The Multiple Meanings of the Concepts “Socialist Revolution” and “Socialism” in Lenin’s Writings after the October Revolution

In Lenin’s writings after the October Revolution, the concepts “socialist revolution” and “socialism” appear frequently. The meanings of these concepts are extremely profound and rich. They by no means refer simply to the practice of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Russian people in their current exploration of the socialist path. It can be said that these concepts possess a far-reaching future perspective, a broad world perspective, and a spirit that praises the heroic struggle of the RCP(B) and the people, as well as their determination and confidence in advancing the cause unceasingly. The author wishes to conduct a study on these issues and exchange views with academic colleagues.

在十月革命后列宁的著述中，较多地出现“社会主义革命”“社会主义”概念。这些概念的含义十分深刻和丰富。它远不是指俄共（布）和俄国人民当下探索社会主义途径的实践。可以说，这些概念具有深远的未来视野、宽广的世界视野以及褒扬俄共（布）和人民英勇斗争的精神和褒扬他们使事业永续前进的决心和信心。笔者愿就这些问题作一研究，与学术界同仁交流。

I. The concepts of “socialist revolution” and “socialism” in Lenin’s writings are concepts he put forward by linking and unifying the current practice of the RCP(B) with the future of that practice.

一、列宁著述中的“社会主义革命”“社会主义”概念，是列宁将俄共（布）当下的实践与实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量而提出的概念

In the early period after the victory of the October Revolution, that is, in Lenin’s writings from October 1917 to March 1918, there are already many concepts of “socialist revolution” put forward by linking and unifying the current practice of the RCP(B) with the future of that practice. In mid-to-late November 1917 (Old Style), Lenin attended the Extraordinary All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Peasants’ Deputies and delivered a speech. Given that the Socialist Revolutionaries held a majority among the congress delegates and the Bolsheviks a minority, Lenin clearly and emphatically raised and stressed that the current Russian revolution was a socialist revolution. He said: “This revolution is a socialist revolution. The abolition of private ownership of land, the introduction of workers’ control and the nationalisation of the banks — all these are measures that lead towards socialism. This is not yet socialism, but it is a measure that leads us forward by great strides towards socialism.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 33. The logical thread of this judgment is as follows: the current measures taken by the RCP(B) leading the people, such as abolishing the private ownership of land by the landlords and distributing all land equally among the peasant households according to the number of family members, introducing workers’ control and nationalising the banks, are not measures of socialist revolution (Lenin pointed out in April 1917 that these measures were compatible with the development of capitalism), but taking these measures is beneficial for Soviet Russia’s future advance towards socialist revolution. Therefore, it is necessary to affirm that the current Russian revolution is a socialist revolution. This shows that Lenin linked and unified the current practice of the RCP(B) and the people with the future of their practice, and based on this consideration, he reached the conclusion that the current Russian revolution was a socialist revolution. In his speech at the same congress, Lenin also pointed out: “A close alliance between the workers and the exploited peasants, and an unswerving struggle for Soviet power, will lead us to socialism. Any party that truly wants to be a party of the people must say clearly and unequivocally: our revolution is a socialist revolution.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 255. The meaning of this judgment is that the major struggles currently waged by the Russian people “will lead” Soviet Russia to advance towards socialist revolution in the future. Since Soviet Russia will advance towards socialist revolution in the future, it is necessary to recognise the current revolution as a socialist revolution. This judgment also shows that Lenin linked and unified the current struggle of the RCP(B) and the people with their future struggle, and based on this consideration, he affirmed that the current Russian revolution was a socialist revolution.

在十月革命胜利初期即1917年10月至1918年3月列宁的著述中，就有许多将俄共（布）当前的实践与实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量而提出的关于“社会主义革命”的概念。1917年11月（俄历）中下旬，列宁出席全俄农民代表苏维埃非常代表大会并发表讲话。鉴于会议代表里社会革命党人占多数，布尔什维克的代表占少数，列宁明确高调地提出和强调当下的俄国革命是社会主义革命。他说：“这次革命是社会主义革命。消灭土地私有制、实行工人监督和银行国有化，这一切都是导向社会主义的措施。这还不是社会主义，但这是引导我们大踏步地走向社会主义的措施。”这一论断的思想逻辑是这样的：当下俄共（布）领导人民采取的措施如消灭地主土地私有制并把全国土地按农户人口多少平均地分配给农民、实行工人监督和银行国有化不是社会主义革命的措施（列宁1917年4月曾指明这些措施是同资本主义发展相容的措施），但采取这些措施有利于苏俄以后走向社会主义革命，所以必须肯定当前的俄国革命是社会主义革命。这说明，列宁是将当下俄共（布）和人民的实践同他们实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量的，是根据这一考量而得出当下的俄国革命是社会主义革命的结论的。列宁在此次会议上的讲话中还指出：“工人和被剥削农民的紧密联盟、为苏维埃政权而进行的坚定不移的斗争，会引导我们走向社会主义。任何一个政党真正想要成为人民的政党，就必须明确地、斩钉截铁地说：我国革命是社会主义革命。”这一论断的意思是，当下俄国人民所进行的重大斗争“会引导”苏俄以后走向社会主义革命。由于苏俄以后会走向社会主义革命，所以必须认可当下的革命是社会主义革命。这个论断也说明，列宁是将俄共（布）和人民当下的斗争与他们未来的斗争联系起来和统一起来考量的，并根据这个考量而认定当下的俄国革命是社会主义革命的。

