Lenin’s Critique of Non-Marxist Trends of Thought in Russia and Its Implications for Contemporary China

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, this was not only a period of relatively “peaceful” prosperity and development for capitalism, but also a period of rapid dissemination and development of Marxism, and at the same time a period of repeated confrontation between Marxism and various erroneous non-Marxist trends of thought. “The theoretical victory of Marxism compels its enemies to disguise themselves as Marxists.” [1]1 *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back* (1904): Lenin’s work criticizing the Mensheviks’ organizational opportunism, arguing for a centralized, disciplined vanguard party. Non-Marxist trends of thought often cloak themselves in the garb of Marxism, under the banner of reforming and developing Marxism, which makes their theories all the more deceptive. At present, ideological struggles at home and abroad are intense and complex, with various non-Marxist trends of thought appearing in different forms. Therefore, taking Lenin’s critique of non-Marxist trends of thought as a theoretical entry point, and thoroughly studying and deeply comprehending the basic principles of Marxism, still holds important enlightening significance for recognizing and distinguishing the harmful nature of non-Marxist trends of thought.

19、20世纪之交，不仅是资本主义进入相对“和平”的繁荣发展时期，也是马克思主义快速发展和传播的时期，同时还是马克思主义与各种非马克思主义错误思潮反复较量的时期。“马克思主义在理论上的胜利，逼得它的敌人装扮成马克思主义者”，非马克思主义思潮往往披着马克思主义的外衣，打着革新、发展马克思主义的旗号，这就导致了其理论更具有迷惑性。当前国际国内意识形态斗争激烈复杂，各种非马克思主义思潮以不同形式呈现，因而，以列宁对非马克思主义思潮的批判为理论切入点，学深悟透马克思主义基本原理，对认清和辨明非马克思主义思潮的危害性依然具有重要的启示意义。

I. Recognizing and Distinguishing Non-Marxist Trends of Thought

一、认识和辨明非马克思主义思潮

The non-Marxist trends of thought that emerged during the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries mainly included Menshevism, Economism, Populism, Machism, and others.

19、20世纪之交这一时期所呈现的非马克思主义思潮主要有孟什维主义、经济主义、民粹主义、马赫主义等。

These non-Marxist trends of thought were Russian variants of Bernsteinism. Eduard Bernstein, known as the “founding father” and “godfather” of democratic socialism, was a representative figure of the international communist movement with far-reaching influence during the Second International period. He was once regarded as the “heir to Engels’s will” and an “orthodox Marxist.” However, after Engels’s death, under the banner of “reforming” and “developing” Marxism, he actually carried out revisionism, establishing a theoretical system different from Marxism. This theoretical system is called Bernsteinism. Bernsteinism is an anti-Marxist, reformist socialist school or trend of thought, known as the “specimen of revisionism.” [2]2 *The Analysis of Sensations* (1885) and *Knowledge and Error* (1905): Mach’s key works developing his empirio-critical philosophy, which Lenin later critiqued in *Materialism and Empirio-Criticism* (1909).

这些非马克思主义思潮，是伯恩施坦主义在俄国的变种。被称为民主社会主义“鼻祖”“教父”的爱德华·伯恩施坦，是第二国际时期影响深远的国际共产主义运动的代表性人物，曾经被认为是“恩格斯遗嘱的继承人”“正统派马克思主义者”，但是，他在恩格斯逝世后，却打着“革新”“发展”马克思主义的旗号，行修正主义之实，创立了一套不同于马克思主义的理论体系。这套理论体系被称为伯恩施坦主义。伯恩施坦主义是一种反马克思主义的、改良主义的社会主义流派或思潮，被称为“修正主义的标本”。

1. Menshevism: Advocating a Loose Party Organization and Preaching Anarchism

1.主张建立一个松散的党组织、鼓吹无政府主义的孟什维主义

Menshevism, heavily influenced by Bernsteinism, was the opportunist viewpoint of the Menshevik faction represented by Martov. The Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held from July 17 to August 10, 1903. [3]3 Bogdanov: Alexander Bogdanov (1873–1928), Russian physician, philosopher, and Bolshevik, who later developed his own empirio-monist system, criticized by Lenin. At the congress, fierce debates erupted over the Party’s program and constitution, which further triggered the initial split within the Party, pitting the Bolsheviks against the Mensheviks. On the conditions for Party membership, Martov and others of the Menshevik faction advocated that members did not need to participate in Party organizations, proposing that “anyone who accepts the Party program and actively works for the Party’s tasks under the supervision and leadership of the Party’s organs [sic!] may be considered a member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.” Regarding the Party’s organizational principles, the principle of “the minority submitting to the majority, the part submitting to the whole” was seen by them as a clause infringing on the will and freedom of members. On one hand, they preached anarchism, wanting to turn the Party into a loose association with complex composition that could be joined at will; on the other hand, they argued that the Party’s democratic centralism was no different from “bureaucratism,” advocating the Party’s autonomy. Lenin pointed out, “This kind of gentry anarchism is particularly prominent in Russian nihilists. Party organization seems to them a terrible ‘factory’; the subordination of the part to the whole and of the minority to the majority seems to them ‘serfdom.’” [4]4 Martov: Julius Martov (1873–1923), leader of the Menshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, opponent of Lenin’s centralist organizational principles. Martov and others believed that Party organization was no different from a “vicious factory,” and that the Party’s strict organizational discipline and constitution oppressed people’s will and freedom like “serfdom,” openly praising anarchist principles.

受伯恩施坦主义影响比较大的孟什维主义是以马尔托夫为代表的孟什维克派的机会主义观点。1903年7月17日—8月10日俄国社会民主工党第二次代表大会召开，会上对于党的纲领和党的章程问题展开了激烈论争，这场争论更是引发了党内的最初分裂，使布尔什维克与孟什维克对立起来。在入党条件上，孟什维克派的马尔托夫等人主张党员不需要参加党组织，“凡承认党纲、并在党的机关〈原文如此！〉监督和领导下为实现党的任务而积极工作的人，可以作为俄国社会民主工党党员”。在党的组织原则方面，“少数服从多数，部分服从整体”的组织原则被他们看作损害党员意志和自由的条文。他们一方面鼓吹无政府主义，要把党组织变成一个成分复杂、可以随意进入的组织涣散的联合体，另一方面又认为党的民主集中制和“官僚主义”没有任何区别，宣扬党的自治性。列宁指出，“这种老爷式的无政府主义在俄国虚无主义者身上是特别突出的。党的组织在他们看来是可怕的‘工厂’；部分服从整体和少数服从多数在他们看来是‘农奴制’”。马尔托夫等人认为党的组织无异于“凶恶的工厂”，党的严密组织纪律和章程如“农奴制”似的压迫着人的意志与自由，不加掩饰地赞扬无政府主义原则。

2. Economism: Indulging in Economic Struggle, Embracing Pragmatism, and Neglecting the Guiding Role of Ideals, Beliefs, and Theory

2.沉醉于经济斗争，信奉实用主义，忽视理想、信念和理论的指导作用的经济主义

Economism was an erroneous non-Marxist trend of thought that emerged within the Russian workers’ movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, influenced by Bernsteinism. It embraced pragmatism and neglected the guiding role of theory. This erroneous trend was the ideological system of the Russian opportunist “Economist” faction, named for its excessive indulgence in economic struggle and worship of the spontaneity of the workers’ movement. Those who believed in Economism were called the “Economists.” In theory, the “Economists” used the slogan of “freedom of criticism” to criticize and revise the Marxist theory of proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, attempting to transplant Bernstein’s revisionism into Russia. Bernsteinism regarded the communist ideal as “fantasies about the future” and “pictures of socialist society that call themselves fantasy paintings.” Bernstein said, “I have very little interest in what is commonly understood as the ‘final goal of socialism.’ Whatever this goal may be, it is nothing to me; the movement is everything.” He also said, “A good factory law can contain more socialism than the nationalization of a whole batch of factories.” [5]5 Bernsteinism: The revisionist current associated with Eduard Bernstein (1850–1932), who argued for evolutionary socialism and against revolutionary Marxism.

