The Critique of the Mensheviks’ Views on Organization in *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back* and Its Contemporary Implications

*One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, written between February and May 1904, is a polemical and critical classic text authored by Lenin to uphold the Marxist organizational line. In this work, Lenin elucidates the differences between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks on organizational views, pointing out that the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party took a step forward in overcoming backward ideological tendencies and establishing a new type of proletarian party, while the divisive and disruptive activities of Martov and others after the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party caused the party to take two steps back. Thereby, he exposed the essence and harm of the Mensheviks’ organizational views, profoundly clarified the basic principles of proletarian party organizational construction, and this work still radiates the light of truth to this day.

《进一步，退两步》著于1904年2月至5月，是列宁为了坚持马克思主义组织路线而撰写的一部论战性、批判性的经典文献。在该著作中，列宁阐明了布尔什维克和孟什维克在组织观点上的分歧，指出俄国社会民主党在克服落后思想倾向、建立新型无产阶级政党方面向前迈进了一步，俄国社会民主党第二次代表大会后马尔托夫等人的分裂破坏活动使党倒退了两步，由此揭露了孟什维克的组织观点的实质与危害，深刻阐明了无产阶级政党组织建设的基本原则，至今仍然闪烁着真理光芒。

The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China focused on further deepening reform comprehensively and advancing Chinese-path modernization, emphasizing “strengthening the political functions and organizational functions of Party organizations.” Organizational construction is an important component of the great project of Party building. Unswervingly strengthening and advancing organizational construction is a solid foundation for the Communist Party of China to improve the quality of Party building and leverage its core leadership advantages. Looking back at the Party’s magnificent history of over a hundred years, it is not difficult to see that consistently emphasizing organizational construction is one of the important reasons why the Party has gathered immense strength in its ranks, grown from weakness to strength, and become the world’s largest Marxist ruling party. Today, revisiting this classic text, the first in the history of Marxist political parties to systematically expound on the organizational construction of a proletarian party, holds very important guiding significance for enhancing the cohesion and combat effectiveness of Party organizations, maintaining the health of the Party’s body, and advancing comprehensive and strict governance of the Party.

中国共产党的二十届三中全会聚焦进一步全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化，强调“增强党组织政治功能和组织功能”。组织建设是党的建设伟大工程的重要组成部分，坚定不移加强和推进组织建设，是中国共产党提高党的建设质量，发挥领导核心优势的坚实基础。回望党百余年来波澜壮阔的历史不难看出，始终注重组织建设，是党凝聚起磅礴的队伍力量，从弱小走向强大，成为世界上最大马克思主义执政党的重要原因之一。今天，重温这部马克思主义政党发展史上第一部系统阐述无产阶级政党组织建设的经典文献，对于增强党组织凝聚力和战斗力，保持党的肌体健康，深入推进全面从严治党，具有十分重要的指导意义。

I. Criticizing the Mensheviks’ statements, such as “the broader the distribution of the title of party member, the better,” which sought to establish a party with blurred boundaries, and emphasizing that the party is the organized whole of the proletariat

一、批判孟什维克试图建立界限模糊的党组织的“党员称号散布得愈广泛愈好”等言论，强调党是无产阶级有组织的整体

Whether to build the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party into a proletarian party with strict organizational discipline was the primary issue in Lenin’s polemic with the Mensheviks. The First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party was held in 1898, but it did not formulate a standardized organizational charter, nor did it reach a consensus on what kind of proletarian party to build. The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party gradually exposed problems such as lax organizational concepts, weak organizational awareness, and disregard for organizational norms. To thoroughly solve these problems, the Mensheviks, represented by Martov, submitted a draft party constitution to the “Second Congress” of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, stipulating conditions for party membership: “Anyone who accepts the party program, supports the party materially, and regularly provides personal assistance under the leadership of a party organization may be considered a member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.” At the same time, the Mensheviks emphasized that the party and the organization were two different categories, declaring that “the broader the distribution of the title of party member, the better,” and that “any university professor, any middle school student, and ‘every striker’ could declare themselves a party member”; because this could enhance the party’s influence and appeal, they stressed that the party was not a whole with strict organizational discipline, but a purely political alliance composed of people who called themselves party members, and so on.

要不要把俄国社会民主党建设成一个具有严密组织性的无产阶级政党，是列宁同孟什维克进行论战的首要问题。1898年俄国社会民主党召开第一次代表大会，但这次大会未制定规范的组织章程，更没有形成建立一个什么样的无产阶级政党的共识，俄国社会民主党逐渐暴露出组织观念涣散、组织意识淡薄、漠视组织规范等问题。为了彻底解决这些问题，以马尔托夫为代表的孟什维克向俄国社会民主党的“二大”提交了党章草案，对党员条件作出规定，“凡承认党纲、在物质上支持党并在党的一个组织领导下经常亲自协助党的人，可以作为俄国社会民主工党党员”。同时，孟什维克强调党与组织是两个不同的范畴，宣称“党员称号散布得愈广泛愈好”， “让任何一个大学教授、任何一个中学生和‘每一个罢工者’都能自封为党员”；因为这样可以增强党的影响力与号召力，强调党不是一个具有严密组织性的整体，而是由一些自称为党员的人组成的纯粹政治联盟，等等。

These statements by the Mensheviks debased the organizational principles of the proletarian party, and their essence was a negation of the organizational nature of the proletarian party. If such erroneous views were allowed to spread, they would inevitably weaken the party’s institutional norms, leading to problems such as complex personnel structures and lax organizational behavior within the party organization. Lenin had a clear understanding of this and seriously pointed out that this “reflected his (or their) instability, vacillation, and political ambiguity,” failing to recognize that “the party is the advanced, conscious vanguard of the class, the vanguard of the class.” He hit the nail on the head, stating, “Its harm lies in generating a disorganizing idea that confuses the party with the class.” In response to Martov and others’ claim that defending the party’s organizational nature would exclude those who consciously approach the party, Lenin sternly pointed out that if no distinction is made between those with firm organizational nature and those who approach the party, it would erase the differences in their level of consciousness and activism, “precisely because people differ in their level of consciousness and activism, it is necessary to distinguish the degree of closeness of their relationship with the party.” In response to the Mensheviks’ various statements blurring the boundaries of the party organization, Lenin emphasized, “The party should be the sum total of organizations (and not a simple arithmetic sum, but a whole).” In Lenin’s view, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party should not be a simple aggregation of organizational members, but a collective with a strict organizational system. Lenin summarized this as central organizations, local organizations, and grassroots organizations, and profoundly elucidated their respective responsibilities within the party’s organizational system. The central organizations of the party include the Central Committee and the Party Congress; the former is mainly responsible for leading the party’s various activities, while the latter is mainly responsible for “formulating the party program, party constitution, and guiding principles for the party’s overall activities.” The local organizations of the party mainly refer to party organizations at the city and district levels, whose primary responsibility is to implement the instructions and decisions of the Central Committee, “but they work under the supervision and jurisdiction of local committees.” The grassroots organizations of the party mainly refer to primary-level party branches, which serve as the link connecting the party with the masses. The central, local, and grassroots organizations of the party have clear responsibilities and are connected from top to bottom, making the party a centralized and unified organic whole. This whole, due to the strictness of its organizational system, demonstrates a firm executive capacity for orders and prohibitions, and is an important foundation for unifying the party’s thought and action.

