Mao Zedong’s Reflections on Major Issues of the Chinese Revolution during the Great Revolution — Based on an Analysis of “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune”

The Paris Commune revolution was the first great attempt in the history of the world proletariat to overthrow the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie through armed revolution and to establish a proletarian regime, and it holds major significance as a reference for the Chinese revolution. “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” is a speech Mao Zedong delivered in 1926 at the Political Training Class of the Chinese Kuomintang to commemorate the 55th anniversary of the Paris Commune; it was later published in the *Ten-Day Journal of the Political Training Class of the Chinese Kuomintang* under the original title “Points to Note in Commemorating the Paris Commune.” The full text of “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” is no more than 2,000 characters, yet it systematically discusses the conditions for the outbreak of the Paris Commune revolution, its great significance, and its profound lessons. At that time, China was in the midst of the first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and the high tide of the Great Revolution was about to arrive, while reactionary elements within the Kuomintang frequently engaged in acts of sabotage against the revolution. How to consolidate the revolutionary united front and propel the Chinese revolution forward under complex historical circumstances was a major issue urgently requiring the attention of Chinese Communists. In the article “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong, through a scientific examination of the historical experience of the Paris Commune revolution and in close integration with China’s concrete realities, engaged in deep reflection on a series of major issues of the Chinese revolution, thereby laying a solid theoretical foundation for adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times and for the formation of the theory of the new-democratic revolution. This holds extremely important exploratory significance.

巴黎公社革命是世界无产阶级历史上第一次以武装革命推翻资产阶级反动统治、建立无产阶级政权的伟大尝试，对中国革命具有重大借鉴意义。《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》是1926年毛泽东在国民党政治讲习班上为纪念巴黎公社55周年所作的讲演，后来发表在《中国国民党政治讲习班旬刊》上，原标题为《纪念巴黎公社应注意的几点》。《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》全文不过2000余字，但系统论述了巴黎公社革命爆发的条件、重大意义和深刻教训。当时，中国正处于国共第一次合作、大革命运动高潮即将到来之际，国民党反动派出现频繁的破坏革命行为。如何在复杂时代背景下巩固革命的统一战线、推动中国革命向前发展，是中国共产党人急需思考的重大课题。在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》一文中，毛泽东通过科学审视巴黎公社革命的历史经验，紧密结合中国具体实际，对中国革命的一系列重大问题进行了深入思考，从而为推进马克思主义中国化时代化以及新民主主义革命理论形成奠定了坚实理论基础，具有十分重要的探索性意义。

I. Examining the New Changes in the Situation of the Chinese Revolution from the Perspective of “the First Time the Chinese People Commemorated the Paris Commune”

一、从“中国民众纪念巴黎公社的第一次”审视中国革命形势的新变化

In 1924, the Chinese Kuomintang, represented by Sun Yat-sen, achieved its first cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party, and China’s anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution entered a new high tide. However, after Sun Yat-sen’s death, splits emerged within the Kuomintang, and rightist elements of the Kuomintang attempted to undermine the united front of Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. Under these circumstances, Mao Zedong, taking the commemoration of the Paris Commune revolution as an opportunity, called for resolute struggle against all acts that sabotaged Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. In his speech “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong pointed out that the Paris Commune, as a symbolic inspiration for the world proletarian revolution, was being commemorated publicly in China for the first time, which was of great significance. On March 18, 1926, the reason the Chinese people were able to hold large-scale public commemorations of the Paris Commune movement was that one of the socio-political conditions that had been met was “only when the revolutionary tide gradually swelled did the revolutionary movement expand from a minority to a majority, and now a majority of workers and peasants are participating.” This led to an in-depth discussion of the new changes that had emerged in the Chinese revolution.

1924年，以孙中山为代表的中国国民党同中国共产党实现了第一次合作，中国反帝反封建的民主革命出现了一个新的高潮。然而，孙中山先生逝世之后，国民党内部出现了分裂，国民党右派分子妄图破坏国共合作统一战线。在此形势下，毛泽东以纪念巴黎公社革命为契机，号召同一切破坏国共合作的行为作坚决斗争。毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重大意义》讲演中指出，巴黎公社作为激励世界无产阶级革命的符号象征，在中国得以首次公开纪念意义重大。1926年3月18日，中国民众之所以能够大规模公开纪念巴黎公社运动，所具备的社会政治条件之一是“及到革命潮流渐渐增涨，革命运动才跟着由少数人扩张到多数人，到现在已有多数的农工民众参加”，进而深入探讨了中国革命出现的新变化。

(I) The Nature of the Revolution Had Shifted from “a Minority” to “a Majority”

（一）革命性质已由“少数人”向“多数人”转变

As early as 1925, in his article “The Reasons for the Separation of the Kuomintang Rightists and Its Influence on the Future of the Revolution,” Mao Zedong had already offered a preliminary explanation of the nature of the Chinese revolution, arguing that the Great Revolution of that time was different from both the democratic revolutions of the European and American bourgeoisie against the feudal aristocracy and the earlier Xinhai Revolution [1]1 This is a paraphrase of Mao’s view in his 1920 letter to Cai Hesen, a close comrade and fellow revolutionary. in terms of revolutionary objectives, revolutionary forces, and revolutionary support. He held that the Great Revolution was a movement of the Chinese working class and other democratic forces, united against imperialism and feudalism, under the conditions of a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society.

早在1925年，毛泽东在《国民党右派分离的原因及其对于革命前途的影响》一文中就对中国革命的性质作过初步阐释，认为此时中国的大革命既不同于欧美资产阶级反对封建贵族的民主革命，也与之前的辛亥革命在革命目标、革命力量、革命后援等方面有着本质差异，认为大革命是半殖民地半封建社会背景下的中国工人阶级和其他民主力量联合反抗帝国主义和封建主义的运动。

In “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong further developed this idea, proposing that the Chinese revolution had already shifted from the earlier “minority” nature of the old-democratic revolution to a revolution in which “a majority of workers and peasants are participating.” Moreover, Mao Zedong also emphasized that the National Great Revolution “has leftist Kuomintang members as its guides and the Soviet Russia of the worker-peasant class dictatorship as its model.” This meant that Sun Yat-sen’s theory of the New Three People’s Principles [2]2 The August 7 Meeting (1927) was an emergency meeting of the Central Committee of the CPC that ended Chen Duxiu’s leadership and decided on the policy of armed resistance against the Kuomintang. was the guiding theory of the National Great Revolution and also the solid political foundation for the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation. The ongoing Great Revolution in China was influenced by the Russian October Revolution; this revolution represented not only the interests of the broad masses of workers and peasants but also the interests of social strata including the Kuomintang leftists. The nature of the revolution had already turned toward a “people’s revolution,” and the future of the revolution also took the Russian October Revolution as its model, striving to establish a state under the dictatorship of the worker-peasant class, thereby clarifying the fundamental nature of the Chinese revolution.

毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》一文中进一步发展了这一思想，提出目前中国的革命已由从前“少数人的”旧民主主义革命性质向“有多数的农工民众参加”的革命转变。不仅如此，毛泽东还强调，国民大革命“有左派的国民党党员作指导，有工农阶级专政的国家苏维埃俄罗斯作模范”。这就意味着孙中山先生的新三民主义理论是国民大革命的指导理论，也是国共实现第一次合作的坚实政治基础。中国正在进行的大革命受到俄国十月革命的影响，这场革命不仅代表广大工农群众的利益，还代表包括国民党左派等社会阶层在内的利益，革命的性质已经转向了“人民革命”，革命的前途也以俄国十月革命为榜样，努力建立工农阶级专政的国家，从而指明了中国革命的根本性质。

(II) The Revolutionary Strategy Was to Use Political Mobilization to Gather Revolutionary Forces

（二）革命的策略是运用政治动员汇聚革命力量

In the past, Chinese revolutions were often the isolated movement of a single social class. However, the Great Revolution carried out under the background of the first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation, thanks to the effective political mobilization of the Chinese Communist Party, saw the broad masses of the people demonstrate widespread support for and identification with the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal revolutionary movement. The revolution had shifted from a narrow, single social class to the participation of multiple classes and strata, including workers, peasants, students, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the national bourgeoisie. Not only did the worker and peasant movements flourish, but people from all strata and social organizations such as student associations, chambers of commerce, and women’s associations also joined the tide of the Great Revolution, holding large-scale mass activities to support democratic revolution and national independence.

过去中国的革命往往都是某一个社会阶级的单独运动，而第一次国共合作背景下开展的大革命，由于中国共产党的有力政治动员，使得广大民众表现出了对反对帝国主义封建主义革命运动的广泛支持与认同，革命已由狭小单一社会阶级向包括工人、农民、学生、城市小资产阶级和民族资产阶级的多阶级多阶层参加转变。不仅有工农运动的蓬勃发展，各阶层民众和学生会、商会、妇女会等社会团体也纷纷加入大革命浪潮，举行规模巨大的群众活动以支持民主革命和民族独立。

The unprecedented revolutionary participation and enthusiasm of the masses during the Great Revolution could not have been achieved without the effective political mobilization of the Chinese Communist Party. Since its founding, the Party had attached great importance to propaganda and agitation work. The Third National Congress of the CPC [3]3 The Nanchang Uprising (August 1, 1927), the Autumn Harvest Uprising (September 1927, led by Mao), and the Guangzhou Uprising (December 1927) were three major armed uprisings by the CPC after the Kuomintang’s betrayal of the revolution. emphasized that “propaganda and organization among workers and peasants are our special responsibility; guiding workers and peasants to participate in the national revolution is our central task.” The “Resolution on Propaganda Work” adopted at the Fourth National Congress of the CPC [4]4 The Jinggang Mountains were the first rural revolutionary base area established by Mao in 1927-1928, marking the beginning of the strategy of encircling the cities from the countryside. further pointed out the need to unleash the true strength of the working class in the revolutionary movement. During the Great Revolution, Mao Zedong, as Acting Director of the Propaganda Department of the Kuomintang Central Committee, paid particular attention to political mobilization work, especially the revolutionary mobilization of the broad peasant class, explicitly demanding that Communists “go and do the great work of organizing the peasants.” “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” was precisely the speech Mao Zedong delivered at the Political Training Class of the Kuomintang, the purpose of which was to enable the trainees to correctly understand the great significance of the Paris Commune revolution and to call on them to value and do a good job of propaganda and mobilization in order to train more revolutionary cadres from among the workers and peasants.

大革命时期民众空前高涨的革命参与热忱离不开中国共产党的有力政治动员。党自成立以来就高度重视宣传鼓动工作。党的三大强调，“对于工人农民之宣传与组织，是我们特殊的责任；引导工人农民参加国民革命，更是我们的中心工作”。党的四大通过的《对于宣传工作之决议案》进一步指出，要发挥工人阶级在革命运动中的真实力量。大革命期间，作为国民党中央宣传部代理部长的毛泽东尤其注重政治动员工作，特别是对广大农民阶级的革命动员，明确要求广大共产党人要“去做那组织农民的浩大的工作”。《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》正是毛泽东在国民党政治讲习班上做的讲演，目的就是为了让学员能够正确认识巴黎公社革命的伟大意义，号召学员们重视并做好宣传动员以培养更多的工农革命骨干。

(III) The Way Out for the Revolution Was to Rely on Class Struggle to Establish a Worker-Peasant Class Dictatorship

（三）革命的出路是依靠阶级斗争建立工农阶级专政

In “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong inherited the Marxist theory of class struggle, starting from the perspective of the historical development of human society, and clearly expounded Marx’s view that the history of human society is a history of class struggle. At the same time, on the basis of comparing wars of different natures, he further clarified that “only the civil war in which the oppressed class rises to overthrow the oppressor class has value.” Subsequently, taking the Paris Commune revolution as an example, Mao Zedong used the Marxist theory of class struggle to demonstrate the justice of the Chinese Great Revolution, pointing out that both the Paris Commune and the Russian October Revolution were just class struggles in which the working class overthrew the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie, and that the original intention of the Chinese Great Revolution was also a just class struggle in which the oppressed classes united to overthrow imperialism and its appendage, the reactionary warlords. He also emphasized the necessity of adhering to the Marxist theory of class struggle, waging a resolute struggle against the theory of class harmony propagated by the anti-communist elements of the Kuomintang rightists, and resolutely countering the statist school [5]5 A classical Chinese idiom meaning to learn from past events to guide future actions and to criticize past mistakes to prevent their recurrence. that obscured the class nature of the state.

毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中继承马克思主义的阶级斗争学说，从人类社会历史发展的角度切入，鲜明阐述了马克思关于人类社会历史就是阶级斗争史的观点，同时在比较不同性质战争的基础上进一步明确“被压迫阶级起来推倒压迫阶级的国内战争，才有价值”。随后，毛泽东以巴黎公社革命为例，运用马克思主义阶级斗争学说论证了中国大革命的正义性，指出巴黎公社和俄国的十月革命都是工人阶级推翻资产阶级反动统治的正义阶级斗争，中国大革命之初衷也是被压迫阶级联合起来推翻帝国主义及其附庸反动军阀统治的正义阶级斗争。并且强调，必须坚守马克思主义阶级斗争学说，同国民党右派反共分子所宣扬的阶级调和理论作坚决斗争，要对模糊国家阶级实质的国家主义派予以坚决反击。

Regarding the question of the future of the revolution, as early as 1925, Mao Zedong had pointed out that the Great Revolution was “a revolution of the cooperation of three classes: the petty bourgeoisie, the semi-proletariat, and the proletariat,” and that the purpose of the revolution was not to establish “a state under the rule of a single class, the bourgeoisie,” but rather, on the basis of destroying all systems that did not meet the common political and economic demands of the various revolutionary classes, to “build a state under the cooperative rule of the revolutionary masses.” When lecturing on the question of the state at the Sixth Peasant Movement Training Institute [6]6 Chen Duxiu (1879-1942) was a co-founder of the CPC and its first General Secretary, later expelled for his rightist opportunist line during the Great Revolution., Mao Zedong profoundly pointed out that “after the revolution, all systems of the state must be changed. One of the reasons for the failure of the government organized by the Paris Commune was that it did not change the old system.” In “The Great Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong emphasized that the Chinese revolution should “take the Soviet Russia of the worker-peasant class dictatorship as its model,” calling for learning from the successful experience of the Russian October Revolution, including, after seizing political power, destroying all backward systems and then establishing a new state power representing the interests of the people to consolidate the fruits of the revolution.

关于革命的前途问题，早在1925年，毛泽东就指出大革命是“小资产阶级、半无产阶级、无产阶级这三个阶级合作的革命”，革命的目的不是建立“资产阶级一阶级统治的国家”，而是要在摧毁不符合各革命阶级共同政治经济要求的一切制度基础上，“建设一个革命民众合作统治的国家”。在第六届农讲所讲授国家问题时，毛泽东深刻指出，“国家于革命后，一切制度都要改变的。巴黎公社所组织的政府，其失败原因之一，即不改旧制度”。在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东强调，中国革命应以“工农阶级专政的国家苏维埃俄罗斯作模范”，号召学习俄国十月革命成功经验，其中包括在夺取政权之后要摧毁一切落后制度，进而建立代表人民利益的新政权国家以巩固革命成果。

In “The Significance of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong’s understanding of destroying all backward systems and establishing a new political power representing the interests of the people represents an inheritance and a Sinicized development of the Marxist-Leninist idea of “smashing the old state machinery.” It provided fundamental principled guidance for the Chinese Communist Party to lead the people in recognizing the prospects of the revolution and consolidating its achievements. As the revolutionary situation developed, Mao Zedong’s thinking on the nature and prospects of the Chinese revolution deepened. He later expounded the theory of the new-democratic revolution in works such as “The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party” and “On New Democracy,” pointing out that the new-democratic revolution is the first stage of the Chinese revolution, whose political aim is to establish a “democratic republic under the joint dictatorship of all anti-imperialist and anti-feudal people led by the proletariat,” and whose economic and cultural aim is to shake off the enslavement of imperialism and feudalism and carry out construction that serves the interests of the vast majority of the people, thereby further answering theoretically the question of the way out for the Chinese revolution.

毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，对摧毁一切落后制度，建立代表人民利益的新政权的认识，是对马克思列宁主义关于“打碎旧的国家机器”思想的继承和中国化发展，为中国共产党领导人民认清革命前途、巩固革命成果提供了根本的原则指引。随着革命形势的发展，毛泽东后来对中国革命性质和前途等问题的思考认识不断深化，先后在《中国革命和中国共产党》《新民主主义论》等著作中深刻阐述了新民主主义革命理论，指出新民主主义革命是中国革命的第一阶段，其目的在于政治上建立“无产阶级领导下的一切反帝反封建的人们联合专政的民主共和国”，经济和文化上要摆脱帝国主义和封建主义的奴役，进行符合最广大人民利益的建设，进一步从理论上回答了中国革命的出路问题。

II. Analyzing the Factors of Revolutionary Force in the Chinese Revolution from “the First Revolutionary Movement of the Paris Working Class”

二、从“巴黎工人阶级起来的第一次革命的运动”分析中国革命力量因素

In “The Significance of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong, applying the standpoint, viewpoint, and method of historical materialism and integrating China’s concrete realities, reflected on and analyzed the forces of the Chinese revolution and the factors influencing them.

在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》一文中，毛泽东运用历史唯物主义立场观点方法，结合中国具体实际，对中国革命的力量及其影响因素进行了思考和分析。

(I) Clarifying that the Proletariat and Its Party Are the Leading Force of the Chinese Revolution

（一）明确了无产阶级及其政党是中国革命的领导力量

“Who is the leading force of the revolution” is one of the major issues of the Chinese revolution. In 1923, although the “Resolution of the Executive Committee of the Communist International on the Relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang” promoted the formation of the Chinese democratic revolutionary united front, it also held that the Chinese working class “has not yet formed an independent social force,” seriously underestimating the strength of the Chinese working class. Influenced by this, the manifesto of the Third National Congress of the CPC stated that “the Chinese Kuomintang should be the central force of the national revolution and should stand in the leading position of the national revolution,” seriously neglecting the question of the leadership and leading force of the Chinese Communist Party and the proletariat in the revolution. Although the Fourth National Congress of the CPC theoretically expounded the question of proletarian leadership to a certain extent, it still did not give it sufficient attention, leading to the CPC’s weak attitude in striving for the leadership of the proletarian revolution during the Great Revolution.

“谁是革命领导力量”是中国革命的重大问题之一。1923年，《共产国际执行委员会关于中国共产党与国民党的关系问题的决议》虽然促进了中国民主革命统一战线的形成，但是又认为中国工人阶级“尚未形成独立的社会力量”，对中国工人阶级力量的估计严重不足。受此影响，党的三大宣言表示，“中国国民党应该是国民革命之中心势力，更应该立在国民革命之领袖地位”，严重忽视了中国共产党和无产阶级在革命中的领导权与领导力量问题。党的四大虽然从理论上对无产阶级领导权问题进行了一定的阐述，但依旧没有给予足够重视，从而导致了大革命时期中国共产党在争取无产阶级革命领导权问题上的态度软弱。

In response, Mao Zedong criticized the erroneous views then existing within the Party that underestimated the strength of the working class and abandoned revolutionary leadership. In “The Reasons for the Split of the Kuomintang Right Wing and Its Impact on the Future of the Revolution” and “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society,” Mao Zedong, using class analysis and contradiction analysis, expounded that the Chinese working class, “due to its own growth and the influence of the Russian revolution, has rapidly become a conscious independent political force,” and clearly pointed out that “the industrial proletariat is the leading force of our revolution.” In “The Significance of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong, through an examination of the concrete realities of the Chinese revolution and the history of the Paris Commune, confirmed the inevitability of the proletariat and its party as the leading force of the Chinese revolution, and put forward the view that it is necessary to dare to contend with the bourgeoisie for leadership. He pointed out that in France, “a great working class had already formed within the country, which is why such a magnificent workers’ revolutionary movement emerged.” The Chinese working class and its party, as the most progressive force, should learn from the French working class and contend with the bourgeoisie for revolutionary leadership. If they “voluntarily abandon leadership over the peasant masses, the urban petty bourgeoisie, and the middle bourgeoisie,” it would be equivalent to placing the hopes of the revolution on counter-revolutionary forces, and the revolution would inevitably fail. This fully reflects Mao Zedong’s theoretical self-consciousness in inheriting and Sinicizing the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian leadership.