In mid-January 1918, in his work report to the Third All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, Lenin pointed out: “I cherish no illusions; I know that we are only just entering the period of transition to socialism, and that we have not yet reached socialism. But if you say that our state is a socialist Soviet republic, you will be right, just as people are right when they call many bourgeois republics in Western Europe democratic republics, although everyone knows that not a single most democratic republic is fully democratic.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 1. In this judgment, Lenin put forward a conclusion: Soviet Russia was only just beginning to enter the period of transition to socialism; it had not yet reached socialism. But at the same time, he stated that if someone said Soviet Russia was a socialist state, that too was correct. It was like many bourgeois states in Western Europe that lacked democracy but were called “democratic states” by some. Although Soviet Russia did not yet have a socialist system at present, it would certainly have one in the future, so it could be recognised as a socialist state. Here, Lenin’s method of thought was also to link and unify the current practice of the RCP(B) and the people with the future of their practice, thereby reaching the conclusion that the Soviet state was a socialist state. In his report to the same congress, Lenin also pointed out: “We are far from having even completed the transition from capitalism to socialism. … We have never cherished any illusions on this score; we know how difficult the road from capitalism to socialism is, but we must say that our Soviet republic is a socialist republic, because we have already set out on this road, and these words are by no means empty phrases.” [4]4 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. Here his thought is that, although Soviet Russia was far from having completed the transition period and far from having entered socialist society, it was necessary to say that the Soviet republic was a socialist republic, on the grounds that Soviet Russia had already set out on this road. It can be seen that, having set out on this road — that is, tending towards the road to socialist society — it could be recognised as a socialist republic, because Lenin linked and unified the current practice with the future of that practice, i.e., the future socialist society, and put forward the corresponding conclusion based on this consideration.

1918年1月中旬，列宁在全俄工兵农代表苏维埃第三次代表大会上的工作报告中指出：“我并不抱幻想，我知道我们才开始进入向社会主义过渡的时期，我们还没有达到社会主义。但如果你们说我们的国家是社会主义的苏维埃共和国，那你们是正确的，正如人们把西欧许多资产阶级共和国称为民主共和国是正确的一样，尽管谁都知道，没有一个最民主的共和国是完全民主的。” 在此论断里，列宁提出了一个结论：苏俄才开始进入向社会主义过渡的时期，它还没有达到社会主义。但同时他提出，如果有人说苏俄是社会主义国家，那也是正确的。如同西欧的许多资产阶级国家没有民主但有人把它说成是“民主国家”一样。苏俄现在虽没有社会主义制度，但它未来一定会有社会主义制度，所以可以认定它是社会主义国家。在这里，列宁的思想方法也是将俄共（布）和人民当下的实践与他们实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量，从而得出苏维埃国家是社会主义国家的结论的。列宁在此次大会上的报告中还指出：“我们甚至远没有结束从资本主义到社会主义的过渡时期。……我们从来没有在这方面产生过错觉，我们知道，从资本主义到社会主义的这条道路，是多么艰难，但是我们必须说，我们的苏维埃共和国是社会主义的共和国，因为我们已经走上了这条道路，而这些话决不是空话。” 这里他的思想是，苏俄虽远没有结束过渡时期，远没有进入社会主义社会，但必须说苏维埃共和国是社会主义共和国，理由是苏俄已经走上了这条道路。可以看出，走上了这条道路即趋向于社会主义社会的道路，就可以认定它是社会主义共和国，在于列宁是将当前的实践同实践的未来即未来的社会主义社会联系起来和统一起来考量并提出相应结论的。

During the period of the Russian Civil War, the concepts of socialism or communism in Lenin’s writings also display his method of thought and ideas of linking and unifying the current practice with the future of that practice. In May 1919, in a speech at a relevant meeting, Lenin said: “Most of those present who are under 30–35 years of age will live to see the flourishing of communism, which is still far off.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. In October 1920, he also pointed out on this issue: “The present generation of people about 50 years of age cannot expect to see communist society. By then they will be dead. But the present generation of people of 15 will see communist society and will build it with their own hands.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 57. The meaning here is that the current Soviet Russia did not yet have communist society (including its first phase, socialist society); in the relatively distant future, that is, 30 or 40 years later, socialist society would certainly be built. Those who were only 15 at present and would then reach 50 or 60 years of age would live in socialist society. His thought also includes the following content: the current members of the RCP(B) and the masses of the people must strive hard to realise socialism and communism, and work to build socialist society and communist society as soon as possible. This shows that, in Lenin’s thinking, on the one hand, one must look to the relatively distant future, that is, see the picture of socialist society already built 30 or 40 years later; on the other hand, one must see the significance of the current practice of the RCP(B) and the masses of the people, that is, they were carrying out a great socialist revolution and socialist construction. Clearly, Lenin linked and unified the current practice with the future of that practice in considering the issues of revolution and construction.