孟什维克的这些言论，贬低了无产阶级政党的组织原则，其实质是对无产阶级政党组织性的否定。如若任由这些错误言论蔓延，势必削弱党的制度规范，导致党组织出现人员结构复杂、组织行为涣散等问题。列宁对此有着清醒认识，严肃地指出，这是“反映了他的（或者他们的）不坚定性、动摇性和政治态度模糊”，没有认识到“党是阶级的先进觉悟阶层，是阶级的先锋队”。他一针见血地指出，“它的害处就是会产生一种把党和阶级混淆起来的瓦解组织的思想”。对马尔托夫等人强调捍卫党的组织性就会将自觉靠近党的人抛在党外的言论，列宁严厉指出，如果不对具有坚定组织性的人和靠近党的人加以区分，就会抹杀两者的觉悟程度和积极程度，“正因为人们的觉悟程度和积极程度有差别，所以必须区别他们同党的关系的密切程度”。列宁针对孟什维克模糊党的组织界限的种种言论强调，“党应当是组织的总和（并且不是什么简单的算术式的总和，而是一个整体）”。在列宁看来，俄国社会民主党不应是组织成员的简单聚集，而是有着严密组织体系的集合体。列宁将其概括为中央组织、地方组织和基层组织，并深刻阐明了各自在党的组织体系中的职责。党的中央组织包括中央委员会和党代表大会，前者主要负责领导党的各项活动，后者主要负责“制定党纲、党章以及全党活动的指导原则”。党的地方组织主要指市、区各级党组织，其主要职责是执行中央委员会的指示与决策，“但是它们在地方委员会监督下进行工作并受其管辖”。党的基层组织主要指基层党支部，它是连接党同人民群众的纽带。党的中央组织、地方组织、基层组织职责分明、上下贯通，使党成为集中统一的有机整体。这个整体由于组织体系的严密性而表现出令行禁止的坚定执行力，是党统一思想和行动的重要基础。

It should be pointed out that Lenin’s emphasis on the party as the organic whole of the proletariat was not merely to clarify the differences in organizational views between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, but had strong practical relevance, specifically targeting the perilous political environment faced by the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party at the time. Lenin believed that the prominent problems facing the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party were: first, the Mensheviks, who should have upheld the party’s organizational principles, fell into the quagmire of international opportunism, refusing to recognize the organizational views of *Iskra* [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 8, p. 253. [2] Ibid., p. 255. [3] Ibid., p. 396. [4] The “Economist” faction was a trend within the Russian Social Democratic movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that prioritized economic struggles over political revolution and opposed a centralized vanguard party. [5] V. I. Lenin, *What Is To Be Done?*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 6, p. 40. [6] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 254. [7] Ibid., p. 272. [8] V. I. Lenin, *The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrats*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 2, p. 329. [9] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 268. [10] Ibid., p. 269. [11] Ibid., p. 270. [12] V. I. Lenin, *The Trade Unions, the Present Situation and Trotsky’s Mistakes*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 32, p. 22. [13] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 256. [14] Ibid., p. 257. [15] Ibid., p. 258. [16] Ibid., p. 273. [17] Ibid., p. 274. [18] “Tailism” (also “tail-ism”) is a derogatory term used by Lenin to describe the tendency of following behind the spontaneous movement of the masses rather than leading it. [19] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 275. [20] Ibid., p. 276. [21] Ibid., p. 277. [22] Ibid., p. 278. [23] Ibid., p. 279. [24] Ibid., p. 280. [25] Ibid., p. 281. [26] Ibid., p. 282., and, under the banner of reformism, negated the party’s organizational nature, “not only failing to centralize our common work, but also failing to prevent us from splitting.” Second, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the corruption of the Russian tsarist system intensified the contradictions between imperialism and the broad masses of working people, and social problems escalated continuously. For the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party to ensure the victory of the proletarian cause, it had to guarantee the strictness of the party’s organization, thereby gathering the powerful strength of the revolutionary cause. Third, building a proletarian party with strict organizational discipline was an extraordinarily arduous task, with no existing models or references to emulate. This meant that only by establishing correct organizational views could it be possible to make it a proletarian party at the forefront of the times. Lenin’s critique of the Mensheviks’ various statements attempting to establish a party with blurred boundaries guided the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party to adhere to strict membership standards, a strict organizational structure, and standardized organizational principles, enabling it to grasp the historical initiative and lay a solid organizational foundation for seizing victory in the Russian revolutionary cause.

需要指出的是，列宁强调党是无产阶级的有机整体，并非只是澄清布尔什维克与孟什维克组织观点的分歧，而是具有很强的现实针对性，即针对当时的俄国社会民主党面临的险恶政治环境而言的。列宁认为，俄国社会民主党面临的突出问题在于，其一，原本应该拥护党的组织原则的孟什维克陷入国际机会主义的泥潭，他们拒绝承认《火星报》的组织观点，打着改良主义的旗号否定党的组织性，“不仅没有使我们共同的工作集中化，而且也没有使我们避免分裂”。其二，19世纪末20世纪初，俄国沙皇制度的腐败使帝国主义和广大劳动人民的矛盾不断加剧，社会问题持续升级。俄国社会民主党要确保工人阶级事业取得胜利，就必须保证党的组织的严密性，从而汇聚革命事业的强大力量。其三，建设一个具有严密组织性的无产阶级政党是一项异常艰巨的任务，没有任何可以效仿和参照的现实对象。这意味着只有确立正确的组织观点，才有可能使其成为走在时代发展前列的无产阶级政党。列宁批判孟什维克试图建立界限模糊的党组织的种种言论，引导俄国社会民主党坚持严格的党员标准、严密的组织结构、规范的组织原则，使其能够把握历史主动，为夺取俄国革命事业的胜利奠定了坚实的组织基础。

II. Criticizing the Mensheviks’ ideas, such as “the organization of revolutionaries should be surrounded by a broad organization of workers,” which equated the party with trade unions, and emphasizing that the party is the leading core of trade unions and all other mass organizations

二、批判孟什维克将党与工会相等同的“革命家组织应当由广泛的工人组织围绕起来”等思想，强调党是工会和其他一切群众组织的领导核心

Whether trade unions and all other mass organizations must uphold the Party’s leadership was another core issue in the theoretical confrontation between Lenin and the Mensheviks. The essence of this issue is how to understand the relationship between the Party and trade unions as well as other mass organizations. The Mensheviks believed that there was no fundamental difference between the Party’s organizational nature and strategy and that of trade unions and other mass organizations, and that “the organization of revolutionaries should be surrounded by a broad organization of workers.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 8, p. 253. [2] Ibid., p. 255. [3] Ibid., p. 396. [4] The “Economist” faction was a trend within the Russian Social Democratic movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries that prioritized economic struggles over political revolution and opposed a centralized vanguard party. [5] V. I. Lenin, *What Is To Be Done?*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 6, p. 40. [6] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 254. [7] Ibid., p. 272. [8] V. I. Lenin, *The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrats*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 2, p. 329. [9] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 268. [10] Ibid., p. 269. [11] Ibid., p. 270. [12] V. I. Lenin, *The Trade Unions, the Present Situation and Trotsky’s Mistakes*, *Collected Works*, Vol. 32, p. 22. [13] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 256. [14] Ibid., p. 257. [15] Ibid., p. 258. [16] Ibid., p. 273. [17] Ibid., p. 274. [18] “Tailism” (also “tail-ism”) is a derogatory term used by Lenin to describe the tendency of following behind the spontaneous movement of the masses rather than leading it. [19] Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 275. [20] Ibid., p. 276. [21] Ibid., p. 277. [22] Ibid., p. 278. [23] Ibid., p. 279. [24] Ibid., p. 280. [25] Ibid., p. 281. [26] Ibid., p. 282. Based on this idea, they advocated for the independence of trade unions and all other mass organizations in terms of political mobilization, ideological cohesion, and strategy formulation, opposing the establishment of a proletarian party with a strong guiding role capable of consolidating the forces of various organizations. At the same time, the Mensheviks “used the excuse that we are a class party to defend the blurring of organizational boundaries and to defend the view that confuses organized and unorganized phenomena,” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986), p. 363. [Translator’s note: This is a standard Chinese edition reference; the original Russian text is from *Polnoe sobranie sochinenii*, 5th ed., vol. 8, p. 245.] conflating the role of the Party, as the vanguard of the proletariat, with that of mass organizations in the revolutionary movement, and declaring that upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and opposing factional activities “is to uphold the independence, uniqueness, and narrow interests of each small group.” [3]3 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.]

