigation, Lenin exposed that the ideological origin of Russian Machism was Berkeley’s subjective idealism, that the opposition between Machism and dialectical materialism was a continuation of the struggle between the two basic philosophical lines of materialism and idealism in the history of philosophy, and proved that Machism, which the Russian philosophical revisionists touted as the “latest philosophy,” was merely a reprint of Berkeleyism. Lenin’s criticism of Machism defended and developed Marxist philosophy. In April 1908, in order to criticize revisionism, Lenin wrote *Marxism and Revisionism*. Lenin pointed out that the class root of revisionism was the petty bourgeoisie widely existing in capitalist society, and that this trend of thought was a historical phenomenon formed by the continuous infiltration of the petty-bourgeois worldview into the workers’ party. Lenin summarized the characteristics of revisionism: “To temporize, to adapt to current events, to adapt to minor political changes, to forget the fundamental interests of the proletariat, to forget the basic characteristics of the entire capitalist system and the entire evolution of capitalism, to sacrifice the fundamental interests of the proletariat for actual or imaginary temporary interests—this is the policy of revisionism.”[31]31 V. I. Lenin, *Marxism and Revisionism*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 15, p. 30. Lenin’s ideological struggle against revisionism lifted the curtain on the great revolutionary battles waged by the Russian proletariat.

1908年2月开始，为批判马赫主义等唯心主义哲学，列宁进行了大量的科学研究工作，甚至从日内瓦前往伦敦的英国博物馆钻研最新文献，撰写了在马克思主义哲学发展史上具有里程碑意义的著作《唯物主义和经验批判主义》。列宁通过历史考证揭露了俄国马赫主义的思想渊源是贝克莱的主观唯心主义，马赫主义和辩证唯物主义的对立是哲学史上唯物主义和唯心主义这两条基本哲学路线斗争的继续，证明了俄国哲学修正主义者作为“最新哲学”来标榜的马赫主义，不过是贝克莱主义的翻版。列宁对马赫主义的批判，捍卫和发展了马克思主义哲学。1908年4月，为批判修正主义，列宁撰写了《马克思主义和修正主义》。列宁指出，修正主义的阶级根源是资本主义社会里广泛存在的小资产阶级，这种思潮是小资产阶级的世界观不断向工人政党渗透形成的历史现象。列宁概括了修正主义的特征：“临时应付，迁就眼前的事变，迁就微小的政治变动，忘记无产阶级的根本利益，忘记整个资本主义制度、整个资本主义演进的基本特点，为了实际的或假想的一时的利益而牺牲无产阶级的根本利益，——这就是修正主义的政策。” 列宁与修正主义的思想斗争，揭开了俄国无产阶级所进行的伟大革命战斗的序幕。

Through profound criticism of various erroneous trends of thought, Lenin thoroughly elucidated the scientific worldview of Marxism, demonstrated the Party’s basic program and policies, and promoted the close integration of Marxism with the workers’ movement. Long-term and complex ideological struggles made Lenin realize that to truly resolve factional differences, it was necessary “to test everything by facts, events, and the lessons of world history.”[32]32 V. I. Lenin, *The State and Revolution*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, Vol. 25, p. 385.

通过对各种错误思潮的深刻批判，列宁深入阐明了马克思主义的科学世界观，论证了党的基本纲领和政策，推进了马克思主义与工人运动紧密结合。长期复杂的思想斗争使列宁认识到，要真正解决派别分歧，必须“用事实、事件和世界历史的教训来检验一切” 。

II. The Realistic Enlightenment of Lenin’s Historical Analysis Method for the Chinese Communist Party’s Formulation of Correct Policies and Strategies

二、列宁的历史分析法对中国共产党制定正确政策策略的现实启示

Lenin’s historical analysis method is a truly scientific worldview and methodology, providing the proletariat and the masses with a powerful ideological weapon for understanding and transforming the world, and is an effective method tested by practice. At present, China is advancing the great cause of building socialism with Chinese characteristics under the leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core. Studying and comprehending the essence of Lenin’s scientific thought and method, and combining the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities and with the excellent traditional Chinese culture, will provide methodological reference for the Chinese Communist Party in formulating correct lines, guidelines, and policies, and will escort the comprehensive advancement of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization.