苏俄国内战争时期列宁著述中关于社会主义或共产主义的概念，也展现出他将当下的实践与实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量的思想方法及思想。1919年5月，列宁在有关会议上的讲话中说：“在场的不满30—35岁的人，大多数都能看到离我们还很远的共产主义的繁荣。”1920年10月，他就这个问题还指出：“现在50岁左右的这一代人，是不能指望看到共产主义社会了，那时候他们都死了。至于现在15岁的这一代人，就能够看到共产主义社会，也要亲手建设这个社会。”这里的意思是，当下的苏俄尚没有共产主义社会（包括它的第一阶段即社会主义社会），在较远的将来即30年、40年以后，社会主义社会定将建成。当下只有15岁，那时达到50岁、60岁的人，将生活在社会主义社会里。他的这一思想还包括这样的内容，当下的俄共（布）党员和人民群众要为实现社会主义和共产主义而努力奋斗，争取早日建成社会主义社会和共产主义社会。这说明，在列宁的思想上，一方面要看到较远的将来，即要看到30年、40年以后社会主义社会已经建成的图景，另一方面要看到当下俄共（布）和人民群众实践的意义，即他们正在进行伟大的社会主义革命和社会主义建设。显然列宁是将当下的实践和实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量革命和建设问题的。

In Lenin’s writings during the period of the New Economic Policy in Soviet Russia, there is no lack of examples where he used the concept of socialist society by linking and unifying the current practice with the future of that practice. In November 1922, in his speech at the plenary session of the Moscow Soviet, Lenin pointed out that socialism is not in the distant future, not an imagined abstract picture, and even less a mysterious, abstruse “sacred icon.” “We have dragged socialism into everyday life, and we must understand this.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 33. His meaning was that the masses of Soviet Russia were working actively to implement the New Economic Policy. The significance of their practice was extremely great; it could be said that they were carrying out economic construction and daily life in the spirit of socialism. Yet a genuine socialist society had not yet been born; it should lie in future practice. This is what Lenin said in the above-mentioned speech at the meeting: “Let me conclude my speech by expressing the conviction that, no matter how difficult this task may be, no matter how unfamiliar it may seem compared with our previous tasks, no matter how many difficulties it may bring us, if we all work together, not tomorrow but in a few years, we will in any case solve this task, and then the Russia of the New Economic Policy will become socialist Russia.” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 255. This shows that, in his thinking, the Russia of the present was the Russia of the New Economic Policy, a Russia that used the role of capitalism to build socialism. Only after several years or many years of effort could it become socialist Russia. Clearly, Lenin was considering the question of Soviet Russia’s socialist development by linking and unifying the current practice of the Soviet Russian people with the future of that practice. He recognized that the Soviet Russian people displayed the spirit of socialism in their current practice. Moreover, making Russia a socialist Russia was stipulated and required by the program of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and was the aspiration and goal of struggle of all the masses of Soviet Russia. From his recognition of the inevitability of the realization of this goal, Lenin greatly enhanced his recognition of the significance of the current practice of the masses, so he asserted that socialist society was not in the distant future; it had already been dragged into the people’s daily life.

在苏俄新经济政策时期列宁的著述中，也不乏将当下的实践和实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量而使用社会主义社会概念的例证。1922年11月，列宁在莫斯科苏维埃全会上的讲话中指出，社会主义不在遥远的将来，不是想象中的抽象的图景，更不是神秘的、玄奥的“圣像”。“我们把社会主义拖进了日常生活，我们应当弄清这一点。” 他的意思是，苏俄人民群众为实施新经济政策而积极的工作。他们的实践意义十分重大，可以说他们是以社会主义的精神面貌展开经济建设和日常生活的。可是真正的社会主义社会尚没有诞生，它应该在以后的实践中。这就是列宁在上述会议上的讲话中所说的：“让我在结束讲话时表示一个信念：不管这个任务是多么困难，不管它和我们从前的任务比起来是多么生疏，不管它会给我们带来多少困难，只要我们大家共同努力，不是在明天，而是在几年之中，无论如何会解决这个任务，这样，新经济政策的俄国将变成社会主义的俄国。” 这说明，在他的思想上，当下的俄国是新经济政策的俄国，是利用资本主义的作用来建设社会主义的俄国。只有经过几年或多年的努力，它才能变成社会主义的俄国。显然，列宁是将苏俄人民当下的实践和实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量其社会主义发展问题的。他认识到，苏俄人民在当下的实践中展现了社会主义的精神面貌。而且使俄国变成社会主义的俄国，是俄共（布）的纲领所规定和要求的，是苏俄全体人民群众的心愿和奋斗目标。列宁由对这个目标实现的必然性的认识进而极大地增强了对当下人民群众实践意义的认识，所以他断言社会主义社会不在遥远的将来，它已经被拖进了人民的日常生活中。

In summary, in Lenin’s thinking, the Russia of the present had not yet built a socialist society, or, in other words, was not yet a socialist society. More directly, it was still in a historical stage prior to socialist society. Yet its future was socialist society and communist society. The goal of the current practice of the Soviet Russian people was how to consolidate Soviet power and how to restore the national economy. Of course, their practice could also be seen as actions exploring the path of socialist construction, but “exploring the path” was neither equivalent to having built a socialist society nor equivalent to immediately marching toward the goal of communist society.