工会和其他一切群众组织要不要坚持党的领导是列宁同孟什维克开展理论交锋的又一核心问题。这一问题的实质是如何认识党同工会以及其他群众组织的关系。孟什维克认为，党的组织性质和策略同工会及其他群众组织并无根本差异，“革命家组织应当由广泛的工人组织围绕起来”。基于这一思想，他们主张工会和其他一切群众组织在政治动员、思想凝聚、战略制定等方面的独立性，反对建立一个具备强大引领作用且能汇聚各方组织力量的无产阶级政党。与此同时，孟什维克“拿我们是阶级的党作借口来为组织界限模糊辩护，为把有组织和无组织现象混淆起来的观点辩护”，混淆作为无产阶级先锋队的党与群众组织在革命运动中的角色，宣称维护党中央权威和反对派别活动，“就是维护各个小团体的独立性、独特性以及狭隘利益”。

This understanding of the Mensheviks was closely linked to the “Economist” faction that emerged at the founding of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. [4]4 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] The “Economists” denied the leading core role of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, advocated the spontaneity of the workers’ movement, and believed that the Party’s leadership was irrelevant to the workers’ movement, asserting that “a purely workers’ movement can itself create and will certainly create an independent ideology.” [5]5 Ibid., p. 397. [Chinese ed., p. 397; Russian ed., p. 270.] These propaganda and propositions of the “Economists” fueled the liberal tendency in the Russian trade union movement and had a pernicious influence on the Mensheviks. They “supported the Economists’ idea that there is no need for an ‘organization of revolutionaries,’” [6]6 Ibid., p. 397. [Chinese ed., p. 397; Russian ed., p. 270.] believing that trade unions and all other mass organizations possess independence, which does not constitute a contradictory relationship with the Party’s leadership, let alone impact or undermine it. Therefore, the Party “can intentionally admit a certain organization, even if not entirely reliable but capable, into the Party under certain conditions, in order to test it, try to lead it onto the correct path, and overcome its partial deviations through our leadership.” [7]7 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Thus, the Mensheviks one-sidedly regarded trade unions and all other mass organizations as entities independent of the Party, thereby denying the leading role of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.

孟什维克的这种认识，同俄国社会民主党成立之初出现的“经济派”有着密切联系。“经济派”否定俄国社会民主党的领导核心作用，鼓吹工人运动的自发性，认为党的领导对工人运动无关紧要，“纯粹工人运动本身就能够创造出而且一定会创造出一种独立的意识形态”。“经济派”的这些宣传和主张，助长了俄国工会运动的自由主义倾向，在孟什维克中产生了恶劣影响。他们“拥护经济派所谓不必有‘革命家组织’的思想”，认为工会和其他一切群众组织具有独立性，这种独立性与党的领导不构成矛盾关系，更不会冲击和破坏党的领导，因此党“可以有意把某一个虽然不完全可靠，但有工作能力的组织在一定条件下接纳到党内来，以便考验它，试图把它引上正确道路，用自己的领导来克服它的局部的偏向”。可见，孟什维克片面地认为工会和其他一切群众组织是独立于党之外的实体，进而否定俄国社会民主党的领导作用。

Lenin believed that this view equated the Party with trade unions and other mass organizations, severely weakening the Party’s leadership and vanguard role. In Lenin’s view, the task of leading the proletariat in revolutionary struggle could only be accomplished by the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, “because the direct and bounden duty of the Social Democrats is to lead the class struggle of the proletariat in all its manifestations.” [8]8 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Lenin pointed out that the Mensheviks’ proposition that mass organizations, including trade unions, could refuse to accept the Party’s leadership carried an “opportunist” tone, “in essence, it is nothing but equating the form of struggle of trade unionism with comprehensive, conscious Social Democratic struggle.” [9]9 *Iskra* (Spark) was the newspaper founded by Lenin in 1900 to build a centralized Marxist party in Russia; its editorial board became a site of factional struggle after the Second Congress. Lenin emphasized that if the Mensheviks’ organizational views were adhered to, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party would inevitably repeat the mistakes of previous anarchic states. “On the one hand, it narrows the scope of the trade union movement and weakens the unity of workers on the basis of the trade union movement; on the other hand, it introduces confusion and instability into the Social Democratic Party.” [10]10 Julius Martov (1873–1923) was a leader of the Menshevik faction and a key opponent of Lenin’s organizational proposals at the Second Congress. To eliminate these harms, trade unions must not be independent of the Party’s leadership; the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party must instill its ideas into trade unions through certain forms, “making the trade unions accept its influence.” [11]11 Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Later, Lenin distilled this into the principle that “the Party directly relies on the trade unions to carry out its work,” [12]12 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] refuting the erroneous idea of denying the Party’s leadership.

列宁认为，这种观点是将党同工会以及其他群众组织相等同，严重削弱了党的领导与先锋队作用。在列宁看来，领导无产阶级开展革命斗争的任务只能由俄国社会民主党来完成，“因为社会民主党的直接的和责无旁贷的义务就是领导无产阶级的一切表现形式的阶级斗争”。列宁指出，孟什维克强调包括工会在内的群众组织可以不接受党的领导的主张带有“机会主义”论调，“按实质来说不过是工联主义的斗争形式同全面的自觉的社会民主主义的斗争等同起来”。列宁强调，如若坚持孟什维克的组织观点，俄国社会民主党必将重蹈以往无政府状态的覆辙。“一方面是缩小工会运动的规模并且削弱工人在工会运动基础上的团结，另一方面，这会把模糊不清和动摇不定的现象带进社会民主党内。”为消除这些危害，工会绝不能独立于党的领导之外，俄国社会民主党要将自己的思想通过一定形式灌输给工会，“使工会接受自己的影响”。后来，列宁将此凝练为“党直接依靠工会来进行自己的工作”，批驳了否定党的领导的错误思想。

Lenin pointed out that the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party is the leading core of trade unions and all other mass organizations. “We are a class party, in the sense that we actually lead, in a Social Democratic spirit, almost the entire or even the whole proletariat,” [13]13 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] and “almost the entire class (and in times of war, in the years of civil war, even the entire class) should act under the leadership of our Party,” [14]14 “Nihilists” here refers to a tendency within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party that rejected formal organization and discipline, not to the broader 19th-century Russian nihilist movement. indicating the role positioning of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party within the working class and other organizations. This role positioning determines that the Party’s leadership over trade unions and all other mass organizations is not control and manipulation imposed on the working class, but rather maintaining close ties with the millions of people. The Party, as the leading core of the working class and other organizations, is composed of professional revolutionaries, local Party organizations, and the masses. “Such groups, trade unions, and organizations must be spread everywhere, performing various different functions,” [15]15 Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] and only thus can the Party’s leading core role be brought into play.

列宁指出，俄国社会民主党是工会和其他一切群众组织的领导核心。“我们是阶级的党，这是就我们在事实上本着社会民主主义精神领导几乎整个或者甚至整个无产阶级来说的”，“几乎整个阶级（而在战争时期，在国内战争年代，甚至是整个阶级）都应当在我们党的领导下行动”，表明了俄国社会民主党在工人阶级及其他组织中的角色定位。这种角色定位，决定党对工会和其他一切群众组织的领导，并非凌驾于工人阶级之上的控制和操纵，而是与千百万人民群众保持密切联系。党作为工人阶级及其他组织的领导核心，是由职业革命家、地方党组织以及人民群众组成的，“这样的小组、工会和团体必须遍布各地，履行各种不同的职能”，由此才能发挥党的领导核心作用。

III. Criticizing the Mensheviks’ “Autonomist” Views such as “Unrestricted Individual Rights,” Emphasizing that the Principle of Centralism Must Be Embodied in the Party’s Organizational Rules

三、批判孟什维克“个人的权利不受限制”等“自治制”观点，强调集中制原则必须体现在党的组织章程中

Whether the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party should choose “autonomism” or centralism as its organizational principle was a major divergence in organizational views between Lenin and the Mensheviks. After the founding of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1898, the Russian workers’ movement had a certain organizational foundation, but the Party’s activities were mainly conducted through scattered small groups. These scattered small-group activities championed the international revisionist line, were enamored with the spontaneous workers’ movement, and lacked firmness in implementing Party decisions. To change this situation, the Mensheviks advocated for “autonomism,” i.e., “individual rights are unrestricted; they can conflict with each other; each individual can determine the scope of their own rights.” [16]16 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] At the same time, they attacked centralism as authoritarianism, claiming that implementing the decisions of the Central Committee restricted the free will of Party members, and “opposed turning people into ‘little wheels and little screws.’” [17]17 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] These views of the Mensheviks indicated that they firmly believed implementing “autonomism” was the inevitable choice for the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and an important way to change the Party’s organizational laxity and ideological confusion.