列宁的历史分析法是真正科学的世界观和方法论，为无产阶级和人民群众提供了认识世

(1) Earnestly Study Historical Knowledge, Continuously Enhance the Ability to Govern the Country

界和改造世界的强大思想武器，是经过实践检验的有效方法。当下，中国正在以习近平同志为核心的党中央领导下推进中国特色社会主义建设的伟大事业，学习和领会列宁科学的思想和方法精髓，把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合，同中华优秀传统文化相结合，将为中国共产党制定正确的路线、方针、政策提供方法论意义上的参考，为以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴保驾护航。

History is an encyclopedia rich in content, recording the knowledge formed and accumulated by humanity in the process of understanding and transforming the world.

（一）认真学习历史知识，不断增强治国理政本领

History is an encyclopedia rich in content, which records the formation and accumulation of human beings in the process of understanding and transforming the world.

历史是一部内容丰富的百科全书，其中记载了人类在认识和改造世界的过程中形成和积

The accumulated valuable experience, wisdom, and methods. The classical writers of Marxism are all lighthouses for learning history. Mao Zedong pointed out: “Marxists are good at learning history.” Many of the views of Marx and Engels were scientific conclusions reached through a comprehensive examination of human history. In 1845, in *The German Ideology*, they evaluated their own scholarship: “We know only a single science, the science of history.” This evaluation highly positioned the significance of learning history. Marx, for decades on end, studied the history of the development of capitalism in the British Museum with astonishing perseverance, ultimately writing *Capital*, the “Bible of the working class”; Engels’ representative work *The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State* elucidated the history of the early stages of human social development, which was inseparable from Engels’ persistent research into national histories such as ancient Greek and Roman history, ancient Irish history, and ancient German history. Lenin evaluated it as “every sentence of it can be trusted, not a single sentence is written on the basis of nothing, but is written on the basis of a vast amount of historical and political material.” [33]33 V. I. Lenin, “The State,” in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 29 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), p. 477. The original quotation refers to Engels’ work. It can be seen that the reason Marxism is a truly scientific worldview and methodology is that “Marx’s doctrine, here as at any other time, is an empirical summary elucidated with a profound philosophical worldview and rich historical knowledge.” [34]34 V. I. Lenin, “The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism,” in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 19 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1963), p. 25. Without learning history, Marx and Engels could not have written works such as *The Communist Manifesto*, *Capital*, and *The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State*; without learning history, it is difficult to deeply understand “Marx’s doctrine.” The practice of the Chinese revolution also proves that Wang Ming, Bo Gu, and others, due to their lack of historical understanding, turned Marxism into dogma, while Mao Zedong, because he had a profound understanding of the history of Chinese society, was able to integrate Marxism with the concrete reality of the Chinese revolution, make scientific decisions to turn the tide, lead the Chinese people to victory in the New Democratic Revolution, and establish New China. [35]35 Wang Ming (1904–1974) and Bo Gu (1907–1946) were leaders of the CPC in the early 1930s who adhered to a dogmatic line, applying Marxist theory mechanically to the Chinese revolution, which led to severe setbacks. Mao Zedong (1893–1976) opposed this dogmatism and successfully integrated Marxism with China’s concrete conditions.

累下来的宝贵经验、智慧和方法。马克思主义的经典作家都是学习历史的灯塔。毛泽东指出：“马克思主义者是善于学习历史的。” 马克思、恩格斯的很多观点，都是通过全面考察人类历史得出的科学结论。1845年，他们在《德意志意识形态》里评价过自己的学问：“我们仅仅知道一门唯一的科学，即历史科学。” 这个评价高度定位了历史学习的重要意义。马克思数十年如一日，用惊人的毅力在大英博物馆学习研究资本主义的发展史，最终写成“工人阶级的圣经”《资本论》；恩格斯的代表作《家庭、私有制和国家的起源》，阐明了人类社会早期发展阶段的历史，这离不开恩格斯对古希腊罗马史、古代爱尔兰史、古代德意志史等国别史的执着研究，列宁评价它的“每一句话都是可以相信的，每一句话都不是凭空说的，而是根据大量的史料和政治材料写成的” 。可见，马克思主义之所以是真正科学的世界观和方法论，是因为“马克思的学说在这里也像其他任何时候一样，是用深刻的哲学世界观和丰富的历史知识阐明的经验总结” 。不学习历史，马克思、恩格斯无法写出《共产党宣言》《资本论》《家庭、私有制和国家的起源》等著作，不学习历史，就难以深刻理解“马克思的学说”。中国革命的实践也证明，王明、博古等人由于缺乏历史认识，把马克思主义变成了教条，而毛泽东因为对中国社会的历史有着深刻的了解，才能把马克思主义同中国革命的具体实际相结合，科学决策力挽狂澜，带领中国人民取得了新民主主义革命的胜利，建立了新中国。