综上所述，在列宁的思想中，当下的俄国尚没有建成社会主义社会或者说还不是社会主义社会。更直接地说，它尚处于社会主义社会以前的历史阶段。可是它的未来是社会主义社会和共产主义社会。苏俄人民当下实践的目标是如何巩固苏维埃政权和如何恢复国民经济。当然也可以把他们的实践看成为探索社会主义建设途径的行动，可是“探索途径”既不等于建成了社会主义社会，也不等于立即向共产主义社会的目标进军。

Using Marx and Engels’ theory of the “transition period” to consider the practice of Russia at that time and the meaning of Lenin’s related concepts, it can be seen that Lenin’s understanding of the historical stage in which Soviet Russia then found itself fully conformed to the theory of the “transition period.” In May 1918, Lenin clearly pointed out in a relevant article: “It seems that no one who has studied the economic problems of Russia has denied the transitional nature of this economy. It also seems that no communist has denied that the name ‘Socialist Soviet Republic’ signifies the determination of Soviet power to achieve the transition to socialism, and not at all that the new economic system is a socialist system.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 1. The meaning of this judgment is very clear: Soviet Russian society was not a socialist society; it was then in a “transition period.” It seems that only by linking and unifying the current practice with the future of that practice, and looking at the present from the perspective of the future, did Lenin propose that the current Russian revolution was a socialist revolution and that the current Soviet Russian society was a socialist society.

用马克思恩格斯关于“过渡时期”的理论来考量俄国当时的实践和列宁相关概念的含义，可以看出，列宁对苏俄当时所处历史阶段的认识完全符合“过渡时期”的理论。1918年5月，列宁在有关文章中明确地指出：“看来，还没有一个专心研究俄国经济问题的人否认过这种经济的过渡性质。看来，也没有一个共产主义者否认过社会主义苏维埃共和国这个名称是表明苏维埃政权有决心实现向社会主义的过渡，而决不是表明新的经济制度就是社会主义制度。”此论断的意思十分清楚，苏俄社会不是社会主义社会，它当下处于“过渡时期”。看来，列宁只是把当下的实践和实践的未来联系起来和统一起来考量，从未来看当下，才提出当下的俄国革命是社会主义革命，才提出苏俄当前社会是社会主义社会。

II. The Concepts of “Socialist Revolution” and “Socialism” in Lenin’s Writings Are Concepts Proposed by Lenin by Linking and Unifying the Russian Revolution with the Revolution of All Europe and the World Revolution

二、列宁著述中的“社会主义革命”“社会主义”概念，是列宁将俄国革命与全欧洲的革命以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来考量而提出的概念

The concepts of “socialist revolution” and “socialism” that appeared in Lenin’s writings after the October Revolution are concepts proposed by Lenin by linking and unifying the Russian revolution with the revolution of all Europe and the world revolution. For example, in April 1918, in *The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government*, Lenin proposed: “In any socialist revolution, and therefore also in the Russian socialist revolution which we began on October 25, 1917, the main task of the proletariat and the poor peasants it leads is the positive or creative work of setting up an extremely complex and delicate new system of organization for the planned production and distribution of the products necessary for the existence of millions of people.” [4]4 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. Textually, here he indicates that the Russian revolution was a socialist revolution. However, multiple meanings can be read from this judgment. One meaning is what has already been discussed above: the meaning of Lenin linking and unifying the current practice of Soviet Russia with the future of that practice. He said that the proletariat in this revolution must carry out creative work and establish a new social organizational system, i.e., a new social system (more directly, a socialist society). Clearly, this was not a task that the Soviet Russian masses could complete in the present, but a task they could complete in the future. Another meaning is the meaning of linking and unifying the Russian revolution with the revolution of all Europe and the world. In the concluding part of this work, Lenin proposed: “The international situation is very serious, difficult, and dangerous; we must maneuver and retreat; this is a period of waiting for the revolution to break out again in Western Europe, which is maturing extremely slowly.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. The phrase “this is a period of waiting for the revolution to break out again in Western Europe, which is maturing extremely slowly” means that the revolutions in Western European countries were in the process of maturing and could break out in the near future. The Soviet Russian people needed to wait for the revolution in Western Europe, so as to form a situation where the Russian revolution and the Western European revolution advanced side by side and supported each other. This idea of Lenin was an idea of jointly advancing revolution across all Europe, or an idea of correctly understanding the Russian revolution by linking and unifying it with the revolution of all Europe.