俄国社会民主党在组织原则上是选择“自治制”还是集中制，是列宁同孟什维克在组织观点上的重要分歧。1898年俄国社会民主党成立后，俄国工人运动具备了一定的组织基础，但社会民主党的活动主要以分散的小组活动为主。这种分散的小组活动推崇国际修正主义路线，迷恋自发的工人运动，缺少执行党的决策的坚定性。为了改变这一现状，孟什维克主张实行“自治制”，即“个人的权利不受限制；他们可以彼此冲突；每个个人都可以自行确定自身的权利范围”。与此同时，他们攻击集中制是集权主义，并说执行党中央决策是限制党员自由意志，“反对把人们变成‘小轮子和小螺丝钉’”。孟什维克的这些观点表明，他们坚信实行“自治制”是俄国社会民主党的必然选择，更是改变党组织涣散以及思想混乱等问题的重要途径。

In response to the above views, Lenin, proceeding from the actual conditions of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, pointed out that “autonomism” would only undermine Party unity, and only by adopting centralism as the organizational principle could the Party’s organizational advantages be maximized. Lenin emphasized that “autonomism” was linked to the Mensheviks’ “tailism” in organizational views, [18]18 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] its basic feature being opposition to “unconditional submission,” and its essence was to prove that “the part should not submit to the whole, and the part can have autonomy in determining its relationship to the whole.” [19]19 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] In Lenin’s view, these features of “autonomism” were a backward manifestation of the Mensheviks in terms of organizational program. If left unchecked, it would inevitably breed liberal tendencies within the Party, weaken the authority of the Central Committee, and lead to organizational laxity. Lenin believed that the urgent task for the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was to wage a resolute struggle against “autonomism,” ensure the centralization of Party work, and make the part submit to the whole. “Without the submission of the minority to the majority, without the submission of the part to the whole, it is inconceivable.” [20]20 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] One must never equate genuine Social Democratic centralism with bureaucratic centralism; the latter focuses not on internal unity within the Party, “but on achieving and maintaining an external, formal unity through purely mechanical means, through consistent suppression of individual initiative and social initiative,” [21]21 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] and “this kind of centralism ‘is fundamentally incapable of organically uniting the various components of society.’” [22]22 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,” January 13, 2020, in *Xi Jinping on Comprehensively Governing the Party with Strict Discipline* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2021), p. 123.

列宁针对上述观点，从俄国社会民主党的实际出发指出，“自治制”只会破坏党的团结，只有把集中制作为组织原则，才能最大限度地发挥党的组织优势。列宁强调，“自治制”同孟什维克在组织观点上的“尾巴主义”相联系，其基本特征是反对“唯命是从”，本质上就是想证明“部分不应当服从整体，部分在决定自己对整体的关系时可以有自治权”。在列宁看来，“自治制”的这些特征是孟什维克在组织纲领方面的落后表现，如若对其置之不理，势必使党内滋生自由化倾向，削弱党中央权威，导致组织松散。列宁认为，俄国社会民主党的当务之急就是同“自治制”作坚决斗争，保证党的工作集中化，使部分服从整体。“没有少数服从多数，没有部分服从整体，那是不可想象的。”绝不能将真正社会民主主义的集中制和官僚主义的集中制相趋同，后者注重的不是党的内部的统一，“而是用纯粹机械手段，用一贯压制个人首创性和社会主动性的办法实现和保持的外表的、形式上的一致”，“这种集中制‘根本不能把社会的各个组成成分有机地联合起来’”。

At the same time, Lenin forcefully criticized the opportunist nature of “autonomism.” The Mensheviks, using the argument that “adopting a Party program promotes the centralization of work more than adopting Party rules,” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (January 13, 2020), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 312. criticized the principle of centralism advocated by Lenin as “completely intending to give the central organs unlimited power to arbitrarily intervene in everything.” [24]24 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC” (October 25, 2017), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 72. Lenin refuted this, pointing out that it was an attempt to use “tailism” and “anarchism” to justify the unhealthy psychology of Russian Social Democratic Party members. This justification “is not accidental, but stems from the nature of opportunism, and not only in Russia, but throughout the world.” [25]25 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in terms of the big picture, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership. Lenin believed that “autonomism” was inextricably linked to international opportunism; it was a “variant” of international opportunism, [26]26 The “Four Confidences” refer to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. profoundly revealing that the opportunist nature of “autonomism” was not unique to the Mensheviks but could be seen in all Social Democratic parties where opportunism had spread, albeit with certain differences in specific manifestations.

同时，列宁有力批判了“自治制”的机会主义本性。孟什维克以“通过党纲要比通过党章更能促进工作的集中化”为立论依据，批评列宁倡导的集中制原则“完全是想使中央机关有无限权力来随意干预一切”。列宁对此予以批驳指出，这是企图用“尾巴主义”和“无政府主义”来替俄国社会民主党人的不良心理辩护。这种辩护“并不是偶然的，而是出自机会主义的本性，而且不仅在俄国，在全世界都是如此”。列宁认为，“自治制”与国际机会主义有着千丝万缕的关系，它是国际机会主义的“变异”，深刻揭示了“自治制”的机会主义性质并非孟什维克所独有，在一切机会主义蔓延的社会民主党内都能看到，只不过在具体表现上有一定差异。

Proceeding from the relationship between centralism and the Party’s organizational rules, Lenin criticized the Mensheviks’ view of “autonomism” for setting centralism and organizational rules in opposition, emphasizing that centralism must be embodied in the Party’s organizational rules. Lenin held that the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party must attach great importance to organizational rules, because “the rules are the formal expression of the organization.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, in *Lenin Collected Works*, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1986), p. 363. [Translator’s note: This is a standard Chinese edition reference; the original Russian text is from *Polnoe sobranie sochinenii*, 5th ed., vol. 8, p. 245.] To ensure the implementation of centralism and to respond to the Mensheviks’ doubts, Lenin analyzed the reasons why the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party did not need to formulate Party rules before its Second Congress. The main reason was that the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party at that time consisted of numerous individual circles lacking connections, “and there was no formally expressed will of the whole to serve as the criterion for its actions.” [3]3 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Major issues were resolved not through Party rules, “but ‘by struggle and threats to withdraw,’” [4]4 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] and in the era when circle habits prevailed, this phenomenon was a historical necessity. On this basis, Lenin emphasized that as the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party members’ understanding of the drawbacks of organizational laxity gradually deepened, it became necessary to formulate Party rules to achieve organizational standardization, that is, “formal rules are necessary precisely in order to replace narrow circle ties with broad Party ties.” [5]5 Ibid., p. 397. [Chinese ed., p. 397; Russian ed., p. 270.] Only when all Party members strictly abide by the Party rules can the interference of “autonomism” with the Party’s line, principles, and policies be eliminated, ensuring unity of action among organization members, “only then can we free ourselves from the willfulness of the circles, from the arbitrary mischief of the circles, from the circle squabbles that are prettified as a free ‘process’ of ideological struggle,” [6]6 Ibid., p. 397. [Chinese ed., p. 397; Russian ed., p. 270.] so that the principle of centralism is fully reflected in program, strategy, action, and other aspects, thereby building the Party into a strong and unified whole.