History is the best teacher. General Secretary Xi Jinping points out: “We must strengthen our study of history, especially the study of ancient Chinese history, modern and contemporary Chinese history, and the history of the CPC. History is a mirror, from which we gain enlightenment and gain determination.” [36]36 Xi Jinping, speech at the opening ceremony of a training class for leading cadres at the central and provincial levels, January 2019. In the process of learning history, the CPC continuously advances the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. “History created the CPC amidst the people’s exploration and struggle, and our Party, uniting and leading the people, has in turn created new historical glories for the long-standing Chinese civilization.” [37]37 Xi Jinping, speech at the ceremony marking the centenary of the CPC, July 1, 2021. In the New Era, facing the changes unseen in a century in the world, the CPC still faces considerable challenges. On the one hand, the contradiction between the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development remains to be resolved; on the other hand, there are still many problems in society that the people are anxious and concerned about. The CPC cannot rest on its historical laurels; it must continue to strengthen historical study. Just as Mao Zedong mentioned in October 1938: “Our large nation has several thousand years of history, with its laws of development, its national characteristics, and many precious treasures. Regarding this, we are still primary school students.” [38]38 Mao Zedong, “The Role of the Chinese Communist Party in the National War,” October 1938, in *Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965), p. 209. In May 2000, Jiang Zemin pointed out: “If you don’t read some history, don’t understand Chinese history and foreign history, don’t know the connections between history and reality, and don’t grasp the successes and failures, experiences and lessons of Chinese and foreign history, how can you govern society and govern the country?” [39]39 Jiang Zemin, speech at a symposium on Party history, May 2000.

历史是最好的老师，习近平总书记指出：“我们要加强对历史的学习，特别是对中国古代史、中国近现代史、中国共产党党史的学习，历史是一面镜子，从历史中得到启迪、得到定力。” 中国共产党在学习历史的过程中，不断把中国特色社会主义伟大事业推向前进。 “历史在人民探索和奋斗中造就了中国共产党，我们党团结带领人民又造就了历史悠久的中华文明新的历史辉煌” 。新时代，面对世界百年未有之大变局，中国共产党还面临着较大的挑战。一方面，人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾尚待解决；另一方面，社会上还存在不少人民群众急难愁盼问题。中国共产党不能躺在历史的功劳簿上，要继续加强历史学习。正如1938年10月，毛泽东曾提到的：“我们这个大民族数千年的历史，有它的发展法则，有它的民族特点，有它的许多珍贵品。对于这个，我们还是小学生。” 2000年5月，江泽民指出：“不读点历史，不了解中国历史和外国历史，不知道历史和现实的联系，不掌握中外历史上的成功和失败、经验和教训，怎么治理社会、治理国家啊？”

To scientifically apply historical analysis methods, continuously enhance the Party’s ability to forge ahead, and constantly improve the Party’s capability in governing the country, the Party is required to earnestly study history, learn from history the successful experiences of social development and progress, and learn the profound lessons of national decline, chaos, and upheaval. To this end, first, we should learn the great spirit of the Chinese nation of indomitability and unremitting self-improvement; second, we should learn the rigorous attitude of seeking truth from facts and distinguishing right from wrong, cultivating the ability to analyze historical events from multiple perspectives such as politics, economy, and ideology using dialectical materialism and historical materialism, and to solve practical problems; third, we should take the essence and discard the dross, use history to connect with reality for our own purposes, effectively promote the coordinated development of material civilization, political civilization, cultural-ethical progress, social civilization, and ecological civilization, and strive to achieve the grand goal of people’s all-round development and common prosperity for all people as soon as possible.