十月革命后列宁著述中出现的“社会主义革命”“社会主义”等概念，是列宁将俄国革命与全欧洲以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来考量而提出的概念。譬如，列宁1918年4月在《苏维埃政权的当前任务》中提出：“在任何社会主义革命中，因而也在我们于1917年10月25日所开始的俄国社会主义革命中，无产阶级和它所领导的贫苦农民的主要任务，却是进行积极的或者说创造性的工作，就是要把对千百万人生存所必需的产品进行有计划的生产和分配这一极其复杂和精密的新的组织系统建立起来。”从文字上看，这里他指明俄国革命是社会主义革命。然而，从这一论断里可以解读出多重含义。一重含义是上文已经论述过的，列宁将当下苏俄的实践同实践的未来联系起来和统一起来的含义。他说无产阶级在这场革命中要进行创造性的工作，要将新的社会组织系统即新社会制度（更直接地说是社会主义社会）建立起来。显然这不是苏俄人民群众当下可以完成的任务，而是他们在未来可以完成的任务。另一重含义是将俄国革命与全欧洲以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来的含义。在此著作的结尾部分，列宁提出：“国际方面的情况是非常严重、困难和危险的；必须随机应变和退却；这是等待西欧极其缓慢地成熟起来的革命重新爆发的时期”。所谓“这是等待西欧极其缓慢地成熟起来的革命重新爆发的时期”，意思是说西欧各国的革命正在成熟的过程中，近期内有可能爆发。苏俄人民需要等待西欧的革命，以形成俄国革命和西欧革命齐头并进、相互支持的态势。列宁的这个思想是全欧洲共同推进革命的思想，或者说是将俄国革命与全欧洲革命联系起来和统一起来从而正确地认识俄国革命的思想。

It must also be pointed out that in his speech at the Seventh (Emergency) Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) held in March 1918, Lenin expressed more clearly the idea of linking and unifying the Russian revolution with the revolution in all of Europe and the world revolution, thereby correctly understanding the significance of the Russian revolution. He said: “Herein lies the greatest difficulty of the Russian revolution, its greatest historical task: the need to resolve the international task, the need to arouse the international revolution, the need to transform our revolution from a revolution of a single country into a world revolution.” [1]1 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 33. A few days after the public release of “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government,” Lenin drafted a “Theses on the Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government.” It stated: “The Soviet Republic must adopt the following strategy: on the one hand, to exert every effort to develop the country’s economy as quickly as possible, strengthen national defense capabilities, and build a powerful socialist army; on the other hand, in international policy, it must implement a strategy of adapting to circumstances, retreating, and waiting for the final maturation of the world proletarian revolution (a revolution that is now maturing more rapidly than before in many advanced countries).” [2]2 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 34, p. 255. The facts show that when Lenin proposed in “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government” that the revolution that broke out in Russia on October 25, 1917, was a socialist revolution, there was a tightly drawn string in his mind—the need to resolve the international task, the need to arouse the world revolution; when the all-European revolution or international revolution had not yet broken out, it was necessary to adapt to circumstances and retreat, and to wait for the all-European revolution or the world revolution. Therefore, when people understand Lenin’s concept or formulation that the Russian revolution was a “socialist revolution,” they must view this concept or formulation from the perspective of Lenin’s overall thought during this period. The aforementioned so-called tightly drawn “string” in Lenin’s thought, even if it does not constitute his entire thought at the time, is an extremely important and broadly encompassing part of his overall thought. If one respects this fact, one can understand that Lenin discussed the nature and significance of the Russian revolution by linking and unifying it with the all-European revolution and the world revolution.

还需提出的是，列宁在1918年3月举行的俄共（布）第七次（紧急）代表大会上的讲话中，更明确地表达了将俄国革命与全欧洲以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来从而正确地认识俄国革命意义的思想。他说：“在这里，俄国革命最大的困难，最大的历史课题就是：必须解决国际任务，必须唤起国际革命，必须从我们仅仅一国的革命转变成世界革命。” 在《苏维埃政权的当前任务》公开发表几天后，列宁提出一个《关于苏维埃政权的当前任务的提纲》。其中写道：“苏维埃共和国必须采取以下策略：一方面，要竭尽全力以求最快地发展国家的经济，加强国防力量，建立强大的社会主义军队；另一方面，在国际政策方面必须实行随机应变、退却和等待世界无产阶级革命（这个革命正在许多先进国家内比以前更迅速地成熟起来）最后成熟的策略。”事实说明，列宁在《苏维埃政权的当前任务》里提出俄国1917年10月25日爆发的革命是社会主义革命时，他的脑子里有一根紧绷的弦——必须解决国际任务，必须唤起世界革命；在全欧洲革命或国际革命未爆发的时候，必须随机应变和退却，必须等待全欧洲的革命或世界革命。所以人们在认识列宁关于俄国革命是“社会主义革命”的概念或提法时，必须从这一时期列宁的思想整体来看这个概念或提法。上述所谓列宁思想上紧绷的一根“弦”，即使不是他此时的整体思想，也是其整体思想中的极重要、涵盖面极大的一部分内容。如果尊重这个事实，则可以知晓，列宁是将俄国革命与全欧洲革命以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来而论俄国革命的性质和意义的。