列宁从集中制和党的组织章程的关系出发，批判孟什维克“自治制”观点是将集中制和组织章程对立起来，强调集中制必须体现在党的组织章程中。列宁认为，俄国社会民主党必须高度重视组织章程，因为“章程是组织的形式表现”。为了确保集中制的贯彻执行，回应孟什维克的质疑，列宁分析了俄国社会民主党的“二大”前不需要制定党章的缘由。主要在于，当时的俄国社会民主党是由众多缺乏联系的单个小组构成，“并没有任何正式规定的整体意志作为他的行动的准绳”，解决重大问题不是通过党章，“‘而是用斗争和退出相威胁’来解决”，在小组习气盛行的时代，此种现象是历史的必然。在此基础上，列宁强调，随着俄国社会民主党人对组织涣散弊端的认识逐步深化，需要制定党章，实现组织的规范化，即“正式章程所以必要，正是为了用广泛的党的联系来代替狭隘的小组联系”。全体党员都严格遵守党章，才能消除“自治制”对党的路线方针政策的干扰，确保组织成员行动统一，“才能保证我们摆脱小组的刚愎自用，摆脱小组的任意胡闹，摆脱美其名为思想斗争的自由‘过程’的小组争吵”，使集中制原则在纲领、策略、行动等方面得到充分体现，进而将党建设成为坚强有力的统一整体。

IV. Criticizing the Mensheviks’ Denial of Party Discipline, Such as the Claim That “Any Proletarian Organization and Discipline Seem Like Serfdom,” and Emphasizing That Party Discipline Is an Equal Discipline Based on Marxism

四、批判孟什维克否定党的纪律的“任何无产阶级的组织和纪律都好像是农奴制”等主张，强调党的纪律是以马克思主义为基础的平等纪律

Whether the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party at that time should formulate and enforce strict and unified discipline was one of the focal points of the polemic between Lenin and the Mensheviks. The Mensheviks held that “any proletarian organization and discipline seem like serfdom,” [7]7 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] accusing Lenin of emphasizing Party discipline as authoritarianism that suppresses inner-Party democracy, which would not only make Party members adhere to rigid dogmas but also suppress their individuality and dampen their initiative in participating in inner-Party life. These views of the Mensheviks were essentially “an attempt to weaken Party discipline, to reduce Party discipline to nothing,” [8]8 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] triggering a serious crisis within the Party. This was mainly manifested in the Mensheviks’ open denial of the articles concerning Party discipline, their refusal to implement the resolutions of the central organs, and their frantic seizure of central leadership positions, demanding the dissolution of the old editorial board of *Iskra* [9]9 *Iskra* (Spark) was the newspaper founded by Lenin in 1900 to build a centralized Marxist party in Russia; its editorial board became a site of factional struggle after the Second Congress. elected at the Second Congress, in which the Mensheviks were a minority. This greatly challenged the authority of the central organs in the Party’s organizational system and severely trampled on organizational discipline. This showed that settling accounts with the Mensheviks’ denial of Party discipline had become an imperative task for the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Lenin subjected the various claims of the Mensheviks denying Party discipline to profound criticism, and in this criticism demonstrated that strict discipline was an inevitable choice for the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.

当时俄国社会民主党要不要制定并执行严格统一的纪律，是列宁同孟什维克进行论战的焦点之一。孟什维克认为，“任何无产阶级的组织和纪律都好像是农奴制”，指责列宁强调党的纪律是压制党内民主的专制主义，不仅会使党员恪守僵化教条，而且会压制党员个性，打击党员参与党内生活的主动性。孟什维克的这些主张，本质上是要“力图削弱党的纪律，力图把党的纪律化为乌有”，引发了党内严重危机。主要体现在：孟什维克公开否定关于党的纪律的条文，拒绝执行中央机关决议；疯狂夺取中央领导权，要求撤销“二大”选出的孟什维克占少数的《火星报》旧编辑部。这使中央机关在党的组织体系中的权威性受到极大挑战，组织纪律遭受严重践踏。这表明，对孟什维克否定党的纪律的主张予以清算，已经成为俄国社会民主党一项势在必行的工作。列宁对孟什维克否定党的纪律的种种主张给予了深刻批判，并在批判中证明了严格纪律是俄国社会民主党的必然选择。

On the one hand, Lenin criticized the Mensheviks’ bourgeois intellectual psychology of fearing Party discipline. The Mensheviks, represented by Martov, [10]10 Julius Martov (1873–1923) was a leader of the Menshevik faction and a key opponent of Lenin’s organizational proposals at the Second Congress. treated Party discipline as a political slogan, “attacking the demand for ‘blind obedience’ and adherence to ‘dead discipline.’” [11]11 Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] In response to this view, Lenin emphasized that this revealed “the psychology of the bourgeois intellectual who does not understand the theory of proletarian organization” [12]12 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] displayed by Martov and others, reflecting the general characteristics of intellectuals in a bourgeois living environment, and “are all closely connected with the psychology that hates discipline.” [13]13 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] This psychology was particularly prominent among the nihilists [14]14 “Nihilists” here refers to a tendency within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party that rejected formal organization and discipline, not to the broader 19th-century Russian nihilist movement. within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party; it protected and glorified circle habits, disregarded the seriousness of Party institutions, opposed the division of labor under centralized leadership, and constituted a serious trampling and destruction of Party discipline. Without thoroughly eliminating this ideology, the Party could not establish strict and unified discipline, and the Party’s chaotic state would intensify. On the other hand, Lenin criticized the Mensheviks for ignoring the material conditions for the emergence of Party discipline. The Mensheviks, detached from Russia’s economic base, mode of production, and other material factors, talked idly about Party discipline, treating it as a moral norm and believing that observing discipline meant “turning Party members into ‘political zombies.’” [15]15 Lenin, *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Lenin refuted this, pointing out that Party discipline depends on a certain economic base, class forces, and organizational structure; these material conditions are like a “factory,” providing the Party with developmental momentum, “disciplining it, teaching it to organize, making it the head of all other exploited working masses.” [16]16 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Precisely because the proletariat had undergone strict training in this “factory,” its organization members possessed relatively strong organizational capacity, thereby providing the material basis for the discipline and organization of the proletarian party. That is to say, the organizational discipline of the working class is cultivated and forged by the working environment and is a unique advantage compared to other classes; “the proletariat, by its entire way of life, is far more thoroughly organized than many intellectuals.” [17]17 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.]

一方面，列宁批判了孟什维克惧怕党的纪律的资产阶级知识分子心理。以马尔托夫为代表的孟什维克将党的纪律视为政治口号，“攻击‘盲目服从’、遵守‘死板纪律’的要求”。针对这一观点，列宁强调，这是马尔托夫等人暴露出的“不了解无产阶级组织的理论的资产阶级知识分子的心理”，反映了资产阶级生活环境下知识分子的一般特点，而且“都是同仇恨纪律的心理有密切联系的”。这种心理在俄国社会民主党虚无主义者的身上体现得尤为突出，它保护并赞美小组习气，漠视党的制度的严肃性，反对集中领导下的分工，是对党的纪律的严重践踏和破坏。不彻底清除这种思想，党就不可能建立严格统一的纪律，党的混乱状态就会愈演愈烈。另一方面，列宁批判了孟什维克忽视党的纪律产生的物质条件。孟什维克脱离俄国的经济基础、生产方式等物质因素空谈党的纪律，他们将党的纪律视为道德规范，认为遵守纪律是“把党员变成‘政治僵尸’”。列宁对此批驳指出，党的纪律依赖于一定的经济基础、阶级力量、组织架构，这些物质条件犹如一个“工厂”，为党提供发展动力，“使它纪律化，教它学会组织，使它成为其余一切被剥削劳动群众的首脑”。正因为无产阶级在这种“工厂”受过严格训练，其组织成员才有较强的组织性，从而为无产阶级政党的纪律性和组织的产生提供了物质基础。也就是说，工人阶级的组织纪律性是由工作环境培养和锻造的，是与其他阶级相比所特有的优点，“无产阶级由它的全部生活养成的组织性，要比许多知识分子彻底得多”。

In his critique of the Mensheviks’ various claims denying Party discipline, Lenin emphasized that the organizational capacity of the proletarian party had already escaped the immature stage of the bourgeois intellectual’s fear of discipline. With the establishment of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, strict and unified discipline was necessary to ensure the implementation of Party decisions; “the principles of revolutionary social democracy, proletarian organization and Party discipline, will certainly achieve complete victory; to doubt this, even for a moment, is a manifestation of weakness of will tantamount to a serious crime.” [18]18 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] Lenin pointed out that Party discipline is based on Marxism; precisely because the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party adhered to Marxism as its guiding ideology, “it is particularly receptive to the discipline and organization that bourgeois intellectuals find difficult to accept.” [19]19 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] The proletarian party does not recognize any privileges; no Party leader or organization can place itself above Party discipline; “it must learn to demand that not only ordinary Party members but also ‘upper-level figures’ fulfill their Party obligations.” [20]20 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] The discipline of the proletarian party will inevitably become an indestructible weapon of the Party organization, “precisely because the ideological unity based on Marxist principles is consolidated by the material unity of the organization.” [21]21 Ibid., p. 396. [Chinese ed., p. 396; Russian ed., p. 269.] This important exposition enriched and developed Marxist party theory, profoundly explained the conditions for the formation and theoretical basis of Party discipline, indicated that discipline is the hallmark distinguishing a proletarian party from loose political groups, and pointed the way for the proletarian party to strengthen discipline building and regulate the behavior of Party members.