科学运用历史分析方法，不断增强党开拓进取的能力，不断提高党治国理政的本领，要求党认真学习历史，从历史中学习社会发展进步的成功经验，学习国家衰乱动荡的深刻教训。为此，一是应当学习中华民族不屈不饶，自强不息的伟大精神；二是应当学习实事求是，明辨是非的严谨态度，培养用辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义从政治、经济、意识形态等多个角度分析历史事件，解决现实问题的能力；三是应当取其精华去其糟粕，用历史联系现实为我所用，有力推动物质文明、政治文明、精神文明、社会文明、生态文明协调发展，争取早日实现人的全面发展、全体人民共同富裕的宏伟目标。

(II) Respect Historical Stages and Historical Conditions, Deeply Summarize Historical Experiences and Lessons

（二）尊重历史阶段和历史条件，深刻总结历史经验和教训

History is created by human beings, but the development of history has stages depending on different conditions. Marx pointed out: “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.” [40]40 Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte* (1852), in *Marx Engels Collected Works*, vol. 11 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1979), p. 103. General Secretary Xi Jinping points out: “Historical development is the unity of continuity and stages; one period has the historical mission and tasks of one period, and one generation has the historical responsibility and duty of one generation.” [41]41 Xi Jinping, speech at a conference marking the 95th anniversary of the founding of the CPC, July 1, 2016. Analyzing objective problems and resolving real contradictions on the basis of respecting the requirements of specific historical development stages and historical conditions is one of the basic qualities of a true Marxist. Throughout his life of theoretical research, Marx strictly distinguished between different historical stages; this was the prerequisite for his sociological research and also the fundamental reason for the scientific rigor of the basic principles of Marxism. In multiple classical definitions, such as civil society and class, Marx used the concept of “historical stage.” When predicting the future of communism, Marx also delineated a clear historical trajectory and path of realization for it. In February 1914, Lenin pointed out in *On the Right of Nations to Self-Determination*: “The absolute requirement of Marxist theory in analyzing any social problem is to place the problem within a definite historical scope; in addition, if it involves a certain country (for example, the national program of that country), it is necessary to take into account the specific characteristics of that country at the same historical epoch that distinguish it from other countries.” [42]42 V. I. Lenin, “The Right of Nations to Self-Determination,” in *Lenin Collected Works*, vol. 20 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p. 401. Lenin clearly distinguished the Russian revolution into two historical stages of different natures, the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution, based on different historical conditions: in the first stage, unite with the bourgeoisie to win the democratic revolution; in the second stage, the proletariat seizes state power. When, after the victory of the October Revolution, the “Left Communists” within the Party, headed by Bukharin, opposed concluding a peace treaty and raised the slogan of revolutionary war, Lenin believed that continuing to fight against Germany under the then-historical conditions would only ruin the revolution, and therefore insisted on signing a peace treaty with Germany. [43]43 The “Left Communists,” led by Nikolai Bukharin (1888–1938), opposed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 1918) with Germany, advocating continued revolutionary war. Lenin argued that the new Soviet state needed a “breathing space” to consolidate power, and the treaty was signed, ceding vast territories but preserving the Bolshevik government. Facts have proven that Lenin’s leading the revolution in stages and formulating strategies of struggle or peace according to different historical conditions, without hesitation or rash advance, was the key to the victory of the Russian revolution.

历史是由人类创造的，但历史的发展依据条件的不同具有阶段性。马克思指出：“人们自己创造自己的历史，但是他们并不是随心所欲地创造，并不是在他们自己选定的条件下创造，而是在直接碰到的、既定的、从过去承继下来的条件下创造。” 习近平总书记指出：“历史发展是连续性和阶段性的统一，一个时期有一个时期的历史使命和任务，一代人有一代人的历史担当和责任。” 在尊重特定历史发展阶段和历史条件要求的基础上分析客观问题解决现实矛盾，是真正的马克思主义者的基本素养之一。马克思在其一生的理论研究中严格区分不同的历史阶段，这是他开展社会学研究的前提，也是马克思主义基本原理科学严谨的根本。在市民社会、阶级等多个经典定义中，马克思都使用了“历史阶段”这个概念。在预测共产主义的未来时，马克思也为其划分了清晰的历史轨迹和实现路径。1914年2月，列宁在《论民族自决权》中指出：“在分析任何一个社会问题时，马克思主义理论的绝对要求，就是要把问题提到一定的历史范围之内；此外，如果谈到某一国家（例如，谈到这个国家的民族纲领），那就要估计到在同一历史时代这个国家不同于其他各国的具体特点。” 列宁根据不同的历史条件将俄国革命明确区分为资产阶级民主革命和社会主义革命两个性质不同的历史阶段，第一阶段联合资产阶级取得民主革命的胜利，第二阶段由无产阶级夺取政权。当十月革命胜利后，党内以布哈林为首的“左派共产主义”者反对缔结和约，提出进行革命战争的口号时，列宁认为在当时的历史条件下如果继续同德国作战，只会葬送革命，因而坚持与德国签订和平条约。事实证明列宁分阶段去领导革命，根据不同历史条件制定斗争或和平的策略，不犹豫不冒进，是俄国革命取得胜利的关键。