经济主义是19世纪末20世纪初形成于俄国工人运动内部，受伯恩施坦主义影响而在俄国出现的一股信奉实用主义、忽视理论指导作用的非马克思主义错误思潮。这股错误思潮是俄国机会主义经济派的思想体系，因其过分沉醉于经济斗争、崇拜工人运动的自发性而得名，信奉经济主义的机会主义者被称为“经济派”。在理论方面，“经济派”打着“批评自由”的口号，批判和修正马克思主义关于无产阶级革命和无产阶级专政的理论，企图把伯恩施坦的修正主义移植到俄国。伯恩施坦主义把共产主义理想看作“关于未来的玄想”“自称为幻想画的关于社会主义社会状况的图画”。伯恩施坦说“我对于人们通常所理解的‘社会主义的最终目的’非常缺乏爱好和兴趣。这个目的无论是什么，对我来说都是微不足道的，运动就是一切”，还说“一部好的工厂法可以比一整批工厂的国有化包含更多的社会主义”。

Deeply influenced by Bernsteinism, Economism focused only on immediate interests, neglected the guiding role of advanced revolutionary theory, and denied the necessity of the highest political form of the proletariat—the Marxist-Leninist party—thereby making the proletariat politically a appendage of the bourgeoisie. They believed that economic struggle had primary significance in the workers’ movement, advocating that the working class should fight for immediate economic interests, promoting the idea that “an increase of one kopeck in each ruble of wages is more practical and valuable than any socialism or any politics.” They neglected or fundamentally failed to recognize the guiding role of Marxist theory in the workers’ movement, regarding the study of Marxist theory as carrying out “petty tasks” and considering the execution of these “petty practical tasks as having no value.”

经济主义深受伯恩施坦主义的影响，只关注眼前的利益，忽视革命先进理论的指导作用，否认工人阶级的最高政治形式即马克思列宁主义政党的必要性，使无产阶级在政治上成为资产阶级的附庸。他们认为在工人运动中经济斗争具有首要意义，主张工人阶级为眼前的经济利益而斗争，宣扬“每个卢布工资增加一戈比，要比任何社会主义和任何政治都更加实惠和可贵”的主张。他们忽视或根本认识不到马克思主义理论对工人运动的指导作用，而将学习马克思主义理论视为执行“渺小的任务”，认为执行这些“渺小的实际任务也没有什么价值”。

3. Populism: Denying the Objective Inevitability of Capitalist Development and Denying Russia’s Objective Conditions for Capitalist Development

3.否定资本主义发展的客观必然性，否定俄国有发展资本主义客观条件的民粹主义

Populism was a peasant socialist trend of thought that emerged from the Russian village commune in the 1840s and 1850s. [6]6 Economism: A trend in the Russian Social Democratic movement in the late 1890s–early 1900s that prioritized economic struggles over political revolution and opposed a centralized vanguard party. Regarding the question of whether Russia should take the path of capitalist development, the Populists believed that the existence of the Russian commune system and the egalitarian and fair mentality supporting these systems could provide a basis for Russia to directly transition to socialism, without having to experience the extreme exploitation of the capitalist industrial revolution. They argued that the capitalist elements emerging in the Russian commune economy were caused by “artificial” and accidental factors. The Populist economist Vorontsov, in his work *The Fate of Capitalism in Russia*, argued that capitalism was unworkable in Russia, mainly for two reasons: first, Russian capitalism lacked a vast domestic market and the necessary foreign markets, making it difficult to realize the value of capitalist products; second, Russia’s special national conditions made capitalist development exceptionally difficult. The Russian economist and Populist thinker Danielson held a relatively milder judgment than Vorontsov on the historical role of Russian capitalism, arguing that it was unnecessary for Russian society to develop capitalism. The Populist theorist Yuzhakov took a pessimistic view of the actual development of Russian capitalism, proposing the “theory of the insignificance of Russian capitalism.” Yuzhakov believed Russian capitalism was “insignificant” mainly because he thought that the land currently held by Russian peasants and the land rented to them by landlords both belonged to the national economy. Populist theorists believed that Russia could bypass capitalism and directly transition from the commune to socialism. Their theoretical views bore obvious characteristics of utopian socialism and also neglected the productive forces foundation of capitalist development. In short, the Populists believed that Russian peasants were bankrupt, there were no foreign markets, no social division of labor existed, and Russia had no foundation or vitality for capitalist development.

民粹主义是19世纪四五十年代脱胎于俄国村社的农民社会主义思潮。围绕俄国是否应该走资本主义发展道路的问题，民粹派认为，俄国公社制度的存在以及支撑这些制度的平等和公平的心态，可以为俄国直接过渡到社会主义提供基础，而不必经历资本主义工业革命中极度剥削的痛苦。他们认为，俄国村社经济中出现的资本主义因素是“人为”的和偶然的因素造成的。民粹派经济学家沃龙佐夫在其著作《俄国资本主义的命运》中提出，俄国资本主义是行不通的，其理由主要有两点：一是俄国资本主义缺乏庞大的国内市场和必要的国外市场，进而导致俄国资本主义产品价值的实现难以完成；二是俄国的特殊国情让俄国资本主义发展异常困难。俄国经济学家、民粹派思想家丹尼尔逊相对于沃龙佐夫对俄国资本主义历史地位的判断较为温和，他认为俄国社会发展资本主义是没有必要的。民粹派理论家尤沙柯夫则对俄国资本主义现实的发展持悲观的态度，提出了“俄国资本主义微不足道论”。尤沙柯夫之所以认为俄国资本主义“微不足道”，主要在于他认为俄国农民目前的土地和地主租给农民的土地均属于国民经济。民粹派理论家认为俄国可以绕过资本主义直接由村社过渡到社会主义，他们的理论观点带有明显的空想社会主义性质，也忽视了资本主义发展的生产力基础。总之，民粹派认为，俄国农民破产，又没有国外市场，不存在社会分工，俄国没有资本主义发展的根基和生命力。

4. Machism: Denying the Party Principle of Philosophy and Social Sciences, “Boasting of Its Non-Party Character”

4.否定哲学和社会科学的党性原则，“以无党性自夸”的马赫主义

Ernst Mach was a renowned Austrian physicist who made major scientific discoveries, but in 1885 he published *The Analysis of Sensations* and in 1905 *Knowledge and Error*, putting forward Machism. Machism is also known as “empirio-criticism.” From the standpoint of Machism, both materialism and idealism are one-sided; Marxist theory has a Party character, and therefore when solving problems it inevitably loses objectivity due to preconceived notions. Consequently, Machists strongly advocate the principle of non-Party character in philosophy and the social sciences, “boasting of their non-Party character.” They believe that the opposition between the materialist and idealist schools is unimportant; what matters is to construct and develop a neutral, non-partisan philosophy that stands above both. Machism holds that neither matter nor spirit is primary; rather, sense experience is primary, and both physical and psychological things are complexes of this sense experience. The same applies to Machism and to Bogdanov and others in Russia: they use terms like “physical” and “psychological” to replace “nature” and “spirit,” and under the interference of these novel terms, definitions, and verbose rhetoric, people often overlook the fundamental opposition and struggle between the two basic lines, the two basic schools, and the two camps of materialism and idealism.