对此，毛泽东批评了当时党内存在的对工人阶级力量估计不足和放弃革命领导权的错误观点。在《国民党右派分离的原因及其对于革命前途的影响》《中国社会各阶级的分析》中，毛泽东运用阶级分析法和矛盾分析法阐述了中国工人阶级“由于自己的长成和俄国革命的影响，已经迅速地变成了一个觉悟了的独立的政治力量”，明确指出“工业无产阶级是我们革命的领导力量”。而在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东通过对中国革命具体实际和巴黎公社历史的考察，确证了无产阶级及其政党作为中国革命领导力量的必然性，并且提出要敢于与资产阶级争夺领导权的观点，指出法国“国内已形成伟大的工人阶级，所以才有此种壮烈的工人革命运动产生”，中国工人阶级及其政党作为最进步的力量应当向法国工人阶级学习，与资产阶级争夺革命领导权。如果“自愿地放弃对于农民群众、城市小资产阶级和中等资产阶级的领导权”，就相当于将革命的希望寄托于反革命势力，革命必然招致失败。这充分体现了毛泽东对马克思列宁主义关于无产阶级领导权理论的继承和中国化发展的理论自觉品格。

(II) Affirming the Important Role of Assistance from the Soviet Union and the Communist International in the Chinese Revolution

（二）肯定了苏联和共产国际对中国革命的重要援助作用

The Communist International had a major impact on the Chinese revolution, playing an important positive role in the construction of the Chinese Communist Party and the development of the Chinese revolution, while also committing serious errors. “The Communist International existed for a total of twenty-four years (1919-1943), three eight-year periods. Comrade Mao Zedong said it was good at both ends and mediocre in the middle. The good at both ends also had some problems; the mediocre in the middle was not without its merits.” [7]7 The Fifth National Congress of the CPC was held in April-May 1927 in Wuhan. During the Great Revolution, it was precisely with the impetus and assistance of the Communist International that the First National Congress of the Kuomintang was convened in Guangzhou in January 1924, formally establishing the united front of Kuomintang-CPC cooperation. The Communist International also helped the Kuomintang establish the Whampoa Military Academy and the National Revolutionary Army, cultivated a number of military and political talents needed for revolutionary development, and provided a considerable degree of financial and personnel assistance to the Chinese revolution.

共产国际对中国革命影响重大，在中国共产党的建设和中国革命发展过程中起过重要的积极作用，同时也犯有严重的错误。“共产国际从成立到解散共存在二十四年（一九一九——一九四三），三个八年。毛泽东同志说它是两头好，中间差。两头好，也有一些问题；中间差，也不是一无是处。”在大革命时期，正是在共产国际的推动和帮助下，国民党一大于1924年1月在广州召开，正式建立国共合作的统一战线。共产国际还帮助国民党创建黄埔军校和国民革命军，培养造就了一批革命发展需要的军政人才，并给予了中国革命相当程度上的经费和人员援助等。

In “The Significance of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong highly evaluated the positive role of the Communist International in the Chinese Great Revolution. Using historical analysis to examine the international background of the Paris Commune, he demonstrated with the fact of a series of unequal treaties signed by China in the same era that France at that time “already had the capacity to expand violently eastward, having advanced from capitalism to imperialism.” There existed a relationship of joint interests among imperialist powers in carving up the world; China after the Treaty of Nanjing was one of the objects of joint imperialist partition. However, after the victory of the October Revolution in Russia, “internationally, there suddenly emerged a proletarian state, the Soviet Union, and a Third International of united oppressed-class revolutions, which became a powerful backing for the Chinese revolution,” providing the oppressed people of China with more courage, strength, and effective guidance in their struggle against reactionary oppressive forces.

在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东高度评价了共产国际对中国大革命的积极作用，运用历史分析法考查巴黎公社发生的国际背景，以同时代中国一系列不平等条约签订的事实论证当时的法国“已有能力向东方猛烈地发展，已由资本主义进为帝国主义”。帝国主义之间存在联合瓜分世界利益关系，《南京条约》后的中国就是帝国主义联合瓜分的对象之一。然而，俄国十月革命胜利之后，“在国际又突现了一个无产阶级国家的苏俄和一个被压迫阶级革命联合的第三国际，做了中国革命有力的后援”，使中国被压迫人民在与反动压迫势力进行决斗时获得了更多勇气力量和有力指导。

III. Emphasizing that Armed Struggle Is the Basic Form of the Chinese Revolution

三、强调武装斗争是中国革命的基本形式

In the middle and later periods of the Great Revolution, the Chinese Communist Party came under attack from the old and new right wings of the Kuomintang and the Nationalist faction. In “The Significance of the Paris Commune,” Mao Zedong forcefully criticized the relevant reactionary rhetoric, compared and examined the nature and experience of different types of warfare, thereby enabling people to gain a profound understanding of the form of struggle in the Chinese revolution.

在大革命中后期，中国共产党遭到国民党新老右派和国家主义派的攻击，毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中有力批判了相关反动言论，对比审视了不同战争的性质和经验，从而使人们对中国革命斗争的形式有了深刻认识。

(I) Armed Struggle Is the Basic Revolutionary Form for Overthrowing the Rule of the Reactionary Classes

（一）武装斗争是推翻反动阶级统治的基本革命形式

Marx and Engels clarified in the “Communist Manifesto” that the aim of the Communists “can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” [8]8 A vivid metaphor used by Mao to describe the Party’s vulnerability and disorganization when the Kuomintang launched its purge of Communists in 1927. Lenin, based on the practice of the Russian revolution, pointed out that “the proletarian revolution is impossible without the forcible destruction of the bourgeois state machine and the substitution of a new one for it,” [9]9 The Four Subordinations refer to the principle that the individual is subordinate to the organization, the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower level is subordinate to the higher level, and the entire Party is subordinate to the Central Committee. emphasizing the extreme importance of the armed struggle form of revolution. However, Chen Duxiu committed the error of right opportunism, vainly attempting to maintain the democratic revolutionary united front through a conciliatory attitude, advocating that Chinese Communists should “only pay attention to political propaganda and not interfere in military and administrative affairs.” [10]10 The “three magic weapons” of the Chinese revolution, as formulated by Mao, are the united front, armed struggle, and Party building. Although Zhou Enlai, Qu Qiubai, and other Chinese Communists successively emphasized the importance of armed struggle in articles such as “Political Work in the Army” and “The Question of Armed Struggle in the Chinese Revolution,” due to the influence of rightist erroneous thinking at the time, our Party as a whole lacked attention to the construction of its own armed forces.