Disrespect for the particularity of historical stages and historical conditions, and failure to act in accordance with historical laws, will produce serious consequences. Since the founding of the Communist Party of China, there have been many instances where the Party encountered severe setbacks due to the pursuit of dogmatism, bookishness, opportunism, or adventurism. During the Great Revolution period, Chen Duxiu compromised with the Kuomintang, abandoning the Party’s leadership and armed forces, leading to the complete breakdown of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation and the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Communist Party members and revolutionary masses; Wang Ming pursued “Left” adventurism, dogmatically implementing the resolutions of the Communist International, and Bo Gu, disregarding the military balance between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, made erroneous decisions that led to the failure of the Fifth Counter-Encirclement Campaign, causing enormous losses to the Party and the Red Army; after the founding of the state, the “Great Leap Forward” disrupted the order of the national economy, wasted a vast amount of manpower and material resources, caused a serious imbalance in the proportions of the national economy, and inflicted heavy setbacks on the cause of socialist construction, and so on. These profound lessons are worth remembering. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized on various occasions the importance of summing up historical experience for advancing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. In November 2021, in his speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “We must take the Party’s historical experience as an important guide for thinking about problems, making decisions, and handling affairs, and be adept at drawing from historical experience the determination, courage, and ability to gain the initiative, secure advantages, and win the future.” [44]44 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC,” November 11, 2021. In December 1851, Marx mentioned in *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte*: “Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.” [45]45 Karl Marx, *The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte* (1852). Today, profoundly summing up these historical experiences and lessons is precisely for the great cause to reproduce its brilliance in the form of “drama.”

不尊重历史阶段和历史条件的特殊性，不按历史规律办事，会造成严重的后果。中国共产党成立以来，由于奉行教条主义、本本主义、机会主义或冒险主义导致党遭遇严重挫折的例子不少。大革命时期，陈独秀向国民党妥协，放弃了革命的领导权和武装力量，导致国共合作完全破裂，数十万共产党员和革命群众惨遭杀害；王明奉行“左”倾冒险主义，教条地执行共产国际决议，博古不顾国共军事力量对比，决策失误导致第五次反“围剿”的失败，给党和红军造成巨大损失；建国后的“大跃进”，打乱了国民经济秩序，浪费了大量的人力物力，造成了国民经济比例严重失调，使社会主义建设事业受到重挫等等，这些深刻的教训值得记取。党的十八大以来，习近平总书记在不同场合多次强调总结历史经验对推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业、实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要意义。2021年11月，习近平总书记在党的十九届六中全会第二次全体会议上的讲话中指出：“要把党的历史经验作为想问题、作决策、办事情的重要遵循，善于从历史经验中增强赢得主动、赢得优势、赢得未来的定力、魄力、能力。” 1851年12月，马克思在《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》里提到：“黑格尔在某个地方说过，一切伟大的世界历史事变和人物，可以说都出现两次。他忘记补充一点：第一次是作为悲剧出现，第二次是作为笑剧出现。” 今天深刻总结这些历史经验和教训，正是为了伟大的事业以“正剧”的形式再现辉煌。

The Communist Party of China has united and led the people of the whole country to overcome difficulties, creating great achievements in four historical stages of development: the New Democratic Revolution, socialist revolution and construction, reform and opening up and socialist modernization, and socialism with Chinese characteristics for a New Era. It has completed the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects, achieved the First Centenary Goal, and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has entered an irreversible historical process. “The infinite ‘past’ all takes ‘the present’ as its destination, and the infinite ‘future’ all takes ‘the present’ as its source.” [46]46 Li Dazhao, “Jinguan” (1918). The Communist Party of China must bear in mind historical experience, historical lessons, and historical warnings, persist in self-purification, self-improvement, self-renovation, and self-enhancement, continuously draw historical wisdom and strength, respect the laws of human social development, the laws of socialist construction, and the laws of Communist Party governance, make scientific decisions, steadily and effectively advance the Party’s various tasks, and continuously achieve phased and fruitful results.