恩斯特·马赫是奥地利著名物理学家，在科学上有重大发现，但他1885年发表《感觉的分析》，1905年发表《认识和谬误》，提出马赫主义。马赫主义亦名“经验批判主义”。在马赫主义看来，唯物主义和唯心主义都具有片面性，马克思主义理论有党性，因而在解决问题时难免会因先入之见而失之偏颇。因此，马赫主义者极力推崇哲学和社会科学的无党性原则，“以无党性自夸”。他们认为，唯物主义与唯心主义派别之间的对立无关紧要，关键是要构建和发展超乎二者之上的一种中立的、无党派性的哲学。马赫主义认为，物质和精神都不是第一性的东西，感觉经验才是第一性的，无论物理的东西还是心理的东西都是这种感觉经验的复合。马赫主义和俄国的波格丹诺夫等人亦是如此，他们使用“物理”“心理”等字眼代替“自然界”和“精神”，在这种新鲜术语、定义和烦琐辞令的干扰下，人们往往忽略了唯物主义和唯心主义两条基本路线、两个基本派别、两大阵营之间的根本对立和斗争。

II. Lenin’s Understanding and Critique of the Harm of Non-Marxist Trends of Thought

二、列宁对非马克思主义思潮危害的认识与批评

Faced with the serious harm that non-Marxist trends of thought had brought to the international communist movement and the cause of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, as well as the new changes in capitalism and the new circumstances in Russia’s class relations, in order to get to the root of the matter, defend Marxist doctrine, and at the same time establish and consolidate the proletarian state power to realize the transition to socialism, Lenin took Marxism as a powerful ideological weapon, based himself on his country’s conditions and the characteristics of the times, analyzed the harm of various non-Marxist trends of thought, and subjected them to forceful critique.

面对非马克思主义思潮给国际共产主义运动和俄国社会民主工党的事业所带来的严重危害，以及资本主义所发生的新变化、俄国阶级关系所出现的新情况，为了正本清源，捍卫马克思主义学说，同时为了建立和巩固无产阶级政权以实现向社会主义过渡，列宁把马克思主义作为强大思想武器，立足本国国情和时代特征，剖析了各种非马克思主义思潮的危害，并对其进行了有力的批判。

1. Criticizing the Mensheviks’ anarchist autonomy and their erroneous view of denying the leading role of the Social Democratic Party

1.批判孟什维主义的无政府主义的自治制、否定社会民主党的领导作用的错误观点

The Menshevik faction, represented by Martov, proposed that joining or not joining a Party organization was unimportant; as long as one recognized the Party Constitution and Party Programme and actively carried out Party work, one could become a Party member. Lenin’s principle of Party building—“must personally participate in a Party organization”—was slandered by Martov and others as “serfdom.” The reason they spoke this way was merely to build a complex, unorganized, undisciplined group; in fact, they were advocating anarchist autonomy, opposing democratic centralism, and praising the free development of individuality. Martov and others argued that the parties of the Second International were perfect models, and that these parties all practiced autonomy and did not require members to join a Party organization. These views were in fact the organizational expression of the revisionist line, whose aim was to make the Party lose its leading role in the proletarian revolution. Lenin pointed out that if the Party were built according to Martov’s ideas, it would turn into a club of complex composition, amorphous, fond of empty talk, organizationally lax, and utterly lacking in combat effectiveness—this would undoubtedly mean building a lax, wavering opportunist party. Clearly, the party that Martov advocated building was precisely a reformist-type party deeply influenced by Bernsteinism, which deprived the Party of its leadership over the workers’ movement. This reformist and opportunist thinking was extremely harmful to the centralized and unified leadership of the Party.

以马尔托夫为代表的孟什维克派提出，加入或者不加入党组织无关紧要，只要承认党章和党纲，积极开展党的工作就可以成为党员。列宁“必须亲自参加党组织”的建党原则被马尔托夫等人诋毁为“农奴制”。他们之所以如此说，只是想建立一个复杂的、无组织的、无纪律的群体，实际上是提倡无政府主义自治，反对民主集中制，赞美个性的自由发展。马尔托夫等人的理由是：第二国际各国党是完美无缺的榜样，而这些党都是自治制，都没有要求党员参加党的一个组织。这些主张实际上是修正主义路线在组织上的表现，其目的是使党在无产阶级革命中丧失领导作用。列宁指出，如果按马尔托夫的意见建党，就会把党变成一个成分复杂、不定型的、崇尚空谈、组织涣散、毫无战斗力的俱乐部，这无疑是要建立一个涣散的、动摇的机会主义党。很明显，马尔托夫所主张建立的党，正是深受伯恩施坦主义影响的、剥夺党对工人运动领导权的改良类型的党。这种改良主义和机会主义思想，对党的集中统一领导是非常有害的。

In May 1904, Lenin published *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, further emphasizing the necessity of implementing the idea of centralism: “The idea of centralism, which in principle determines the method for resolving all partial and detailed organizational questions,” is “the only principled idea that should run through the entire Party Constitution.” In this work, Lenin elucidated and perfected his principle of Party building, namely, building the Party on the basis of centralism; this Party should be “one that makes the Party, as the advanced detachment of the class, as organized as possible, and that admits only those who can at least accept a minimum degree of organization.” Lenin pointed out that the Party Programme “is of great significance for the unity and consistent activity of a political party.” In terms of organizational principles, Lenin emphasized that the autonomous organizational principle of the Social Democratic opportunist faction should be replaced by centralism. In Lenin’s view, Martov and others’ understanding of the conditions for Party membership was itself confused, blurring the distinction between the Party and the class. Lenin believed that using class and Party to confuse the masses negated the Party’s role as the vanguard of the working class and belittled the Party’s status and function as the leader. The proletarian political party, as the vanguard of the working class, is not something that all workers and other laborers can voluntarily join.

1904年5月，列宁发表了《进一步，退两步》一文，进一步强调了贯彻集中制思想的必要性：“集中制思想，它从原则上确定了解决所有局部的和细节性的组织问题的方法”，是“唯一的原则性思想，应该贯穿在整个党章中”。列宁在这部著作中阐明并完善了自己的建党原则，即以集中制为基础建党，这个党应该是“使作为阶级的先进部队的党成为尽量有组织的，使党只吸收至少能接受最低限度组织性的分子”。列宁指出，党纲“对于政党的团结一致、始终一贯的活动有重大意义”。在组织原则上，列宁强调社会民主党机会主义派的自治制组织原则要用集中制来代替。在列宁看来，马尔托夫等人对入党条件本身的理解是混乱的，混淆了政党和阶级的区别。列宁认为，用阶级和党来迷惑大众，这就否定了党是工人阶级的先锋队，贬低了党作为领导者的地位和作用。作为工人阶级先锋队的无产阶级政党，不是所有工人和其他劳动者都可以自愿加入的。

Lenin’s exposition of the organizational principles of the proletarian political party and his critique of the Mensheviks drew a clear line between the organizational principles of the proletarian political party and those of the revisionist political party. In order to ruthlessly expose and criticize Martov’s erroneous ideas, Lenin advocated building a Party organization that actively accepts the guidance of Marxist theory, possesses a high degree of class consciousness, is centralized and unified, and is well organized. He demanded that every Party member must recognize the Party Programme; the Programme must be formulated according to Russia’s specific conditions, reflecting both the revolutionary nature of the proletariat and clarifying the Party’s ultimate goal—the elimination of capitalism and the realization of socialism. Regarding the Party’s revolutionary strategy, Lenin pointed out that the proletarian political party must take the lead in the democratic revolution, be adept at uniting all forces that can be united, especially establishing a worker-peasant alliance. To ensure the final victory of the revolution, while winning over revolutionary forces, it is necessary to be adept at flexibly using various methods and means of struggle. Not only must one personally participate in a Party organization, but one must also consciously accept the supervision of the Party organization and accept the “inculcation” education of the Party, so that Party members can be unified in thought and action.