马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中阐明了共产党人的目的“只有用暴力推翻全部现存的社会制度才能达到”。列宁基于俄国革命实践指出，“不用暴力破坏资产阶级的国家机器并用新的国家机器代替它，无产阶级革命是不可能的”，强调武装斗争革命形式的极端重要性。但是，陈独秀犯了右倾机会主义错误，妄想以妥协态度维护民主革命统一战线，主张中国共产党人“只是注意政治宣传的事，而不可干涉到军事行政上事”。尽管周恩来、瞿秋白等中国共产党人先后在《军队中政治工作》《中国革命中之武装斗争问题》等文章中强调了武装斗争的重要性，但是由于当时受右倾错误思想影响，我们党整体上缺乏对自身武装力量建设的重视。

Mao Zedong always maintained a clear understanding of the importance of armed struggle as a form of revolution. In 1920, in his “Letter to Cai Hesen and Others,” Mao pointed out that achieving communism through “educational methods” was unfeasible, because “no autocrat, imperialist, or militarist ever willingly steps down until others come to overthrow them.” [1]1 This is a paraphrase of Mao’s view in his 1920 letter to Cai Hesen, a close comrade and fellow revolutionary. In “The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao analyzed from the perspective of human social history and reached the correct conclusion that “the evolution of human society from primitive society to patriarchal society, feudal society, and up to the present-day state is nothing but the progression of class struggle between the ruling class and the ruled class.” He made clear that the Chinese revolution must take Soviet Russia as its model, meaning that the Chinese revolution should adopt the revolutionary form of using violent force to overthrow reactionary rule, as Russia did. In the “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” Mao again emphasized that “revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another,” and that it was necessary to establish peasant armed forces under Party leadership. Subsequently, at the August 7 Meeting, [2]2 The August 7 Meeting (1927) was an emergency meeting of the Central Committee of the CPC that ended Chen Duxiu’s leadership and decided on the policy of armed resistance against the Kuomintang. he further clarified that “we must use armed force to oppose reactionary armies, and use guns to counter guns.” Mao’s defense of the Marxist theory of class struggle and his Sinicized application of the thought on armed struggle in “The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” laid an important foundation for the systematic construction of the theory of the New Democratic Revolution.

毛泽东对于武装斗争这一革命形式的重要性始终有着清醒的认识。1920年，毛泽东在《致蔡和森等》中就指出，以“教育的方法”达成共产主义是不可行的，因为“凡是专制主义者，或帝国主义者，或军国主义者，非等到人家来推倒，决没有自己肯收场的”。在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东从人类社会历史角度分析得出“人类由原始社会进化为家长社会、封建社会以至于今日之国家，无不是统治阶级与被统治阶级之阶级斗争的演进”的正确论断，明确了中国革命必须以苏维埃俄罗斯作模范，即中国革命要采取俄国以暴力武装推翻反动统治的革命形式。在《湖南农民运动考察报告》中，毛泽东再次强调，“革命是暴动，是一个阶级推翻一个阶级的暴烈的行动”，必须建立党领导的农民武装，随后又在“八七会议”时进一步明确，“要用武力来对付反动军队，以枪杆子对付枪杆子”。毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中对马克思主义阶级斗争理论的捍卫和武装斗争思想的中国化运用，为后来新民主主义革命理论的系统性构建奠定了重要基础。

(II) The Experience of the Paris Commune and the Soviet Russian Revolution Must Be Applied Flexibly

（二）要灵活运用巴黎公社和苏俄革命的经验

In “The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao analyzed the relationship between the Paris Commune and the Russian October Revolution, two proletarian revolutions, and reached the important conclusion that “the Paris Commune bloomed as a bright flower, and the Russian Revolution bore a happy fruit — the Russian Revolution is the successor of the Paris Commune.” Through a comparative analysis of the history of the Paris Commune and the Russian October Revolution, Mao discovered that Lenin, during his leadership of the Russian October Revolution, had well inherited the basic views of the Paris Commune, such as the proletariat holding revolutionary leadership and insisting on violent revolution. In the early period of the Russian October Revolution, Lenin earnestly absorbed the profound lesson that the French workers at that time had failed to broadly mobilize the broad masses of the peasantry. He pointed out that the Russian revolution had the error of “among the possible allies of the proletariat, he knew and valued the local self-government gentry — the landlords, but was unaware of the peasants,” and emphasized the need to adopt a strategy of worker-peasant alliance. In response, Mao pointed out that the October Revolution was the successor and developer of the Paris Commune, and that “if we want to make revolution, we must learn the method of revolution from this.” He emphasized that leading the Chinese revolution must involve integrating theory with practice, dialectically absorbing the valuable experiences and profound lessons of these two overseas proletarian revolutions, and applying them in a localized manner based on China’s specific realities.

在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东分析了巴黎公社与俄国十月革命这两次无产阶级革命之间的关系，得出“巴黎公社是开的光明的花，俄国革命是结的幸福的果——俄国革命是巴黎公社的继承者”的重要结论。毛泽东通过对比分析巴黎公社与俄国十月革命历史，发现列宁在领导俄国十月革命期间对巴黎公社坚持无产阶级占据革命领导权、坚持暴力革命等基本观点有很好的继承。在俄国十月革命前期，列宁认真吸取了当时法国工人没有广泛发动广大农民群众的深刻教训，指出俄国革命存在“在无产阶级的可能的同盟者中间，他知道并且看中了地方自治人士——地主，却不知道有农民”的错误，强调应采取工农联盟的策略。对此，毛泽东指出，十月革命是巴黎公社的继承者和发展者，而“我们要革命，便要从此学得革命的方法”，强调领导中国革命必须理论联系实际，辩证吸收这两次境外无产阶级革命的宝贵经验和深刻教训，并且依据中国具体实际予以本土化应用。