In November 1920, the Russian Civil War had already been won, and history was about to enter a new period of peaceful construction. At this time, it was particularly important to summarize the thought and practice since the October Revolution. In a speech at a relevant meeting, Lenin stated: “Three years ago, when we raised the question of the tasks of the Russian proletarian revolution and the conditions for its victory, we always said clearly: without the support of the West European proletarian revolution, this victory cannot be consolidated; only from an international perspective can our revolution be correctly assessed. To achieve a consolidated victory, we must ensure that the proletarian revolution triumphs in all countries, or at least in several major capitalist countries.” [3]3 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 1. He also said: “At that time, we knew that our victory would only be consolidated when our cause triumphed throughout the world, because when we began our cause, we placed all our hopes on the world revolution.” [4]4 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. Here, what Lenin called “three years ago” refers to the time when the October Revolution was launched in 1917. What he called “we always said clearly” means that this was not said once or twice by chance, but was often stated clearly. What was said? — “Only from an international perspective can our revolution be correctly assessed,” and we “placed all our hopes on the world revolution.” If someone believes that the above judgments can only prove that Lenin held such thoughts during the October Revolution period, but cannot prove that he consistently held such thoughts after the October Revolution, then the following judgment at least proves that Lenin consistently held such thoughts from the October Revolution period until the time he made this statement in November 1920. He said: “The Mensheviks said we wanted to defeat the world bourgeoisie single-handedly. However, we have consistently said that we are only one link in the chain of the world revolution, and we have never set ourselves the task of achieving victory solely by our own strength.” [5]5 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 40, p. 2. Here, what he called “we have consistently said” means that we have always said this since the October Revolution period. What he called “we have never set ourselves” the task of achieving victory solely by our own strength means that during the three-year period since the October Revolution period, the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) did not set itself such a task. The above series of Lenin’s judgments sufficiently prove that he considered the Russian revolution by linking and unifying it with the all-European revolution and the world revolution, and thereby analyzed and understood the nature and significance of the Russian revolution.

1920年11月，苏俄国内战争已然胜利，历史将进入和平建设的新时期。此时对十月革命以来的思想和实践进行总结显得尤其重要。列宁在有关会议上的讲话中提出：“三年前当我们提出关于俄国无产阶级革命的任务及其胜利的条件的问题时，我们总是明确地说：没有西欧无产阶级革命的支持，这个胜利就不可能巩固；只有从国际的观点出发才能正确估价我们的革命。为了取得巩固的胜利，我们必须使无产阶级革命在一切国家或者至少在几个主要的资本主义国家取得胜利。”他还说：“那时我们知道，只有我们的事业在全世界取得胜利，我们的胜利才会巩固，因为我们在开始我们的事业时，就把全部希望都寄托在世界革命上。” 这里列宁所谓“三年前”，指的是1917年发动十月革命的时候。他所谓“我们总是明确地说”，指不是一次、两次偶然这样说，而是经常明确地说。说什么呢——“只有从国际的观点出发才能正确估价我们的革命”，我们“把全部希望都寄托在世界革命上”。如果有人认为上面这些论断只能证明十月革命时期列宁持这样的思想，不能证明他十月革命后一直持这样的思想，那么下面这个论断则至少可以证明列宁从十月革命时期至1920年11月他说这番话时一直持这样的思想。他说：“孟什维克说我们想单独地战胜世界资产阶级。然而我们一贯说，我们只是世界革命链条上的一环，从来没有给自己提出只靠自己的力量去夺取胜利的任务。”这里他所谓“我们一贯说”，指从十月革命时期以来我们一直这样说。他所谓“从来没有给自己提出”只靠自己的力量去争取胜利，指从十月革命时期以来三年的时期里，俄共（布）没有给自己提出这样的任务。上述列宁的一系列论断足以证明他是将俄国革命同全欧洲革命以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来考量，进而分析和认识俄国革命的性质和意义的。

III. The concept of “socialism” in Lenin’s writings is a concept he proposed by linking and unifying the crucial measures taken by the Soviet Russian people with the future and destiny of socialism. It is a praise for the heroic struggle spirit of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the people, and also a manifestation of his firm determination and unwavering confidence that the cause of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the people must advance continuously.

三、列宁著述中的“社会主义”概念，是列宁将苏俄人民所采取的至关重要的措施和社会主义的前途命运联系起来和统一起来考量而提出的概念，是对俄共（布）和人民英勇斗争精神的赞扬，也是他关于必须使俄共（布）和人民的事业永续前进的坚强决心和坚定信心的昭示

In the early period after the victory of the October Revolution, Lenin and the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) led the people in adopting measures of “accounting and supervision.” Its content was to establish workers’ organizations in factories and mines, and these workers’ organizations would supervise the production and distribution processes of the enterprises and calculate the relevant accounts. However, the premise of this measure was not to expropriate the capitalists’ property, that is, not to change the nature of ownership of the means of production. Yet Lenin at that time proposed that accounting and supervision were socialism. Shortly after the victory of the October armed uprising in November 1917, Lenin stated in a speech at a relevant meeting: “Let the workers begin to establish workers’ supervision in their own factories, let them supply the countryside with industrial products in exchange for grain. Every product, every pood of grain must be accounted for, because socialism is first of all accounting.” [6]6 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 57. “Exchanging industrial products for grain, implementing strict supervision and accounting over production—this is the beginning of socialism.” [7]7 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 57. He also said: “Socialism is accounting. If you are willing to account for every piece of iron and every piece of cloth, that is socialism.” [8]8 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 59. Here, what Lenin called “socialism is first of all accounting,” “this is the beginning of socialism,” and “that is socialism” lies in his endowing “accounting and supervision” with the nature and significance of socialism. As a Marxist, Lenin’s understanding of what socialism or a socialist society is was consistent with that of Marx and Engels. That is to say, in Lenin’s thought, a socialist society is a society of “three absences,” namely, the absence of commodity production and money exchange, the absence of classes and class distinctions, and the absence of the state and state apparatus. [9]9 The “three absences” (三个没有) is a summary of the classical Marxist vision of a communist society, derived from Marx and Engels’ descriptions of the abolition of commodity production, classes, and the state after the transition to full communism. Yet during this period, Lenin clearly stated in his speeches at relevant meetings that socialism was accounting and supervision. How is this to be understood?