列宁对无产阶级政党组织原则的阐述和对孟什维克的批评，划清了无产阶级政党组织原则和修正主义政党组织原则之间的界限。为了对马尔托夫错误思想进行无情的揭露和批判，列宁主张建立一个主动接受马克思主义理论的指导，具有高度阶级觉悟、集中统一和组织良好的党组织，他要求每个党员都必须承认党的纲领，纲领必须根据俄国的具体情况制定，既要体现无产阶级的革命性质，又要明确党的最终目标，即消灭资本主义和实现社会主义。关于党的革命战略，列宁指出，无产阶级政党必须带头进行民主革命，善于团结一切可以团结的力量，特别是建立工农联盟。为了保证革命的最后胜利，在争取革命力量的同时，要善于灵活运用各种斗争方法和手段。不但要亲自参加党组织，而且要自觉接受党组织的监督，接受党组织的“灌输”教育，这样党员在思想和行动上才能统一。

While advocating the establishment of a tightly organized “elite party,” Lenin did not neglect the role of the masses. Lenin pointed out that the Bolshevik Party could only gain the trust, support, and endorsement of the masses by maintaining close ties with the people. He profoundly stated: “If the organized proletariat has no ties with the millions of working people, if the proletariat that destroys the old society has not won respect among all working people through its selfless struggle, if the proletariat and the party leading it do not have this incomparable influence, then revolution is impossible,” and “the advanced detachment of the proletariat, the organized vanguard, once it links up with millions of people, becomes hundreds of thousands of times more powerful than its original numbers.” Lenin believed that trust and support from the people are the source of the proletarian political party’s eternal strength, and this trust and support can only be obtained through the Party’s close ties with the masses, sharing their hardships. Therefore, Lenin emphasized that for the Communist Party, the vanguard of the working class, “one of the most serious and most terrible dangers is to become divorced from the masses.”

列宁在主张建立组织严密的“精英党”的同时，并没有忽视群众的作用。列宁指出，布尔什维克党只有密切联系人民群众才能获得人民群众的信任、支持和拥护。他深刻指出：“如果有组织的无产阶级同千百万劳动者没有联系，如果摧毁旧社会的无产阶级没有以奋不顾身的斗争在一切劳动者中赢得尊敬，如果无产阶级和领导它的政党没有这种无与伦比的影响，那就不可能有革命”，而“无产阶级的先进部队，有组织的先锋队，一经同千百万人联系起来，就比它原来的人数强大几十万倍”。列宁认为，来自人民的信任和支持是无产阶级政党获得永远的力量涌泉的动力，而这种信任和支持只有通过党与群众同甘共苦的密切联系才能得到。因此，列宁强调，对于工人阶级先锋队共产党而言，“最严重最可怕的危险之一，就是脱离群众”。

2. Criticizing the erroneous tendency within the Party of economism to deny the revolutionary organization, abandon political struggle, and deny the “centralized and unified leadership” of the Party, emphasizing the importance of political education and theoretical inculcation for the proletarian revolutionary movement

2.批判党内经济主义否定革命家组织、放弃政治斗争的错误倾向和否定党的“集中统一领导”的错误观点，强调政治教育和理论灌输对无产阶级革命运动的重要意义

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, the Russian variant of Bernsteinism—“economism”—was quite prevalent. The opportunist faction representing economism—the Economists—loudly propagated the spontaneity of organizational work in society. They opposed the establishment of a general revolutionary organization, failed to see the leading, organizing, and subjective initiative role of the revolutionary organization, and believed that establishing a proletarian political party had no value in carrying out practical tasks. Lenin subjected this to severe criticism.

19世纪末20世纪初，伯恩施坦主义在俄国的变种——“经济主义”比较盛行。代表经济主义的机会主义派别——经济派在社会上大肆宣传组织工作的自发性，他们反对建立一般的革命家组织，看不到革命家组织领导、组织革命以及发挥主观能动性的能动作用，认为建立无产阶级政党在执行实际任务时并没有什么价值。列宁对此进行了严厉的批判。

Lenin first highly affirmed the important role of the revolutionary organization. Lenin pointed out: “Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will overturn Russia!”[7]7 V. I. Lenin, *What Is to Be Done?* (1902), in *Collected Works*, vol. 5 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1961), p. 467. [Translator’s note: The English translation of Lenin’s works is from the standard edition.] He believed that in order for the workers’ movement to play its due role, it was necessary to bring the role of the revolutionary organization into play and to instill socialist consciousness into the working masses, because “the workers could not themselves have Social-Democratic consciousness. This consciousness could only be brought to them from without. The history of all countries shows that the working class, exclusively by its own effort, is able to develop only trade-union consciousness, i.e., the conviction that it is necessary to combine in unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel the government to pass necessary labor legislation, and so forth.”[8]8 Ibid., p. 375. The development of socialist democratic consciousness required reliance on the revolutionary organization; hence it was necessary to actively establish a revolutionary organization and bring into play the guiding role of the proletarian revolutionary party and its leaders over the workers’ movement, thereby achieving the dialectical unity of spontaneity and consciousness. Lenin criticized the Economists’ idea that the workers’ movement would spontaneously generate socialism, while emphasizing the necessity and importance of instilling socialist consciousness into the working masses. Lenin denounced the Economists’ erroneous practice of taking bourgeois “trade-unionism” as their theoretical foundation in order to deceive the masses.

列宁首先高度肯定革命家组织的重要作用。列宁指出：“给我们一个革命家组织，我们就能把俄国翻转过来！”他认为，要使工人运动发挥应有的作用，必须发挥革命家组织的作用，向工人群众灌输社会主义思想，因为“工人本来也不可能有社会民主主义的意识。这种意识只能从外面灌输进去，各国的历史都证明：工人阶级单靠自己本身的力量，只能形成工联主义的意识，即确信必须结成工会，必须同厂主斗争，必须向政府争取颁布对工人是必要的某些法律，如此等等”。而社会主义民主意识的发挥，需要依靠革命家组织，因而要积极建立革命家组织，发挥无产阶级革命政党和领袖对工人运动的指导作用，从而实现自发性与自觉性的辩证统一。列宁批判经济派关于工人运动会自发产生社会主义的思想，同时强调了向工人群众灌输社会主义思想的必要性与重要性。列宁指责经济派为了哄骗群众从而把资产阶级的“工联主义”作为自己的理论基础的错误做法。

In response to the situation of organizational laxity in the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, which had arisen under the influence of a series of erroneous political propositions by the Economists that denied the Party’s centralized and unified leadership, Lenin was deeply concerned. He believed that the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party had no “unified rules,” “unified discipline,” “unified plan,” or “unified action”; factions stood everywhere, Party groups were scattered across various localities with no connections among them, and the entire Social-Democratic Party had become a formless heap, a heap formed by the linking together of loose local organizations. At the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, Lenin put forward the proposition of building a “centralized party,” i.e., re-establishing a centralized and unified Marxist workers’ party that could truly lead the Russian revolution to victory—an organization that was “truly steel-like,” with unified and strict organization, unified will, and unified action, and that must be built according to the principle of centralism. However, the Economists vehemently opposed the establishment of a centralized, secret organization of professional revolutionaries and slandered such an organization as violating democratic principles.