列宁在对孟什维克否定党的纪律种种主张的批判中，强调无产阶级政党所具有的组织性已经摆脱了资产阶级知识分子畏惧纪律的幼稚阶段。随着俄国社会民主党的建立，必须有严格统一的纪律保证党的决策贯彻执行，“革命的社会民主党的原则，无产阶级的组织和党的纪律，必定获得完全的胜利，怀疑这一点，即使是片刻怀疑，也是一种行同严重犯罪的意志薄弱的表现”。列宁指出，党的纪律以马克思主义为基础，正是由于俄国社会民主党坚持以马克思主义为指导思想，“所以它特别容易接受资产阶级知识分子难以接受的纪律和组织”。无产阶级政党不承认任何方面的特权，任何党的领导人和组织都不能凌驾于党的纪律之上，“应当学会不仅要求普通党员，而且要求‘上层人物’履行党员的义务”。无产阶级政党纪律必然成为党的组织的坚不可摧的利器，“就是因为它根据马克思主义原则形成的思想一致是用组织的物质统一来巩固的”。这一重要论述丰富和发展了马克思主义政党学说，深刻阐释了党的纪律的形成条件、理论基础，表明纪律是无产阶级政党区别于松散政治团体的标志，为无产阶级政党加强纪律建设、规范党员行为指明了方向。

V. The Contemporary Implications of Lenin’s Critique of the Mensheviks’ Views on Organization for “Persistently Advancing Comprehensive and Strict Governance of the Party in Depth”

五、列宁批判孟什维克组织观点对“必须持之以恒推动全面从严治党向纵深发展”的现实启示

General Secretary Xi Jinping has pointed out, “Comprehensive and strict governance of the Party is far from complete; we must not fall into the cycle of tightening up for a while, then relaxing, and then tightening up again when problems arise; we must persistently advance comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in depth.” [22]22 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,” January 13, 2020, in *Xi Jinping on Comprehensively Governing the Party with Strict Discipline* (Beijing: Central Party Literature Press, 2021), p. 123. Lenin’s critique of the Mensheviks’ views on organization in *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back* and the ideas on the organizational construction of the proletarian party he elucidated not only effectively resolved the serious crisis of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party at that time but also provided a vivid demonstration for the proletarian party to strengthen organizational construction, offering important contemporary implications for our Party to unswervingly advance comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in the New Era.

习近平总书记指出，“全面从严治党还远未到大功告成的时候，决不能跌入抓一抓、松一松，出了问题再抓一抓、又松一松的循环，必须持之以恒推动全面从严治党向纵深发展”。列宁在《进一步，退两步》中对孟什维克组织观点的批判及其阐明的关于无产阶级政党组织建设的思想，不仅有效解决了俄国社会民主党当时的严重危机，而且为无产阶级政党加强组织建设提供了生动示范，对于新时代我们党坚定不移推进全面从严治党具有重要的现实启示。

1. Build a Tight Organizational System

1. 构建严密的组织体系

Lenin criticized the various statements of the Mensheviks that blurred the boundaries of Party organization, emphasizing that the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party must become an organized whole of the proletariat, providing important reference for the Chinese Communist Party in constructing a rigorous organizational system. Looking at Party building in the New Era, “some people rely not on the organization but on acquaintances and connections to get things done, weaving ever denser networks of personal relationships and employing ever more flexible unspoken rules in all aspects; some Party organizations neglect the management of Party members and cadres, lacking serious and formal organizational life.” If such problems are tolerated and indulged, they will inevitably weaken the Party’s organizational functions, diminish its organizational advantages, and lead to vulgarization and casualization of intra-Party organizational life. “Only when all levels of the Party’s organizations are sound and robust, forming a rigorous organizational system that is connected from top to bottom and capable of effective execution, can the Party’s leadership be ‘like the body commanding the arm, and the arm commanding the finger’.” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (January 13, 2020), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 312. Under new historical conditions, we still need to further strengthen the Party’s organizational capacity and construct a rigorous organizational system.

列宁批判孟什维克模糊党的组织界限的种种言论，强调俄国社会民主党要成为无产阶级有组织的整体，为中国共产党构建严密的组织体系提供了重要借鉴。纵观新时代党的组织建设，“有的办事不靠组织而靠熟人、靠关系，形形色色的关系网越织越密，方方面面的潜规则越用越灵；有的党组织对党员、干部疏于管理，缺乏严肃认真的组织生活”。如若对这些问题姑息纵容，势必弱化党的组织功能，削弱党的组织优势，引发党内组织生活庸俗化和随意化。“只有党的各级组织都健全、都过硬，形成上下贯通、执行有力的严密组织体系，党的领导才能‘如身使臂，如臂使指’”。新的历史条件下，我们仍然需要进一步强化党的组织力，构建严密的组织体系。

First, optimize the Party’s primary-level organizations. General Secretary Xi Jinping points out, “Primary-level Party organizations are the foundation of the Party’s ruling edifice; if the foundation is solid, the edifice is strong; if the foundation is loose, the edifice will collapse.” Optimizing primary-level organizations should be taken as an important foundation for enhancing organizational cohesion. To optimize the Party’s primary-level organizations, one must, based on regional characteristics, industry traits, and the distribution of Party members, precisely plan the layout of primary-level organizations and expand the coverage of primary-level Party organizations, “ensuring that wherever Party members work and live, Party organizations are established there.” Second, innovate the activity methods of primary-level Party organizations, construct an open pattern of Party building, improve organizational work mechanisms, and create an organizational system that is connected from top to bottom, authoritative, and efficient. Second, enhance the Party’s organizational functions. The Party’s organizational functions are related to its leadership capacity and are an important support for constructing a rigorous organizational system. To enhance the Party’s organizational functions, one must take improving organizational cohesion and combat effectiveness as important goals. By making intra-Party organizational life serious, implementing the Party’s organizational line for the New Era, continuously rectifying weak and lax primary-level Party organizations, and focusing on enhancing the Party’s functions of political leadership, organizational cohesion, and serving the masses, a work pattern of Party leadership that extends vertically to the bottom, horizontally to the edges, and covers all areas should be formed. One must also address the shortcomings and weaknesses in the construction of primary-level Party organizations, establish and improve an organizational system including organizational operation, organizational supervision, and organizational management, and enhance the effectiveness of organizational work. Third, give play to the vanguard and exemplary role of Party members. Party members are the cells of the Party’s body; the Party’s organizational system must be consolidated by the vanguard and exemplary role of the vast number of Party members. Practice has repeatedly proven that “the strength and role of a Marxist political party depend not only on the number of Party members but, more importantly, on their quality.” To construct a rigorous organizational system, it is necessary to strengthen the construction of the Party member contingent, strictly enforce the requirements for Party membership, and strictly manage and educate Party members. It is necessary to strengthen Party members’ political training, ideological tempering, and practical exercise, so that a high-quality contingent loyal to the Party and fulfilling their duties becomes an important guarantee for enhancing the Party’s organizational capacity.