“The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” emphasizes that the Russian October Revolution was able to integrate its own specific national realities, dialectically absorb the experience of the Paris Commune revolution, and thereby achieve revolutionary success. This indicates that Mao had already begun to recognize the inadvisability of mechanically copying the revolutionary paths of other countries and the importance of integrating theory with practice. In sum, the view of integrating theory with practice inherent in the article provided philosophical guidance and methodological basis for the Chinese Communists to later lead the people in studying the issues of the Chinese revolution and exploring the revolutionary path of “encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing state power by armed force,” which suited China’s national conditions. In fact, Mao subsequently engaged in deep reflection on the major issue of whether the Russian revolutionary path, which aimed at “occupying the central cities,” suited China’s specific realities. In a series of works such as “The National Revolution and the Peasant Movement” and the “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” he analyzed China’s specific national conditions, concluding that the “rural patriarchal feudal class” was the solid foundation of “the domestic ruling class and foreign imperialism” in old China, and that “without shaking this foundation, it is utterly impossible to shake the superstructure built upon it.” He profoundly summarized the lessons of the three major uprisings — the Nanchang Uprising, the Autumn Harvest Uprising, and the Guangzhou Uprising [3]3 The Nanchang Uprising (August 1, 1927), the Autumn Harvest Uprising (September 1927, led by Mao), and the Guangzhou Uprising (December 1927) were three major armed uprisings by the CPC after the Kuomintang’s betrayal of the revolution. — and, through the practice of the revolutionary struggle in the Jinggang Mountains, [4]4 The Jinggang Mountains were the first rural revolutionary base area established by Mao in 1927-1928, marking the beginning of the strategy of encircling the cities from the countryside. formed major theoretical achievements such as “Why Can China’s Red Political Power Exist?” and “A Single Spark Can Start a Prairie Fire,” gradually exploring the new path of the Chinese revolution of “encircling the cities from the countryside and seizing state power by armed force.” Therefore, it can be said that the article “The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune” preliminarily embodied Mao’s subjective consciousness in reflecting on the path of the Chinese revolution during the Great Revolution.

《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》强调俄国十月革命能够结合本国具体实际，辩证吸取巴黎公社革命经验，进而取得革命成功。这意味着此时的毛泽东已经开始认识到机械照搬他国革命道路的不可取性和理论联系实际的重要性。总的来说，文章所内蕴的理论联系实际观点，为后来中国共产党人领导人民研究中国革命问题、探索出符合中国国情的“农村包围城市、武装夺取政权”革命道路提供了哲学指导和方法依据。实际上，之后毛泽东正是对“以占领中心城市”为目标的俄国革命道路是否符合中国具体实际这一重大问题进行深入思考，在《国民革命与农民运动》和《湖南农民运动考察报告》等系列著作中分析中国的具体国情，得出“乡村宗法封建阶级”是旧中国“国内统治阶级国外帝国主义”的坚实基础，“不动摇这个基础，便万万不能动摇这个基础的上层建筑物”的结论，深刻总结南昌起义、秋收起义和广州起义三大起义经验教训，以及在井冈山革命斗争实践中形成《红色政权为什么能够存在》《星星之火，可以燎原》等重大理论思考成果，逐步探索出了“农村包围城市、武装夺取政权”的中国革命新道路。因此，可以说《纪念巴黎公社的重大意义》一文，初步体现了大革命时期毛泽东思考中国革命道路的主体自觉。

IV. Elucidating the Principles and Strategies for Advancing the Chinese Revolution

四、阐明推动中国革命前进的原则策略

Mao Zedong placed great importance on and was adept at drawing lessons from history. In “The Significance of the Commemoration of the Paris Commune,” Mao believed that a very important significance of commemorating the Paris Commune was to “learn from the past to foresee the future, and to take warning from the past to avoid future mistakes.” [5]5 A classical Chinese idiom meaning to learn from past events to guide future actions and to criticize past mistakes to prevent their recurrence. In comparing and reflecting on the experiences of success and failure of the French Paris Commune and the Russian October Revolution, he aimed to “learn the method of revolution.” He put forward clear views, such as that upholding the centralized and unified leadership of the Chinese Communist Party is an important guarantee for the revolution’s forward development and ultimate victory, and that delivering a fatal blow to the enemy is a concrete strategic guide for revolutionary practice.

毛泽东十分重视并善于从历史中汲取经验教训。在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东认为，纪念巴黎公社很重要的意义就是要做到“鉴往知来，惩前毖后”，在对比反思法国巴黎公社和俄国十月革命的成败经验中“学得革命的方法”，提出了坚持中国共产党的集中统一领导是革命向前发展、最终胜利的重要保证，给敌人以致命打击是革命实践的具体战略指引等鲜明观点。

(I) The Centralized and Unified Leadership of the Party Must Be Adhered To

（一）必须坚持党的集中统一领导

Why did the Paris Commune revolution, the first great attempt in human history by the proletariat to seize state power, fail? In this speech, Mao summarized that “the lack of a unified, centralized, and disciplined party to serve as the command” was an important reason for the rapid failure of the Paris Commune revolution. “At that time, the Paris Commune, because it lacked a unified political party, had internal differences of opinion and dispersed forces, giving the enemy an opportunity to exploit.” The success of a revolution “depends on having an organized and disciplined party to issue orders,” which is conducive to concentrating revolutionary forces and achieving unified action in the revolution. In view of the lessons of the Paris Commune’s failure, for the Chinese revolution to succeed, it was necessary to adhere to the centralized and unified leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.

人类历史上无产阶级夺取政权的第一次伟大尝试——巴黎公社革命为何会失败？毛泽东在这篇演讲稿中总结认为，“没有一个统一的集中的有纪律的党作指挥”是巴黎公社革命迅速失败的重要原因。“当时巴黎公社，因为没有一个统一的政党，以致内部意见纷歧，势力分散，而予敌人以可乘之机。”革命的成功“有赖于一个有组织有纪律的党来发号施令”，这有利于集中革命势力，使革命行动达成一致合力。鉴于巴黎公社失败的教训，中国革命欲想成功，就必须坚持中国共产党的集中统一领导。

First, it was necessary to establish the core leadership position of the Chinese Communist Party in the development of the revolution and in the people’s army. The core leadership position in the development of the revolution required firmly holding revolutionary leadership. However, in the later period of the Great Revolution, Chen Duxiu, in his article “What Are We Fighting For Now?” stated that “the Communist Party’s seizure of state power is a matter for the era of the proletarian revolution.” [6]6 Chen Duxiu (1879-1942) was a co-founder of the CPC and its first General Secretary, later expelled for his rightist opportunist line during the Great Revolution. Although the subsequent “Resolution on the Political Situation and the Party’s Tasks” adopted at the Fifth National Congress of the Party [7]7 The Fifth National Congress of the CPC was held in April-May 1927 in Wuhan. emphasized the necessity and urgency of the Party’s struggle for revolutionary leadership, because the Party was still in its infancy, politically immature, and harbored illusions about the Wuhan government of the Kuomintang, lacking effective practical measures, when the Kuomintang reactionaries betrayed the revolution and massacred Communists, the Party was “shattered like a basket of eggs.” [8]8 A vivid metaphor used by Mao to describe the Party’s vulnerability and disorganization when the Kuomintang launched its purge of Communists in 1927. Second, it was necessary to strengthen the Party’s organizational building and discipline building. Through his analysis of the causes of the Paris Commune revolution’s failure, Mao arrived at the important thesis that “unity and centralization” and “discipline” must be upheld, which was an inevitable requirement for consolidating the Party’s centralized and unified leadership and promoting the forward development of the revolution. Strengthening the Party’s organizational building and discipline building was an inheritance and Sinicized development of Marxist thought on Party building, and it provided important ideological groundwork for the systematic formation of the theory of Party building.