针对当时俄国受经济派一系列否定党的集中统一领导的错误政治主张影响而出现的俄国社会民主工党组织涣散的状况，列宁十分忧虑。他认为，俄国社会民主工党没有“统一的章程”“统一的纪律”“统一的计划”和“统一的行动”，党派林立、党组织小组分散在各地且相互之间没有联系，整个社会民主党成了无定型的堆积体，这个无定型的堆积体是由一些松散的地方组织联结而成的。列宁在俄国社会民主工党第二次代表大会中提出建立一个“集中制的党”的主张，即重建一个能真正领导俄国革命走向胜利、集中统一的马克思主义工人政党，这是一个采取统一的严密的组织、统一的意志和行动的“真正钢铁般的组织”，这样的组织必须按照集中制原则建立。但经济派却极力反对建立集中的、秘密的职业革命家组织，并污蔑这种组织违背民主原则。

In March 1902, in *What Is to Be Done?*, Lenin pointed out that the implementation of broad democratic principles within the Party was unsuitable for the Russian socialist workers’ party under the autocratic rule of the tsar, and he opposed the “harmful childishness” of “broad democracy.” He stated: “Under the autocracy, where the gendarmes do the selecting, ‘broad democracy’ in the Party organization is a meaningless and harmful toy”; “anyone who wants to set up a broad workers’ organization with elections, reports, universal voting, etc., under the autocracy is an incurable utopian.”[9]9 Ibid., p. 478. Lenin believed that a party operating in secrecy did not mean it did not need democracy; its leading bodies should still be elected through certain representative conferences. Lenin said: “Only the Social-Democratic Party, despite all enormous difficulties, even despite great sacrifices, truly implements democracy in its organization.”[10]10 Ibid., p. 479. In Russia, an imperialist country with a relatively backward economy and culture, where counter-revolutionary forces remained strong, the Party needed the leadership of a strong organization of professional revolutionaries to achieve the complete victory of the revolution. Lenin’s series of theories and revolutionary practices concerning the establishment of a new type of “elite party” not only exposed the opportunist ideas of the Economists, forcing them to temporarily abandon their revolutionary propositions, but also cleared the Economists’ slander and defamation of Marxism, crushing their attacks on Marxism.

1902年3月，列宁在《怎么办？》中指出，在党内实行广泛的民主原则对于处于沙皇专制统治下的俄国社会主义工党是不适合的，反对“有害的儿戏”的“广泛民主制”。他指出，“在黑暗的专制制度下，在流行由宪兵来进行选择的情况下，党组织的‘广泛民主制’只是一种毫无意思而且有害的儿戏”，“谁想在专制制度下建立一个实行选举制、报告制和全体表决制等等的广泛的工人组织，那他简直是一个不可救药的空想家”。列宁认为，处在秘密状态的党，并不是不需要实行民主，其领导机关仍应通过一定的代表会议产生。列宁说：“只有社会民主工党才不顾一切巨大困难，甚至不顾重大牺牲，在组织中真正实行民主制。”在俄国这样一个经济文化较为落后的帝国主义国家，反革命势力依然强大，为取得革命的彻底胜利，党必须有一个坚强的职业革命家组织的领导。列宁关于建立新型“精英党”的一系列理论和革命实践，不仅揭露了经济派的机会主义思想，迫使他们暂时放弃自己的革命主张，也洗清了经济派对马克思主义的诽谤和污蔑，粉碎了经济派对马克思主义的攻击。

3. Lenin’s Critique of the Populist View of Social Development and His Demonstration of the Inevitability of Capitalist Development in Russia

3.列宁批判民粹主义的社会发展观，论证俄国资本主义发展的必然性

Lenin conducted an in-depth study of the reality of the Russian rural economy. Adhering to the standpoint of historical materialism and basing himself on Marxist political economy, he wrote works such as *The Development of Capitalism in Russia*.

列宁深入研究了俄国农村经济的现实，他坚持历史唯物主义的立场，立足于马克思主义政治经济学，写出《俄国资本主义的发展》等著作。

On the one hand, Lenin criticized the erroneous view of the Populists, represented by Nikolai Danielson, who regarded Russian capitalism as “artificial” and “cultivated” and insisted on the “artificial theory” of the social division of labor in Russia. Lenin clearly pointed out that the development of capitalism in Russia was built on the existing foundation of Russian industry and agriculture and followed the general laws of capitalist development. Lenin noted that in Danielson’s exposition, “this phenomenon may mean that the grain produced is distributed more evenly throughout the country, that the fisherman of Archangel now eats the grain of Samara, while the peasant of Samara has the fish of Archangel to accompany his meal. Actually, nothing of the sort happens.”[11]11 V. I. Lenin, *The Development of Capitalism in Russia* (1899), in *Collected Works*, vol. 3 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1960), p. 60. The reason Danielson and his ilk arrived at such one-sided judgments lay in their failure to see the phenomenon of the division of labor in Russia’s economic development; they proceeded only from subjective conjectures, artificially assigning causes for the social division of labor in Russia.

一方面，列宁批评以丹尼尔逊为代表的民粹派将俄国资本主义看作“人为”和“培植”的、坚持俄国社会分工“人为说”的错误观点，明确指出俄国资本主义的发展建立在俄国工农业已有的发展基础上，遵循着资本主义发展的一般规律。列宁指出，在丹尼尔逊的论述中，“这种现象也许意味着生产的粮食是在全国较平均地分配的，阿尔汉格尔斯克的渔夫现在吃到萨马拉的粮食，而萨马拉的农民则有阿尔汉格尔斯克的鱼佐餐。实际上根本没有这回事”。丹尼尔逊之流之所以得出这些片面的判断，根源在于他们看不到俄国经济发展的分工现象，只是从主观臆想出发，人为地设定俄国社会分工的缘由。

On the other hand, Lenin also comprehensively and systematically demonstrated the development and direction of Russian capitalism. Lenin believed that the Russian commune exhibited facts of peasant differentiation and capitalist development; the Populists saw only the positive role of communal socialism, failing to see the decline of the commune, and the fact of “an increase in the industrial population and a decrease in the agricultural population.” The Populists saw only the disasters and hardships that the emergence and development of capitalism brought to the people, and they failed to recognize the historically progressive role of capitalism. Lenin pointed out: “The historically progressive role of capitalism may be summed up in two brief propositions: increase in the social productive forces of labor and the socialization of labor.”[12]12 Ibid., p. 596. Through his critique of the Populists’ denial of the objective inevitability of capitalist development, Lenin demonstrated the historical progressiveness of Russian capitalism relative to serfdom, while also exposing the oppression and exploitation suffered by the workers and peasants under Russian capitalism, revealing the profound social contradictions inherent in Russian capitalism. In sum, through his critique of the Populists, Lenin indicated the socialist direction of Russian capitalist development.

另一方面，列宁还全面系统地论证了俄国资本主义的发展和去向问题。列宁认为，俄国公社存在农民分化和资本主义发展的事实，民粹派只看到村社社会主义的积极作用，没有看到村社的没落，“工业人口增加，农业人口减少”的事实，民粹派只看到资本主义的产生发展给人民带来的灾难和困苦，对资本主义的历史进步性作用认识不清。列宁指出，“资本主义的进步的历史作用，可以用两个简短的论点来概括：社会劳动生产力的提高和劳动的社会化”。列宁通过对民粹派否定资本主义发展的客观必然性的批判，说明了俄国资本主义相对于农奴制的历史进步性，同时也揭露了俄国资本主义下工农群众遭受的压迫与剥削，说明了俄国资本主义所具有的深刻社会矛盾。总之，列宁通过对民粹派的批判指明了俄国资本主义发展的社会主义趋向。

The Populists, such as Nikolai Mikhailovsky, were idealist in their view of history. Mikhailovsky used subjective idealist methods to argue for sociology, holding that the foundation of society was “human nature,” and denying that social development was determined by the development of the mode of material production. This was a subjective idealist view of history, which “does not even permit the idea of regarding social development as a natural-historical process.”[13]13 V. I. Lenin, *What the “Friends of the People” Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats* (1894), in *Collected Works*, vol. 1 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1960), p. 137. He did not recognize historical materialism as a new discovery by Marx, nor did he recognize it as scientific. This was in fact consistent with Eduard Bernstein’s revision and distortion of Marxism. He also denied Marx’s theory, on the pretext that historical materialism “has never been scientifically demonstrated.”[14]14 Ibid., p. 138. “The Social-Democrats naturally concentrate all their attention and all their hopes on this class, reduce their program to the development of the class consciousness of this class, and direct all their activities toward helping this class to rise in direct political struggle against the present system and to draw the entire Russian proletariat into this struggle.”[15]15 Ibid., p. 298. It was precisely through philosophical struggle that Lenin advanced the widespread dissemination of Marxism among the Russian workers.