第一，优化党的基层组织。习近平总书记指出，“基层党组织是党执政大厦的地基，地基固则大厦坚，地基松则大厦倾”，要把优化基层组织作为提升组织凝聚力的重要基础。优化党的基层组织，一要依据地域特点、行业特性与党员分布状况，精准谋划基层组织布局，扩大基层党组织覆盖面，“做到党员工作生活在哪里、党组织就覆盖到哪里”；二要创新基层党组织活动方式，构建开放式党建格局，健全组织工作机制，打造上下贯通、权威高效的组织体系。第二，增强党的组织功能。党的组织功能关乎党的领导力，是构建严密组织体系的重要依托。增强党的组织功能，要以提升组织凝聚力和战斗力为重要目标，通过严肃党内组织生活，落实新时代党的组织路线，持续整顿软弱涣散基层党组织，着力提升党的组织的政治领导、组织凝聚、服务群众等功能，形成党的领导纵到底、横到边、全覆盖的工作格局；要补齐基层党组织建设短板与弱项，建立健全包括组织运行、组织监督、组织管理等在内的组织制度体系，提升组织工作实效。第三，发挥党员的先锋模范作用。党员是党的肌体的细胞，党的组织体系要靠广大党员发挥先锋模范作用来牢固。实践反复证明，“马克思主义政党的力量和作用，既取决于党员数量，更取决于党员质量”。构建严密的组织体系，必须加强党员队伍建设，严格执行入党条件要求，严格党员教育与管理；必须强化党员的政治历练、思想淬炼、实践锻炼，让对党忠诚、履职尽责的高素质队伍成为增强党的组织力的重要保障。

2. Upholding the Authority of the Party Central Committee and Its Centralized, Unified Leadership

2. 维护党中央权威和集中统一领导

Lenin criticized the Mensheviks’ idea of equating the Party with trade unions, profoundly interpreting that the Party is the leading core of the working class and other organizations, providing scientific guidance for upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership in the New Era. As General Secretary Xi Jinping points out, “The Party’s leadership is the ‘stabil

列宁批判孟什维克将党与工会相等同的思想，深刻诠释了党是工人阶级及其他组织的领导核心，为新时代维护党中央权威和集中统一领导提供了科学指导。正如习近平总书记指出，“党的领导是党和国家事业不断发展的‘定海神针’”。党的十八大以来，党的集中统一领导得到全面强化，但背离党的领导的深层次问题并未彻底解决，“党内存在不少对坚持党的领导认识模糊、行动乏力问题，存在不少落实党的领导弱化、虚化、淡化问题”。因此，要学习列宁同孟什维克损害党的领导的言行作斗争的勇气，牢固树立维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的政治自觉。

First, give play to the Party’s core leadership role in exercising overall leadership. This is the fundamental guarantee for upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership. It is necessary to uphold and strengthen the Party’s overall leadership, resolutely implement the Party’s theories, lines, principles and policies, and enhance the Party’s ability to set the direction, plan the overall situation, and grasp major matters. It is necessary to stand firm and take a clear-cut stand on issues of major principle, ensure that the Party Central Committee’s orders and decrees are unimpeded and its work is efficient, consciously maintain a high degree of alignment with the Party Central Committee in thought, politics and action, and “earnestly ensure that what the Party Central Committee advocates is resolutely responded to, what the Party Central Committee decides is resolutely implemented, and what the Party Central Committee prohibits is resolutely not done.” [23]23 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (January 13, 2020), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 312. Second, adhere to taking the Party’s political construction as the guide. Taking a clear-cut stand on politics is the fundamental guarantee for a Marxist political party to consolidate its ruling position; “without a strong political guarantee, the Party’s unity and solidarity would be empty words.” [24]24 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CPC” (October 25, 2017), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 72. To this end, political construction of the Party should be placed first among all aspects of Party building, strengthen the “Four Consciousnesses,” [25]25 The “Four Consciousnesses” refer to the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in terms of the big picture, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership. fortify the “Four Confidences,” [26]26 The “Four Confidences” refer to confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics. achieve the “Two Upholds,” [27]27 The “Two Upholds” refer to upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership. and enhance the political nature, principled nature and militant nature of intra-Party political life. Intra-Party political culture should be integrated into the spiritual bloodline of Communists, using the power of ideals and convictions, spiritual appeal and moral integrity to sharpen political judgment, political understanding and political execution, and consolidate the political foundation of the Party’s leadership. Third, consolidate and improve the institutional system for the Party’s overall leadership. Upholding the authority of the Party Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership requires a complete set of institutional arrangements. It is necessary to improve the implementation mechanism for major decisions of the Party Central Committee, build scientific and effective supporting mechanisms such as education and punishment, inspection and patrol, supervision and evaluation, resolutely rectify problems such as lack of reverence, indifference and non-implementation of the Party Central Committee’s decisions and deployments, achieve coordinated efforts of governing the Party by institutions and by intra-Party regulations, and promote the various systems to become more mature and well-defined.

第一，发挥党总揽全局的领导核心作用。这是维护党中央权威和集中统一领导的根本保证。要坚持和加强党的全面领导，坚决贯彻党的理论和路线方针政策，提升党把方向、谋大局、抓大事的能力。要在大是大非问题面前立场坚定、旗帜鲜明，保证党中央政令畅通和工作高效，自觉在思想上政治上行动上同党中央保持高度一致，“切实做到党中央提倡的坚决响应，党中央决定的坚决执行，党中央禁止的坚决不做”。第二，坚持以党的政治建设为统领。旗帜鲜明讲政治是马克思主义政党巩固执政地位的根本保障，“没有强有力的政治保证，党的团结统一就是一句空话”。为此，要将党的政治建设摆在党的各项建设的首位，增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”，增强党内政治生活的政治性、原则性、战斗性。要将党内政治文化融入共产党人的精神血脉，用理想信念、精神感召、德性操守的力量磨砺政治判断力、政治领悟力、政治执行力，筑牢党的领导的政治根基。第三，巩固和完善党的全面领导的制度体系。维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，需要一整套制度安排。要完善党中央重大决策落实机制，构建科学有效的教育惩处、巡察巡视、监督评估等配套机制，坚决整治对待党中央决策部署不敬畏、不在乎、不落实等问题，实现制度治党和依规治党协同发力，推动各方面制度更加成熟定型。

3. Uphold and improve democratic centralism

3. 坚持和完善民主集中制

Lenin’s refutation of the Menshevik view of “autonomism” enabled the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party to recognize the true face of “autonomism” and eliminate major differences in ideological understanding. Since its founding, the Communist Party of China has established democratic centralism as its fundamental organizational principle and has improved and developed it in practice, playing an important role in unifying the will of the entire Party and achieving organizational consolidation. However, it must be recognized that problems such as democracy without centralism, centralism lacking democracy, and “blockages in the middle” still exist, and shortcomings such as “discussing without deciding” and “deciding without acting” urgently need to be addressed. Some people “believe that democratic centralism means first democracy, then centralism, treating the relationship between democracy and centralism as a relationship between two successive stages.” [28]28 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the National Conference on Organizational Work” (July 3, 2018), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 189. General Secretary Xi Jinping has warned the entire Party: “We must uphold and improve the systems and principles of democratic centralism… enhance coordination and cooperation, form a strong synergy for governing the country, and effectively prevent the phenomenon of mutual obstruction and serious internal friction.” [29]29 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Celebration of the 95th Anniversary of the Founding of the CPC” (July 1, 2016), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2023), p. 534. Lenin’s scientific exposition of centralism in *One Step Forward, Two Steps Back*, and his idea that the proletarian party should strengthen its organizational construction by applying the principle of centralism, provide important inspiration for this.

列宁批驳孟什维克“自治制”观点，使俄国社会民主党人认清了“自治制”的本来面目，排除了思想认识上的重大分歧。中国共产党自成立伊始就把民主集中制确立为根本组织原则，并在实践中加以完善和发展，对于统一全党意志、实现组织巩固，起到了重要的保障作用。然而必须看到，民主不集中、集中缺民主、中间“肠梗阻”等难题仍然存在，“议而不决”“决而不行”等短板急需补齐。一些人“认为民主集中制就是先民主、后集中，把民主和集中的关系看成是先后两个阶段的关系”。习近平总书记告诫全党，“我们要坚持和完善民主集中制的制度和原则……增进协调和配合，形成治国理政的强大合力，切实防止出现相互掣肘、内耗严重的现象”。列宁在《进一步，退两步》中对集中制的科学阐述，指出的无产阶级政党要通过运用集中制原则来加强党的组织建设的思想为此提供了重要启迪。