十月革命胜利初期，列宁和俄共（布）曾领导人民采取过“计算和监督”的措施。它的内容是在工矿企业建立工人组织，由这些工人组织对企业的生产和分配过程进行监督，对有关账目进行计算。可是这项措施的前提是不剥夺资本家的财产，即不改变生产资料所有制的性质。然而列宁当时曾提出，计算和监督是社会主义。1917年11月即十月武装起义胜利后不久，列宁在有关会议上的讲话中指出：“让工人着手在自己的工厂建立工人监督吧，让他们用工业品来供应农村，换取粮食吧。每一件产品、每一俄磅粮食都应当计算到，因为社会主义首先就是计算。”“用加工工业的产品交换粮食，对生产实行严格的监督和计算，这就是社会主义的开端。”他还说：“社会主义就是计算。如果你们愿意对每一块铁和每一块布都实行计算，那就是社会主义。”这里列宁所谓“社会主义首先就是计算”“这就是社会主义的开端”“那就是社会主义”，在于他赋予“计算和监督”以社会主义的性质和意义。作为马克思主义者的列宁，对于什么是社会主义或社会主义社会，同马克思恩格斯的认识是一致的。也就是说，在列宁的思想上，社会主义社会是“三个没有”即没有商品生产和货币交换、没有阶级和阶级差别、没有国家和国家机器的社会。然而这个时期列宁明明在有关会议上的讲话中说，社会主义就是计算和监督。这又作何理解？

It turns out that in Lenin’s thought, the implementation of the measures of “accounting and supervision” embodied the creative power and revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, and demonstrated the methods and paths for the continued advance of the Soviet Russian revolution. At that time, the masses in factories and mines regarded accounting and supervision as their new way of life and participated in this work with great enthusiasm. Lenin fully affirmed this. He said: “The living, creative power of the masses is precisely the fundamental factor in the new social life.” [10]10 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 52. “Living, creative socialism is created by the masses themselves.” [11]11 V. I. Lenin, *Collected Works*, 2nd ed., Vol. 33, p. 53. It can be seen that it was precisely by focusing on affirming the creative power of the masses and their enthusiasm for the cause, and by focusing on affirming the trend and inevitability of the continuous advance of the cause of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the people, that Lenin called this measure “socialism.”

原来，在列宁的思想上，实施“计算和监督”的措施，体现了人民群众的创造力和革命热情，展现了苏俄革命继续前进的方法和路径。当时，工矿企业的群众把计算和监督视为自己的新生活方式，以极大的热情参与此项工作。对此，列宁予以充分的肯定。他说：“群众生气勃勃的创造力正是新的社会生活的基本因素。”“生气勃勃的创造性的社会主义是由人民群众自己创立的。” 可以看出，列宁正是着眼于肯定人民群众的创造力以及对事业的热情，着眼于肯定俄共（布）和人民的事业永续前进的趋势和必然性，才称此项措施“是社会主义”的。

As noted above, Soviet Russia at that time was in a “transition period.” In Lenin’s thinking, the measures of “accounting and supervision” adopted during the “transition period,” especially the spirit of the masses in pursuing a new way of life and their momentum in supervising social activities as masters of society, were applicable to the first phase of communist society. In Chapter 5 of *The State and Revolution*, Lenin wrote: “Accounting and supervision—that is the main condition for ‘adjusting’ the first phase of communist society so that it can function normally.” [12]12 V. I. Lenin, *The State and Revolution*, Chapter 5. The “first phase of communist society” is Lenin’s term for socialism under the Marxist two-stage theory of communist development. This indicates that Lenin not only believed that the measures of “accounting and supervision” played an important role and had significance in Russia’s transition period, but also that they would continue to play an important role and have significance as the revolution advanced toward the first phase of communist society. Hence, he called these measures socialism. It can also be said that Lenin proposed this as socialism by linking and unifying the important measures taken by the Soviet people at that time with the development of the RCP(b)’s cause and the future and destiny of socialism. It must be pointed out that when Lenin said “accounting and supervision” was socialism, he was discussing the matter in a non-strict sense; in reality, he did not change his thinking that socialist society is a society of “three absences.” [13]13 “Three absences” (三个没有) refers to Lenin’s earlier characterization of socialism as a society without classes, without the state, and without commodity-money relations, derived from classical Marxist expectations.