米海洛夫斯基等民粹主义者在历史观上是唯心的。米海洛夫斯基用主观唯心主义的方法论证社会学，认为构成社会的基础是“人的本性”，否认社会的发展是由物质生产方式的发展决定的。这是一种主观唯心主义的历史观，“根本谈不上把社会发展看作自然历史过程”。他不承认唯物史观是马克思的新发现，也不承认唯物史观是科学的。这实际上与伯恩施坦对马克思主义的修正和歪曲是一脉相承的。他还否定马克思的理论，借口是历史唯物主义“这个历史观从未科学地论证过”。“社会民主党人自然是把自己的全部注意力和一切希望寄托在这个阶级身上，把自己的纲领归结为发展这个阶级的阶级自觉，把自己的全部活动都用来帮助这个阶级起来进行反对现代制度的直接政治斗争，并吸引俄国全体无产阶级投入这个斗争。”列宁正是通过哲学斗争推进马克思主义在俄国工人中的广泛传播的。

4. Critique of the Machist Erroneous Idea of “Transcending” Materialism and Idealism and Propagating So-Called Philosophical “Non-Partisanship”

4.批判马赫主义“超越”唯物主义和唯心主义、宣扬所谓哲学“无党派”的错误思想

Machism directly challenged the theoretical foundation of Marxism—dialectical materialism and historical materialism—by proclaiming itself the “only scientific” philosophy that “transcends” both materialism and idealism. This not only caused great ideological confusion within the workers’ movement but also seriously threatened the theoretical foundation of the proletarian revolutionary cause. Consequently, Lenin severely criticized the Machists’ erroneous attempt to “transcend” the binary opposition between materialism and idealism and to propagate the so-called “non-partisan” philosophy. Lenin fully exposed the class essence of Machism as representing the interests of the modern bourgeoisie, its “non-partisanship” as hypocritical, and its doctrine as cloaked in the disguise of “scientificity.” He profoundly elucidated the basic principles of Marxist philosophy concerning the materiality of the world, the knowability of matter, the dialectical nature of cognition, and the partisan nature of philosophy. He pointed out that Mach’s advocacy of the “non-partisanship” of science was intended to conceal the idealist partisanship of their philosophy. Lenin criticized the Machist error of treating sensory experience as primary, as Machism denied the objective existence of the material world and asserted that “the world is our sensation.”

马赫主义直接向马克思主义的理论基础——辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义提出了挑战，标榜自己是“超越”唯物主义和唯心主义之上的“唯一科学的”哲学，这不仅在工人运动中造成了极大的思想混乱，而且严重威胁到无产阶级革命事业的理论基础。因而，马赫主义者妄图“超越”唯物主义和唯心主义的二元对立、宣扬所谓哲学“无党派”的错误思想遭到列宁的严肃批评。列宁充分揭露马赫主义代表现代资产阶级利益、“无党性”是虚伪的、其学说也穿上了“科学性”的伪装的外衣的阶级实质；他深刻阐发马克思主义哲学关于世界的物质性、物质的可知性、认识的辩证性以及哲学的党性原则等基本原理。他指出，马赫宣扬科学的“无党性”为的是掩盖他们哲学上的唯心主义党性。列宁批评了马赫主义把感觉经验作为第一性的东西的错误，马赫主义否认物质世界的客观存在，主张“世界就是我们的感觉”。

Lenin not only pointed out the error of the Machist conception of experience but also criticized Mach’s mistaken view of opposing practice to theory. He argued that experience is not merely sensation but a reflection of objective existence. Only through practice can we obtain genuine experience and thereby understand the world. He criticized the Machists for attempting to conflate materialism and idealism by discussing only epistemology while avoiding ontology, which was in fact a game of reconciliation. By evading the distinction between materialism and idealism, they sought to transcend this fundamental issue but inevitably fell into idealism. Lenin saw through the purpose of the Machists’ manipulation of the doctrine of philosophical non-partisanship and pointed out sharply: “The objective role played by these epistemological tricks is only one: to clear the way for idealism and fideism and to serve them faithfully.” The influence of Machist erroneous thinking not only led to ideological confusion within the Party but also weakened the revolutionary fighting spirit of the working class. Therefore, Lenin stated: “Behind the epistemological sophistry of empirio-criticism, one cannot fail to see the partisan struggle in philosophy, a struggle which in the final analysis expresses the tendencies and ideologies of the hostile classes in modern society.” Through his critique of the Russian Machists’ attack on Marxist philosophy and his struggle against this so-called “new philosophy,” Lenin laid a solid ideological foundation for the Bolshevik Party and completed an unmasking of the bourgeois philosophical ideology of the early 20th century.

列宁不仅指出马赫主义的经验观是错误的，而且还批判了马赫把实践同理论对立起来的错误观点。他指出，经验并非只是感觉，而是对客观存在的反映。只有通过实践，我们才能获得真实的经验，从而认识世界。他批评马赫主义者试图通过不谈本体论，只谈认识论，混淆唯物主义和唯心主义，实际上是在玩一个和解的把戏，他们试图以规避谈唯物主义和唯心主义划分，就可以超越这个根本问题，但必然陷入了唯心主义。对于马赫主义玩弄哲学上无党派性学说的目的，列宁洞若观火，一针见血地指出：“这些认识论的诡计所起的客观作用却只有一个，就是给唯心主义和信仰主义扫清道路，替它们忠实服务。”马赫主义错误思想的影响不仅导致了党内意识形态的混乱，而且削弱了工人阶级的革命斗志。所以，列宁说：“在经验批判主义认识论的烦琐语句后面，不能不看到哲学上的党派斗争，这种斗争归根到底表现着现代社会中敌对阶级的倾向和意识形态。”列宁通过对俄国马赫主义者对马克思主义哲学进攻的批判，对这种所谓的“新哲学”的斗争，为布尔什维克党奠定了坚实的思想基础，也完成了对20世纪初资产阶级哲学意识形态的一次解蔽。

III. The Implications of Lenin’s Critique of Non-Marxist Trends of Thought for Contemporary China

三、列宁对非马克思主义思潮的批判对当代中国的启示

Studying Lenin’s critique of non-Marxist trends of thought has important practical implications for us in consolidating the guiding role of Marxism, upholding the Party’s leadership over ideology, dialectically treating various social trends of thought, and deepening the national education system. In the process of building socialist modernization and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, correctly understanding various social trends of thought and deepening the study of Marxist theory can provide spiritual impetus for the overall improvement of the ideological and moral quality and scientific and cultural cultivation of the people of all ethnic groups across the country, and provide spiritual support for China’s comprehensive advancement of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

学习列宁对非马克思主义思潮的批判，对于我们坚定马克思主义的指导地位、坚持党对意识形态领导权、辩证对待各种社会思潮、深化国民教育体系等具有重要现实启示意义。在建设社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的进程中，正确认识各种社会思潮，深化马克思主义理论的学习，可以为全国各族人民的思想道德素质和科学文化修养的整体提高提供精神动力，为我国全面推进中华民族伟大复兴提供精神支持。