First, uphold and develop whole-process people’s democracy. Whole-process people’s democracy is a democracy that covers every link, every sector, and every dimension. To develop whole-process people’s democracy, it is necessary to adhere to the combination of centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under the guidance of centralism, broaden channels for democratic participation, improve the system of democratic oversight, and ensure the scientific and democratic nature of decision-making; it is necessary to build a multi-tiered, regularized system of consultation, to carry out in-depth and extensive consultation between political parties, people’s congresses, government, people’s organizations, and at the grassroots level, to fully absorb suggestions from all sides, to effectively balance democracy and efficiency, and to highlight the advantages of democratic centralism. Second, strengthen education on democratic centralism. Through regularly carrying out diverse activities such as special lectures, centralized training, and online learning, Party members and cadres should be guided to deeply understand the spiritual essence and operational procedures of democratic centralism, to overcome the erroneous tendency of one-sidedly emphasizing either democracy or centralism, and to enhance their ideological consciousness in implementing democratic centralism. New media platforms such as websites, short videos, and mobile client applications should be used to widely publicize advanced models of implementing democratic centralism, and vivid and lively cases should be used to guide the broad masses of Party members to recognize the role of democratic centralism in building consensus and making efficient decisions, so that the concept of democratic centralism is deeply rooted in people’s hearts. Third, improve and perfect the institutional system of democratic centralism. It is necessary to improve the decision-making mechanism, leadership mechanism, and guarantee mechanism of democratic centralism, to comprehensively review existing intra-Party regulations concerning democratic centralism, identify and fill gaps, to refine and improve relevant provisions on key links such as collective leadership and individual responsibility, and to enhance the targeted nature and operability of the system. It is necessary to integrate diverse forces such as intra-Party oversight, public opinion oversight, and mass oversight to form an all-round, multi-dimensional oversight network, “fully mobilizing oversight by superiors over subordinates, oversight among peers, and oversight by subordinates over superiors,” [30]30 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (11 January 2018), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 3, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2024, p. 517. ensuring that democratic centralism is implemented and achieves tangible results.

第一，坚持和发展全过程人民民主。全过程人民民主是全链条、全覆盖、全方位的民主。发展全过程人民民主，要坚持民主基础上的集中和集中指导下的民主相结合，拓宽民主参与渠道，健全民主监督体系，保障决策的科学性与民主性；要构建多层次、常态化的协商体系，开展深入广泛的政党协商、人大协商、政府协商、人民团体协商以及基层协商，充分吸纳各方建议，有效平衡民主与效率，彰显民主集中制优势。第二，加强民主集中制教育。要通过定期开展专题讲座、集中培训、线上学习等形式多样的活动，引导党员干部深刻理解民主集中制的精神实质与运行程序，克服片面强调民主或集中的错误倾向，增强贯彻民主集中制的思想自觉。要利用网站、短视频、移动客户端等新媒体平台广泛宣传落实民主集中制的先进典型，以生动鲜活的案例引导广大党员认识民主集中制在凝聚共识、高效决策等方面的作用，使民主集中制理念深入人心。第三，健全和完善民主集中制制度体系。要健全民主集中制的决策机制、领导机制、保障机制，对现有涉及民主集中制的党内法规制度进行全面梳理、查缺补漏，细化完善集体领导和分工负责等关键环节的相关规定，增强制度的针对性与可操作性。要整合党内监督、舆论监督、群众监督等多元力量，形成全方位、立体化的监督网络，“把上级对下级、同级之间以及下级对上级的监督充分调动起来”，确保民主集中制落到实处、见到实效。

4. Strictly Enforce Party Discipline and Rules

4. 严明党的纪律与规矩

Lenin’s view on strict Party discipline provided an important guarantee for unifying the thought and action of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Strict discipline and rules are the organizational advantage of our Party as a century-old major party and a Marxist ruling party. Entering the New Era, our Party has regularly carried out discipline education, guiding all Party members to consciously abide by discipline and creating a clean and upright political ecosystem within the Party. However, it cannot be denied that “some Party members and cadres still turn a deaf ear to disciplinary regulations, engage in the ‘four forms of decadence’ [31]31 The “four forms of decadence” (四风) refers to formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance, which were the target of a Party-wide rectification campaign launched after the 18th National Congress of the CPC in 2012. without scruple, and commit corruption with a sense of impunity.” [32]32 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (12 January 2016), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 2, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2022, p. 148. Failure to change this situation will damage the Party’s image in the eyes of the people and hinder the deepening of comprehensive and strict governance of the Party in all respects. “What does it rely on to govern the Party and govern it strictly? It relies on strict discipline.” [33]33 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (22 January 2013), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021, p. 133. This is General Secretary Xi Jinping’s summary of experience in Party building in the New Era and an innovative development of Lenin’s thought on Party discipline, providing a guide to action for unswervingly advancing comprehensive and strict governance of the Party on the new journey.

列宁关于严格党的纪律的观点，为俄国社会民主党统一思想和行动提供了重要保障。严格纪律和规矩是我们党作为百年大党和马克思主义执政党的组织优势。进入新时代，我们党常态化开展纪律教育，引导全体党员自觉遵守纪律，营造风清气正的党内政治生态。然而不可否认，“一些党员、干部对纪律规定还置若罔闻，搞‘四风’毫无顾忌，搞腐败心存侥幸”。不改变这种局面，将损害党在人民心中的形象，阻碍全面从严治党向纵深发展。“党要管党、从严治党，靠什么管，凭什么治？就要靠严明纪律”。这是习近平总书记对新时代党的建设的经验总结，也是对列宁党的纪律思想的创新发展，为新征程上坚定不移地推进全面从严治党提供了行动指南。

First, strictly enforce the Party’s political discipline. Party discipline encompasses many aspects; political discipline is the most fundamental and core discipline, and abiding by political discipline is the guarantee for strictly enforcing all other Party disciplines. “If a political party does not strictly enforce political discipline, it will fall apart.” [34]34 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (22 January 2013), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021, p. 133. This essential attribute of the Party’s political discipline determines that strictly enforcing Party discipline must give play to the overarching role of political discipline, ensuring that political discipline becomes an important guarantee for all Party members to adhere to the correct political direction and political stance. Strictly observing political discipline should be treated as a major political principle, and all words and deeds that violate the Party’s political discipline must be resolutely investigated and corrected, creating a clean and upright political ecosystem within the Party. Second, improve and perfect intra-Party regulations. Intra-Party regulations are an important basis for strictly enforcing Party discipline. It is necessary to improve the system of intra-Party regulations with the Party Constitution as the foundation, to give play to the incentive and constraining role of the regulatory system, to highlight the guiding and targeted nature of intra-Party regulations, to establish discipline and rules, and “to truly ensure that whoever treats the law as a trifle will inevitably suffer the punishment of the law.” [35]35 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (22 January 2013), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021, p. 134. Third, strengthen the enforcement of discipline. The key to strictly enforcing Party discipline lies in implementation and execution. “Many problems are not due to the absence of policies and regulations, but to the failure to implement existing policies and regulations.” [36]36 Xi Jinping, “Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the 18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” (22 January 2013), in *Selected Readings of Xi Jinping’s Works*, vol. 1, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2021, p. 134. This requires Party organizations at all levels and Party members and cadres to improve their capacity for discipline enforcement, to resolutely uphold the seriousness and authority of discipline, to insist that everyone is equal before Party discipline and that there are no exceptions in the enforcement of discipline; and at the same time, to strengthen regular discipline education, to make Party rules and discipline a compulsory course in Party spirit education, and to truly achieve the principle that discipline must be enforced when it is established, violations must be investigated when they occur, and offenders must be punished.

第一，严明党的政治纪律。党的纪律包含多个方面，政治纪律是最根本、最核心的纪律，遵守政治纪律是严明党的各项纪律的保证。“一个政党，不严明政治纪律，就会分崩离析。”党的政治纪律的这一本质属性决定了严明党的纪律必须发挥政治纪律的管总作用，确保政治纪律成为全体党员坚持正确政治方向和政治立场的重要保障。要把严守政治纪律作为重大政治原则，坚决纠察一切违反党的政治纪律的言行，营造风清气正的党内政治生态。第二，健全和完善党内法规。党内法规是严明党的纪律的重要依据。要完善以党章为根本的党内法规体系，发挥法规制度的激励约束作用，突出党内法规的指导性与针对性，把纪律和规矩立起来，“真正做到谁把法律当儿戏，谁就必然要受到法律的惩罚”。第三，强化纪律执行力。严格党的纪律关键在于执行和落实。“很多问题，不是没有政策规定，而是有政策规定却不执行。”这就要求各级党组织和党员干部必须提高纪律执行力，坚决维护纪律的严肃性与权威性，既要坚持党纪面前人人平等，执行纪律没有例外；又要强化经常性纪律教育，把党规党纪作为党性教育的必修课，真正做到执纪必严、乱纪必查、违纪必究。

Online Editor: Paul

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