其一，要确立中国共产党在革命发展和人民军队中的核心领导地位。革命发展中的核心领导地位要求牢牢占据革命领导权。然而，大革命后期，陈独秀在《我们现在为什么争斗？》中指出，“共产党取得政权，乃是无产阶级革命时代的事”。尽管随后党的五大通过的《政治形势与党的任务决议案》强调了党争取革命领导权的必要性与紧迫性。但由于党尚处于幼年时期，政治上还不够成熟，对国民党武汉政府抱有幻想，缺乏实际有效的举措，以至于当国民党反动派叛变革命、屠杀共产党人的时候，“像一篮鸡蛋一样摔在地上”。其二，必须加强党的组织建设和纪律建设。毛泽东通过对巴黎公社革命失败的原因分析，得出必须坚持“统一集中”和“有纪律”这一重要论断，这是巩固党集中统一领导、推动革命向前发展的必然要求。加强党的组织建设和纪律建设，是对马克思主义关于党的建设思想的继承和中国化发展，为党的建设理论的系统形成作了重要的思想铺垫。

In leading the struggle of the Chinese revolution, Mao Zedong placed great emphasis on Party building. He strengthened the Party’s organizational building by establishing and perfecting the Party’s democratic centralism and strengthening the building of the Party’s cadre contingent, achieving Party unity by enhancing the Party’s overall cohesion. In terms of Party discipline building, he focused on enriching the basic content of Party discipline building from the aspects of Party members’ political standards, political stance, and political responsibility, putting forward disciplinary standards for Party members’ behavior such as “the Four Subordinations” [9]9 The Four Subordinations refer to the principle that the individual is subordinate to the organization, the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower level is subordinate to the higher level, and the entire Party is subordinate to the Central Committee. and “all actions obey commands.” He used “historical materialism is the philosophical foundation of our Party” to oppose dispersionism, liberalism, and factionalism within the Party, and ensured the effective implementation of discipline through strict disciplinary sanctions. It was precisely because of the strong and powerful centralized and unified leadership of the Chinese Communist Party that the Chinese revolution could ultimately achieve victory. Therefore, Party building became one of the three magic weapons for the victory of the Chinese revolution. [10]10 The “three magic weapons” of the Chinese revolution, as formulated by Mao, are the united front, armed struggle, and Party building.

毛泽东在领导中国革命的斗争中高度重视党的建设，从确立完善党的民主集中制、加强党的干部队伍建设等方面加强党的组织建设，通过增强党的整体凝聚力实现党的统一；党的纪律建设方面，侧重从党员政治标准、政治立场、政治责任方面不断丰富党的纪律建设基本内容，提出“四个服从”“一切行动听指挥”等党员行为纪律标准，以“唯物史观是吾党哲学的根据”反对党内分散主义、自由主义、宗派主义，以严格的纪律处分保障纪律有效落实。正是因为有了坚强有力的中国共产党集中统一领导，中国革命才能最后取得胜利。因此，党的建设成为中国革命胜利的三大法宝之一。

(II) The Enemy Must Be Dealt a Fatal Blow

（二）必须给敌人以致命打击

In “The Significance of the Commune of Paris,” Mao Zedong pointed out that “failing to deal severely with the enemy” was an important reason for the destruction of the Paris Commune by reactionary forces, because “if we do not deal the enemy a fatal blow, the enemy will deal us a fatal blow.” Therefore, in the Chinese revolutionary struggle, we must respond resolutely to the enemy and strike them fatally.

在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中，毛泽东指出，“对于敌人不取严厉处置”，是巴黎公社遭到反动势力覆灭的重要原因，因为“我们不给敌人以致命的打击，敌人便给我们以致命的打击”，所以，在中国革命斗争中我们要对敌人予以坚决回应和致命打击。

First, it is necessary to forcefully counter the enemy’s slander of the revolutionary ranks. In the developmental stage when the revolutionary ranks grow from weak to strong, they are bound to encounter blockade and defamation by counter-revolutionary forces, causing the just image of the revolution to be “demonized.” In “The Significance of the Commune of Paris,” Mao Zedong pointed out that imperialists vigorously propagandize “Red terror” and slander the Communist Party, attempting to conceal the evidence of “White terror,” with the aim of dispersing the unity of revolutionary forces. Therefore, in response to the enemy’s slander and defamation, “we must cry out loudly: ‘Oppose White terror! Oppose the imperialists’ great massacre of the proletariat!’” and deliver a resolute counterattack. During the Great Revolution, Mao Zedong already advocated “opposing those counter-revolutionary arguments about the so-called ‘riffraff movement’ and ‘lazy peasant movement,’” because slandering the peasant movement is “hindering the rise of the peasant movement, and as a result, destroying the revolution.” As the revolution developed, the counter-revolutionary forces carried out increasingly distorted reports and propaganda against the people’s revolution led by the Chinese Communist Party, just as Mao Zedong exposed: “Only the Kuomintang’s ugly slander, vicious abuse, rumors, and defamation are allowed to fly and spray wildly across the world, while the truth about the Communist Party, the Eighth Route Army, and the New Fourth Army is absolutely not permitted to be revealed even slightly to the world.” Only by forcefully countering the enemy’s slander of the people’s revolution and dealing the enemy a fatal blow in propaganda and public opinion can the just forces of the revolution shift from “being voiceless” to “taking the initiative to speak out,” thereby promoting the forward development of the Chinese revolution.