First, uphold the guiding role of Marxism, build a solid ideological guarantee system, uphold the Party’s leadership over the ideological and cultural front, and criticize and identify erroneous trends of thought. Only by arming the mind with Marxism and building a solid ideological guarantee system can a proletarian party fundamentally break the pernicious influence of bourgeois ideology and act as an ideological leader, “never forgetting our ultimate goal, at all times conducting propaganda, defending the proletarian ideology—the doctrine of scientific socialism, that is, Marxism—from distortion, and enabling its continued development.” This was also the correct measure by which Lenin led the Russian people to victory in the October Revolution, verifying and establishing the scientificity of the socialist ideology centered on Marxism. Lenin believed that only by openly exposing the reactionary essence of erroneous trends of thought and countering their distortion and revision of Marxist theory could the true face of Marxist theory be restored among the masses, thereby consolidating political power. Lenin insisted on implementing the Party’s leadership throughout all cultural work, including education, propaganda and public opinion, and mass organizations. He not only demanded that all educational and cultural institutions “openly acknowledge the political leadership of the Communist Party,” but also required that all Party newspapers, magazines, and other news publications strictly adhere to the principle of Party spirit and accept the Party’s leadership and supervision. Furthermore, regarding mass cultural organizations and groups such as the Proletarian Cultural Association, trade unions, and the Communist Youth League, Lenin demanded their unconditional subordination and service to the Soviet regime and “the overall leadership of the Russian Communist Party.” Thanks to the guidance of these ideas, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) under Lenin, despite facing interference from various non-Marxist trends of thought, always maintained leadership over cultural and ideological work, ensuring that Soviet socialist revolution and construction always advanced along the correct path of socialism.

一是坚持马克思主义的指导地位，筑牢思想保障体系，坚持党对思想文化战线的领导，批判和辨明错误思潮。无产阶级政党只有用马克思主义武装头脑，筑牢思想保障体系，才能从根本上破除资产阶级思想观念的不良影响，做好思想领导者，“时刻不忘我们的最终目的，随时进行宣传，保卫无产阶级的意识形态——科学社会主义学说，也就是马克思主义——不被歪曲，并使之继续发展”。这也是列宁能够领导俄国人民取得十月革命的胜利，验证并确立以马克思主义为核心的社会主义意识形态科学性的正确举措。列宁认为只有公开揭露错误思潮的反动实质，回击其对马克思主义理论的歪曲和修正，才能在人民群众中恢复马克思主义理论的真实面貌，从而巩固政权。列宁坚持把党的领导贯彻到教育、宣传舆论和群团组织等一切文化工作中，不仅要求一切教育和文化机构“公开承认共产党的政治领导”，还要求党的一切报纸、杂志等新闻出版物严格遵守党性原则，接受党的领导和监督。此外，关于无产阶级文化协会、工会和共产主义青年团等群众性的文化组织和团体，列宁要求其无条件地服从和服务于苏维埃政权和“俄国共产党的总的领导”。得益于这些思想的指导，列宁时期的俄共（布）虽然面临各种非马克思主义思潮的干扰，但始终掌握着文化和意识形态工作的领导权，确保了苏俄社会主义革命和建设始终沿着社会主义的正确道路前行。

Historical nihilism, cultural nihilism, the end-of-ideology thesis, the thesis of the disappearance of ideology in cyberspace

历史虚无主义、文化虚无主义、意识形态终结论、网络空间意识形态消亡论、“中国病毒”论等，这些错误思潮企图在潜移默化中诱导舆论走向、消解中国人的文化认同和民族精神信仰，削弱中华文化的凝聚力和影响力，伺机干扰社会主义主流意识形态建设，阻挠党和国家事业的顺利深入开展，如果任由这些错误思潮肆意蔓延必然会日渐削弱主流价值共识，从而引发主流意识形态被消解和被边缘化的风险。为此，我们必须在意识形态和思想理论战线上保持足够清醒，认真汲取苏联解体的教训，“把意识形态工作的领导权、管理权、话语权牢牢掌握在手中”，避免因思想陷落、领导权旁落而葬送社会主义政权。

Second, we must clearly recognize the complexity, protractedness, and arduousness of ideological work, and engage in struggle against the various discordant and jarring voices that emerge in the ideological sphere with a clear-cut stance. With the deepening development of reform and opening up and the socialist market economy, the realm of thought and culture has witnessed a situation in which multiple ideologies of different natures interweave and coexist. These include ideological remnants from the period of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, the consciousness of small producers, and many imported political ideas and moral concepts. Although the institutional advantages of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the leadership and organizational advantages of the Communist Party of China have been repeatedly proven by history and reality, there is still no shortage of non-Marxist and non-socialist ideologies that attack Marxism, decry socialism, slander the Communist Party of China, and alienate the

二是清醒认识到意识形态工作的复杂性、长期性和艰巨性，旗帜鲜明地同意识形态领域出现的各种杂音、噪音进行斗争。随着改革开放和社会主义市场经济的纵深发展，思想文化领域存在多种不同性质的意识形态交织并存的局面，有半殖民地半封建时期的思想残余，有小生产者的思想意识，也有许多外来的政治思想和道德观念。尽管中国特色社会主义的制度优势、中国共产党的领导和组织优势，已经得到历史和现实的反复证明，但仍然不乏一些攻击马克思主义、唱衰社会主义、污蔑中国共产党、离间党心民心的非马克思主义和非社会主义意识形态，以不同的形式存在着，又以不同的方式发挥着作用。因此，我们必须加以警惕和防范。

First, we must enhance our ability to discern and immunize ourselves against various social concepts, trends of thought, and theoretical viewpoints, exposing their essence and harm through the complex and diverse discourses and opinions. From the history of the development of Marxism, some opportunism and revisionism often operate in the ideological field under the guise of developing Marxism, but in fact, once their ideological camouflage is stripped away, they are merely erroneous trends of thought that propagate backward, decadent, and reactionary ideas. In the current stage of our society, these phenomena also exist. Social trends of thought such as “historical nihilism,” “neoliberalism,” and “the end of ideology,” which take capitalist ideology as their core content, although they take different forms, all generate and ferment through cyberspace, continuously pushing and instilling the hypocritical values of the bourgeoisie into the public, with the intention of shaking the Party’s social foundation and ideological base. In particular, the more active historical nihilists in recent years, through public opinion media, have taken some selected and processed photos and videos and hyped them with gimmicks such as “exclusive,” “inside story,” and “revealing secrets,” pushing them to the vast number of netizens via the internet and digital technology. They even maliciously ridicule and jest at serious historical events and important leaders of the Party, fragmentarily spreading and peddling erroneous ideological concepts and values, thereby dissolving the public’s identification with the revolutionary history and traditional culture of the Party and the Chinese nation. A considerable number of netizens lack the ability to distinguish right from wrong, easily falling into cognitive bias and mistakenly believing that “the moon is rounder abroad.” Some even become “pro-US” or “pro-Japan” elements, spreading in cyberspace and other public spheres remarks that worship foreign things, violate public order and good customs, and contradict core socialist values, threatening and challenging the guiding position of Marxism in the ideological field. Faced with the discursive “traps” and dissemination “routines” of various erroneous trends of thought, to gain the initiative in the struggle of ideological culture, we must adhere to the Party’s leadership, use core socialist values to guide social trends of thought, and at the same time study original works and comprehend principles, strengthen Party members and cadres’ political ability to discern social trends of thought, and through phenomena, perceive the classes and interest groups represented by these erroneous trends of thought, thereby carrying out targeted criticism.