中国共产党团结带领全国人民攻坚克难，创造了新民主主义革命、社会主义革命和建设、改革开放和社会主义现代化建设、新时代中国特色社会主义四个历史发展阶段的伟大成就，全面建成小康社会，实现了第一个百年奋斗目标，中华民族伟大复兴进入了不可逆转的历史进程。“无限的‘过去’都以‘现在’为归宿，无限的‘未来’都以‘现在’为渊源” 。中国共产党要牢记历史经验历史教训历年史警示，坚持自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高，不断汲取历史智慧和力量，尊重人类社会发展规律、社会主义建设规律和共产党执政规律，科学决策，稳步有效推进党的各项工作，不断取得阶段性丰硕成果。

(III) Firmly Establish a Grand Historical Perspective and Strengthen Confidence in the Certain Victory of Socialism

（三）牢固树立大历史观，坚定社会主义必胜信心

The scientific application of the historical analysis method, with summing up historical experience as the prerequisite and learning historical knowledge as the foundation, and firmly establishing a grand historical perspective to grasp the general trend of the times, is the guarantee for anchoring goals and moving forward steadfastly. In February 2021, at the Party History Study and Education Mobilization Conference, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “Only by understanding history can we see far; only by comprehending history can we go far. We must educate and guide the entire Party to keep in mind the strategic global situation of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the changes unseen in a century, establish a grand historical perspective, analyze the mechanisms of evolution and explore historical laws from the long river of history, the tide of the times, and the global situation, propose corresponding strategies and policies, and enhance the systematic, forward-looking, and creative nature of our work.” [47]47 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Party History Study and Education Mobilization Conference,” February 20, 2021. The grand historical perspective provides scientific guidance for embarking on a new historical journey.

科学运用历史分析法，总结历史经验是前提，学习历史知识是根本，牢固树立大历史观，把握时代发展大势，是锚定目标笃定前行的保证。2021年2月，习近平总书记在党史学习教育动员大会上指出：“了解历史才能看得远，理解历史才能走得远。要教育引导全党胸怀中华民族伟大复兴战略全局和世界百年未有之大变局，树立大历史观，从历史长河、时代大潮、全球风云中分析演变机理、探究历史规律，提出因应的战略策略，增强工作的系统性、预见性、创造性。” 大历史观为迈向历史新征程提供了科学指引。

To firmly establish a grand historical perspective, first, one must have a long-term vision. The 5,000-year history of Chinese civilization and the 500-year history of world socialist development are the platforms beneath our feet. Only by standing high can one see far, and only then can one have the confidence to remain calm and composed. Marxism still shines with the radiance of wisdom today because Marx and Engels stood at the commanding heights of the era. By examining the entire history of capitalist development, they discovered the irreconcilable internal contradictions of capitalism, put forward the scientific conclusion that productive forces determine relations of production and that the economic base determines the superstructure, and revealed the objective laws of human social development. Therefore, they had the confidence to solemnly declare to the world that “the fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.” [48]48 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848). Lenin, based on the basic principles of Marxism, summarized the new changes in world capitalism in the half-century since the publication of *Capital*, and predicted that “imperialism is the eve of the proletarian social revolution.” [49]49 V. I. Lenin, *Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism* (1917). Second, to firmly establish a grand historical perspective, one must have a broad vision. One must both focus on China and look out to the world. Marxism is a doctrine for the liberation of all humanity, representing the fundamental interests of the people, embodying a grand pattern of embracing the world, and possessing an incomparably broad historical vision. Marx and Engels did not limit themselves to studying the historical development of European society; they cast their gaze upon the entire world. Marx and Engels exposed the historical roots and brutal reality of British colonial rule in India and supported the Indian people’s struggle against British colonial rule; Marx and Engels analyzed the reasons for modern China’s decline, criticized the aggressive nature and bloody atrocities of Western countries’ wars against China, highly evaluated the Chinese people’s struggle against foreign aggression, and predicted that China would be reborn and rise again: “Before many years have passed, we shall witness the death struggle of the oldest empire in the world and the dawn of a new era for all of Asia.” [50]50 Karl Marx, “Revolution in China and in Europe” (1853). Third, to firmly establish a grand historical perspective, one must act as a good helmsman and steer the direction correctly. History is a collection of complex figures and events; the long river of history has hidden currents, and the tide of history is surging. Without firm conviction, one will lose direction. The hundred-year history of the Communist Party of China is a history of arduous struggle, continuously overcoming difficulties and obstacles, undergoing life-and-death trials, and being reborn from the ashes; it is a history of unity, hard work, and creating brilliance. From “a single spark can start a prairie fire” to “encircling the cities from the countryside,” from the “Anti-Japanese National United Front” to “all reactionaries are paper tigers,” all reflect the Communist Party of China’s determination and perseverance to always grasp historical initiative, maintain historical resolve, and move forward firmly in the correct direction.