其一，要有力回击敌人对革命队伍的污蔑。在革命队伍由弱变强的发展阶段，势必遭遇反革命势力的封锁和诋毁，致使革命正义形象“被妖魔化”。毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中指出，帝国主义者极力宣传“赤色恐怖”、诋毁共产党，企图掩盖“白色恐怖”的罪证，目的在于分散革命势力的联合。因此，对于敌人的诋毁污蔑，“我们要大声疾呼:‘反对白色的恐怖！反对帝国主义者对于无产阶级的大残杀！’”，予以坚决地回击。大革命时期，毛泽东就主张，“要反对那些所谓‘痞子运动’、‘惰农运动’的反革命议论”，因为对农民运动的污蔑就是“阻碍农民运动的兴起，其结果破坏了革命”。随着革命的发展，反革命势力对中国共产党领导的人民革命进行了愈加歪曲的报道和宣传，正如毛泽东所揭露的“只许国民党的丑诋、恶骂、造谣、诬蔑，向世界横飞乱喷，决不许共产党、八路军、新四军的真相稍许透露于世”。只有有力地回击敌人对人民革命的污蔑，从宣传和舆论上予以敌人致命打击，才能使革命正义势力由“失语”向“主动表达”转变，进而促进中国革命向前发展。

Second, resolutely beat back the enemy’s reactionary offensives. Mao Zedong’s proposition in “The Significance of the Commune of Paris” of “dealing the enemy a fatal blow” is an extension and enrichment of the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian revolution and an important achievement in the Sinicization of the Marxist-Leninist theory of proletarian revolution. In the later period of the Great Revolution, the counter-revolutionary nature of the reactionary forces represented by Chiang Kai-shek’s right-wing faction of the Kuomintang, which hated and oppressed the interests of the worker and peasant masses, became increasingly overt. However, the Central Committee of the CPC, then led by Chen Duxiu, did not realize that “the split of the right-wing faction of the Kuomintang, which represents the middle bourgeoisie, does not hinder the development of the Kuomintang, nor does it obstruct China’s national revolution.” [11]11 The Zhongshan Warship Incident (March 20, 1926) was a coup by Chiang Kai-shek in Guangzhou, where he falsely accused the CPC of plotting a mutiny aboard the warship Zhongshan, leading to the purge of Communist officers from the First Army and a crackdown on leftist activities. They fantasized about seeking unity through concessions and lacked the courage to split with the enemy and resolutely beat back the enemy’s reactionary threats. Mao Zedong criticized this. After Chiang Kai-shek engineered the Zhongshan Warship Incident, [12]12 The “Ma-Ri Incident” (May 21, 1927) refers to the massacre of Communists and leftist Kuomintang members in Changsha, Hunan, by troops under the command of Xu Kexiang, a reactionary general, marking an early violent suppression of the revolution by right-wing forces. Mao advocated uniting all forces to counterattack. After the “Ma-Ri Incident,” [13] he further clarified that “those Kuomintang elements who cannot cooperate and have already become reactionary must be dealt with severely,” believing that seeking survival through compromise is fundamentally unworkable; only through struggle can survival and victory be achieved, and the enemy’s reactionary offensives must be resolutely beaten back. The idea of “dealing the enemy a fatal blow” later became the basic principle and strategy of the Chinese Communist Party in waging resolute political and military struggles against different enemies during the Agrarian Revolution, the War of Resistance Against Japan, and the War of Liberation, ultimately leading the Chinese people to the great victory of the New Democratic Revolution.

其二，坚决打退敌人的反动进攻。毛泽东在《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》中提出“给敌人以致命打击”思想是对马克思列宁主义无产阶级革命理论的扩展和丰富，是马克思列宁主义无产阶级革命理论中国化的重要成果。在大革命后期，以蒋介石为代表的国民党右派反动势力仇视和压迫工农群众利益的反革命本质面目愈加公开化，但是，当时以陈独秀为代表的中共中央却没有意识到，“代表中产阶级的国民党右派之分裂，并不足以妨碍国民党的发展，并不足以阻挠中国的国民革命”，幻想以退让求团结，缺乏敢于与敌人分裂、坚决打退敌人反动威胁的勇气。对此，毛泽东进行了批评，在蒋介石制造中山舰事件后就主张联合一切力量予以回击，“马日事变”发生后更是进一步明确“对不能合作已经反动的国民党分子要严加处置”，认为以妥协求生存根本就是行不通的，只有斗争才能求生存求胜利，应坚决打退敌人的反动进攻。“给敌人以致命打击”的思想后来成为中国共产党在土地革命、抗日战争和解放战争时期与不同敌人作坚决政治斗争、军事斗争的基本原则和策略，最终领导中国人民取得新民主主义革命的伟大胜利。

In summary, “The Significance of the Commune of Paris” is an important theoretical achievement of Mao Zedong during the Great Revolution, in which he used the Marxist stance, viewpoint, and method to analyze and summarize the historical experiences and lessons of the Paris Commune revolution, closely integrated with China’s concrete reality, and carried out pioneering explorations of major issues in the Chinese revolution. This work is an important document of Mao Zedong’s exploration of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context during the Great Revolution. It contains Mao Zedong’s theoretical reflections on how the Chinese Communist Party should lead the revolution and how to advance the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context during the Party’s infancy. It embodies Mao Zedong’s theoretical consciousness and subjective consciousness in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, is an important link in the formation process of Mao Zedong Thought’s theory of New Democratic Revolution, and holds significant importance in the history of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context. Facing the changes unseen in a century in the world, we should earnestly study this brilliant document of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context, consciously strengthen our fighting spirit and enhance our fighting ability, overcome any major risks and challenges that might hinder the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and continuously win new victories in comprehensively building a modern socialist country.

总之，《纪念巴黎公社的重要意义》是毛泽东在大革命时期运用马克思主义立场观点方法，分析总结巴黎公社革命历史经验与教训，紧密结合中国具体实际，对中国革命重大问题进行开创性探索的重要理论成果。这篇著作是毛泽东在大革命时期探索马克思主义中国化的一份重要文献，蕴含着毛泽东在党的幼年时期关于中国共产党如何领导革命、如何推进马克思主义中国化的理论思考，体现了毛泽东将马克思主义中国化的理论自觉与主体自觉，是毛泽东思想中新民主主义革命理论形成过程的重要一环，在马克思主义中国化史上具有重要的意义。面对世界百年未有之大变局，我们应该认真学习这篇光辉的马克思主义中国化文献，自觉增强斗争精神、提高斗争本领，战胜任何有可能阻碍中华民族伟大复兴进程的重大风险挑战，不断夺取全面建设社会主义现代化国家新胜利。

(Authors: Tang Zhihua, Vice President of Guangxi Normal University and Dean, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Marxism; Chen Honghui, Doctoral Student at the School of Marxism, Guangxi Normal University)

（作者：汤志华，广西师范大学副校长兼马克思主义学院院长、教授、博士研究生导师；陈红惠，广西师范大学马克思主义学院博士研究生）

(Project: This article is a phased result of the National Social Science Fund Key Project “Research on the CPC’s Overseas Newspapers and Periodicals and the Shaping of the Party’s International Image during the Democratic Revolution Period” (21ADJ008) and the Guangxi Bagui Scholars Project “Research on Major Issues in the Popularization of Marxism in Guangxi”)

（项目：本文系国家社会科学基金重点项目“民主革命时期中共海外报刊与党的国际形象塑造研究”（21ADJ008）、广西八桂学者项目“广西马克思主义大众化重大问题研究”的阶段性成果）

Online Editor: Tongxin

网络编辑：同心