首先，要提高对各种社会观念、思潮和理论观点的甄别和免疫能力，透过纷繁复杂的话语和观点揭露其本质和危害。从马克思主义发展史来看，一些机会主义和修正主义往往打着发展马克思主义的幌子活跃在意识形态领域，但事实上，揭开其思想伪装后不过是一些宣传落后、腐朽和反动思想的错误思潮。在我国现阶段的社会中，这些现象同样存在。以资本主义意识形态为核心内容的“历史虚无主义”“新自由主义”“意识形态终结论”等社会思潮，尽管表现形式不一，但都通过网络空间生成发酵，不断向社会民众推送和灌输资产阶级伪善的价值观念，意图动摇党的社会基础和思想根基。尤其是近年来比较活跃的历史虚无主义者，通过舆论媒体，把一些经过筛选和处理的照片、视频，以“独家”“内幕”“揭秘”等噱头进行炒作，借助网络和数字技术推送给广大网民。他们甚至对严肃的历史事件和党的重要领导人进行恶意调侃和戏谑，碎片化地传播和兜售错误的思想理念和价值观念，以此来消解社会民众对党和中华民族革命历史和传统文化的认同。而相当一部分网民缺乏辨别是非的能力，很容易造成认知的偏差，错误地认为“外国的月亮比中国的圆”。甚至一部分人被培养成“精美”“精日”分子，在互联网和其他公共领域散播一些崇洋媚外、违背公序良俗和社会主义核心价值观的言论，威胁和挑战马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位。面对各种错误思潮的话语“陷阱”和传播“套路”，要想在思想文化的斗争中赢得主动，就必须坚持党的领导，用社会主义核心价值观引领社会思潮，同时学原著，悟原理，加强党员干部对社会思潮的政治鉴别能力，透过现象去洞察这些错误思潮所代表的阶层和利益群体，从而有针对性地开展批判。

Second, the banner must be clear and the stance firm. We must resolutely resist the infiltration and erosion of Western capitalist ideology, advocate both moral integrity and artistic excellence, give play to the critical spirit of “draining the muddy and raising the clear, praising the good and denigrating the bad,” and discard vulgar cultural artists and products. When faced with erroneous viewpoints and trends of thought in the field of ideological theory, we must never be ambiguous or allow them to develop; we must refute and stop them with full justification, so as to lead the healthy development of diversified social trends of thought. Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that, in the face of the severe struggle situation and arduous struggle tasks in the ideological field, “the propaganda and ideological front, if we do not occupy it, others will; we must strengthen our sense of position, dare to grasp and dare to manage,” especially on major issues of principle concerning right and wrong. The vast number of Party members and cadres must take a firm stance, assess the situation, scientifically judge the current complex international and domestic situation, clarify possible conflict factors in the ideological field, and strictly guard against and prevent the impact and dissolution of our mainstream ideology by Western capitalist countries.

其次，旗帜要鲜明、立场要坚定。坚决抵制西方资本主义意识形态的渗透与侵蚀，倡导德艺双馨，发挥“激浊扬清、褒优贬劣”的批判精神，摒弃低俗文化艺人与产品，对待思想理论领域出现的错误观点和思潮，我们绝不能含糊其词、任其发展，必须理直气壮地加以批驳和制止，这样才能引领多元化社会思潮健康发展。习近平反复强调，面对意识形态领域严峻的斗争形势和艰巨的斗争任务，“宣传思想阵地，我们不去占领，人家就会去占领，要增强阵地意识，敢抓敢管”，尤其在大是大非的原则问题上，广大党员干部更要立场坚定，审时度势、科学研判当下国际国内复杂形势，明确意识形态领域可能存在的冲突因素，严密警惕和防范西方资本主义国家对我国主流意识形态的冲击和消解。

Third, we must strengthen the theoretical propaganda and spiritual shaping of Marxism, and reinforce theoretical armament. “Without a revolutionary theory, there can be no strong socialist party.” Marxism is our ideological weapon; its class character and revolutionary nature are the essential attributes and distinctive marks that distinguish Marxism from other doctrines, and it is precisely for this reason that it has incurred the distortion, revision, and attack of the bourgeois opposition and various old forces. In his struggle against erroneous trends of thought, Lenin expounded that in the cultural construction of the proletariat, the Marxist direction must be adhered to, and Marxism must be used to build an ideological safeguard to resist the erosion of erroneous trends of thought. Therefore, we must achieve the following two points.

三是强化马克思主义的理论宣传和精神塑造，加强理论武装。“没有革命理论，就不会有坚强的社会党”。马克思主义就是我们的思想武器，阶级性和革命性是马克思主义区别于其他学说的本质属性和鲜明标志，也由此招致资产阶级反对派和各种旧势力的篡改、修正和攻击。列宁在反对错误思潮的斗争中，阐述了无产阶级文化建设中必须坚持马克思主义方向，用马克思主义来筑牢思想保障，以抵制错误思潮的侵蚀。因此，我们必须做到以下两点。

First, adhere to using Marxism to expose the true face of erroneous trends of thought. Today, our country faces a development situation where a single guiding ideology coexists with diverse cultures. Especially with the deepening of economic globalization, some erroneous trends of thought have resurfaced. Therefore, we must take Marxism as our own ideological and theoretical weapon, adhere to historical materialism, strengthen the study of the history of the Party, the history of New China, the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development, continuously promote the integration of historical materialism and the “Four Histories” [16]16 The “Four Histories” refer to the history of the Communist Party of China, the history of New China (the People’s Republic of China), the history of reform and opening up, and the history of socialist development. into life and education, continuously promote the popularization of Marxism, enhance the masses’ ability to discern and criticize erroneous trends of thought, and use Marxism to build an ideological safeguard to resist the erosion of erroneous trends of thought.

首先，坚持用马克思主义揭穿错误思潮的真面目。当今我国面临一元指导思想与多元文化并存的发展状况。特别是随着经济全球化程度的加深，一些错误思潮沉渣泛起。因此，我们必须将马克思主义作为自己的思想理论武器，坚持唯物史观，加强党史、新中国史、改革开放史和社会主义发展史的学习，不断推进唯物史观与“四史”融入生活和教育，不断推进马克思主义大众化，提升群众对错误思潮的辨别力和批驳性，用马克思主义筑起思想保障，以抵御错误思潮的侵蚀。

Second, the proletariat must increase the propaganda efforts of Marxist theory, unremittingly explain to the people the correct propositions and value pursuits of the Communists, resist and discard old feudal obscurantist ideas and decadent capitalist ideas, and in the process of draining the muddy and raising the clear, and rectifying the source, eliminate the people’s vague understanding of Marxism, helping them grasp the true essence of Marxist theory. It is in this sense that Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasized that Marxist theory is the “compulsory course” for Communists, the “true scripture” of our Communists; “theoretical cultivation is the core of cadres’ comprehensive quality, and theoretical maturity is the foundation of political maturity.” Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is a great banner guiding the new journey and new practice, the essence of the times of Chinese culture and Chinese spirit, and a new guide and new strategy for the cultural and ideological construction of the Communist Party of China. Therefore, we must increase the propaganda efforts of this thought, prompting the people to deeply appreciate its rich connotations and core essence.

其次，无产阶级必须加大马克思主义理论的宣传力度，坚持不懈地向人民群众阐释共产党人的正确主张和价值追求，抵制和抛弃旧的封建愚昧思想和腐朽的资本主义思想，在激浊扬清、正本清源的过程中破除人民群众对马克思主义的模糊认识，帮助他们领悟马克思主义理论的本真要义。正是在这种意义上，习近平反复强调，马克思主义理论是共产党人的“必修课”，就是我们共产党人的“真经”；“理论修养是干部综合素质的核心，理论上的成熟是政治上成熟的基础”。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想是指引新征程、指导新实践的伟大旗帜，是中华文化和中国精神的时代精华，是中国共产党文化和意识形态建设的新指引和新战略。为此，必须加大其思想的宣传力度，促使人民群众深刻体会其思想的丰富内涵和核心要义。

Online editor: Paul

网络编辑：保罗