牢固树立大历史观，首先要具有长远的眼光。5000年中华民族文明史、500年世界社会主义发展史是脚下的站台。站得高才能看得远，才有胸有成竹泰然处之的自信。马克思主义诞生至今仍闪耀着智慧的光辉，是因为马克思、恩格斯站在了时代的制高点，通过考察资本主义的全部发展历史，发现了资本主义无法调和的内在矛盾，提出了生产力决定生产关系，经济基础决定上层建筑的科学结论，揭示了人类社会发展的客观规律，因此才有底气向世界庄严地宣布“资产阶级的灭亡和无产阶级的胜利是同样不可避免的” 。列宁根据马克思主义基本原理，总结了《资本论》问世半个世纪以来世界资本主义的新变化，预测了“帝国主义是无产阶级革命的前夜” 。其次，牢固树立大历史观，要具有广阔的视野。既要聚焦中国，又要放眼世界。马克思主义是解放全人类的学说，代表的是人民群众的根本利益，体现了一种胸怀天下的大格局，具有无比广阔的历史视野。马克思、恩格斯没有局限于研究欧洲社会的历史发展，他们将眼光投向了整个世界。马克思、恩格斯揭露了英国殖民印度的历史根源与残酷现实，支持印度人民反抗英国殖民统治的斗争；马克思、恩格斯分析了近代中国走向衰落的原因，批判了西方国家对华战争的侵略本质和血腥暴行，高度评价中国人民反抗列强侵略的斗争，预言中国必将脱胎换骨重新崛起：“过不了多少年，我们就会亲眼看到世界上最古老的帝国的垂死挣扎，看到整个亚洲新纪元的曙光。” 第三，牢固树立大历史观，要当好舵手把准方向。历史是复杂人物和事件的集合，历史长河暗流涌动，历史大潮波涛汹涌，没有坚定信念就会迷失方向。中国共产党的百年历史，正是艰苦奋斗不断跨越艰难险阻，经历生死考验浴火重生的历史，是众志成城，筚路蓝缕，创造辉煌的历史。从“星星之火，可以燎原”到“农村包围城市”，从“抗日民族统一战线”到“一切反动派都是纸老虎”，无不体现了中国共产党始终把握历史主动，坚持历史定力，沿着正确方向坚定前行的决心与毅力。

History is constantly moving forward. The new journey toward the Second Centenary Goal has already begun. We must both recognize that the world situation remains severe and be full of confidence in the future. In his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that in the world, “hegemonic, domineering, and bullying acts such as the strong bullying the weak, taking by trickery and force, and zero-sum games are causing grave harm,” but “the historical trend of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit is unstoppable. The aspirations of the people and the general trend of the times determine that the future of humanity will ultimately be bright.” [51]51 Xi Jinping, “Report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC,” October 16, 2022. Our Party will stand bravely at the forefront of the historical tide, clarify the main thread of history, grasp the general trend of the times, ride the momentum and act in accordance with the trend, firmly believe that the development and victory of socialism are the aspirations of the people and the general trend of the times, unite and lead the people of the whole country to strive vigorously and move forward resolutely, and march forward courageously to realize the building of a great modern socialist country in all respects and the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

历史是不断向前发展的，第二个百年奋斗目标的新征程已经开启，既要看到世界形势还很严峻，又要对未来充满信心。习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中指出，世界上“恃强凌弱、巧取豪夺、零和博弈等霸权霸道霸凌行径危害深重”，但“和平、发展、合作、共赢的历史潮流不可阻挡，人心所向、大势所趋决定了人类前途终归光明”。 我们党将勇立历史潮头，理清历史主线，把握时代发展大势，乘势而上，顺势而为，坚信社会主义的发展与胜利是人心所向，大势所趋，团结带领全国人民踔厉奋发，坚毅前行，为实现全面建成社会主义现代化强国，实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦奋勇前进。

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