如前所述，当时的苏俄处于“过渡时期”。在列宁的思想上，“过渡时期”所采取的“计算和监督”的措施，特别是它所展现的人民群众追求新生活方式的精神以及他们以社会主人的身份对社会活动进行监督的气势，适用于共产主义社会的第一阶段。列宁在《国家与革命》第五章里写道：“计算和监督，——这就是把共产主义社会第一阶段‘调整好’，使它能正常地运转所必需的主要条件。” 这表明，列宁不仅认为“计算和监督”的措施在俄国过渡时期具有重要的作用和意义，而且在革命向前发展以至共产主义社会第一阶段仍具有重要的作用和意义，所以他称这个措施就是社会主义。也可以说，列宁是将苏俄人民当下所采取的重要措施与俄共（布）事业的发展以及社会主义的前途命运联系起来和统一起来考量而提出它是社会主义的。需要指出的是，列宁说“计算和监督”是社会主义，是从非严格意义上论述问题的，实际上他没有改变关于社会主义社会是“三个没有”的社会的思想。

At the time of the victory of the October armed uprising and the establishment of Soviet power, Soviet Russia faced the threat of famine. Whether the necessary grain could be collected and distributed rationally was related to the future and destiny of Soviet power. At this point, Lenin proposed that collecting grain and distributing it rationally was socialism.

十月武装起义胜利和苏维埃政权建立时，苏俄面临着饥荒的威胁。能不能收集到必需的粮食并进行合理的分配，关系到苏维埃政权的前途命运。此时列宁提出，收集到粮食并进行合理的分配就是社会主义。

In July 1918, when Soviet Russia had just entered the period of civil war, Lenin pointed out in his report to the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets: “Only when the People’s Commissariat for Food, together with the People’s Commissariat for Agriculture, nationalizes all commodities and fixes prices, do we truly come into contact with socialism.” [14]14 V. I. Lenin, “Report at the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets,” July 1918. What he referred to here was the fact that the Soviet government at that time implemented a “state monopoly on grain trade,” prohibiting private grain trading and having the state purchase grain uniformly at fixed prices. However, he emphasized that it was only at this point that “we truly come into contact with socialism.” His meaning was clearly that ensuring the Soviet government could collect grain meant that socialism had emerged in Soviet Russia. Regarding the Soviet government’s implementation of the grain trade monopoly, he also pointed out: “We say that only now, when we have embarked on this path, has socialism ceased to be empty talk and become a living reality.” [15]15 Ibid. This judgment evaluated the significance of the Soviet government’s grain collection at an even higher level and more explicitly, namely, that collecting grain meant that “living socialism” had appeared in Soviet Russia. In the practice of grain collection at that time, the rural kulaks opposed the state’s decrees and policies, refused to sell grain to the state, and engaged in grain speculation. In many places, the kulaks formed reactionary armed forces and fiercely resisted the Soviet government’s grain collection work. Urban workers’ grain-collection detachments often had to fight heroic battles, shedding blood and sacrificing lives, to collect grain and transport it back to the central cities threatened by famine. In view of this, the RCP(b) and the Soviet government demanded a severe crackdown on the kulaks’ terrorist sabotage activities. Lenin said on this: “If a fight is necessary, we will not hesitate to wage it with sweeping decrees. This is a fight for real socialism—not for dogma, not for a program, not for a party or faction, but for living socialism, for distributing grain among hundreds of thousands and millions of starving people in the advanced regions of Russia, and for being able to distribute grain more rationally once we have it.” [16]16 Ibid. His meaning was that to ensure the state could collect grain and transport it safely, it was necessary to wage a heroic and tenacious struggle against the hostile forces that sabotaged the state’s grain policy. He emphasized that this struggle was a struggle “for living socialism.”

1918年7月，即苏俄历史刚刚进入国内战争时期的时候，列宁在全俄苏维埃第五次代表大会上的报告中指出：“只有粮食人民委员部同农业人民委员部一起把所有商品都收归国有，规定价格，我们才真正接触到社会主义。”这里他说到的事实是，苏维埃政权当时实行粮食“买卖国家垄断制”，禁止私人买卖粮食，由国家按照固定的价格进行统一收购。然而他强调说，直是到此时“我们才真正接触到社会主义”。他的意思显然是，保证苏维埃政权可以收集到粮食意味着苏俄产生了社会主义。他针对苏维埃政权实行粮食买卖垄断制还指出：“我们说，只有现在，当我们走上了这条道路的时候，社会主义才不再是空谈，才变成了活生生的现实。”这一论断更明确和在更高的高度上来评价苏维埃政权收集到粮食的意义，即认为收集到粮食意味着苏俄出现了“活生生的社会主义”。在当时收集粮食的实践中，农村富农反对国家的法令和政策，拒绝把粮食卖给国家，进行粮食投机活动。在不少地方，富农组建反动武装，竭力反抗苏维埃政权收集粮食的工作。城市工人征粮队伍往往需要进行英勇的战斗，付出鲜血和生命，才可收集到粮食并将其运送回处于饥饿威胁中的中心城市。鉴于此，俄共（布）和苏维埃政权要求严厉反击富农的恐怖破坏活动。列宁就此说：“如果需要战斗，我们将毫不犹豫地用大刀阔斧的法令进行这场战斗。这是真正为了社会主义的战斗，——不是为了教条，不是为了纲领，不是为了一党一派，而是为了活生生的社会主义，为了在俄国先进地区几十万、几百万饥民中间分配粮食，为了做到有了粮食能拿来进行比较合理的分配。”他的意思是，为了保证国家收集到粮食和安全地运送粮食，必须对破坏国家粮食政策的敌对势力进行英勇顽强的斗争。他强调这场斗争是“为了活生生的社会主义”而进行的斗争。

Although it was indeed crucial for the Soviet government to collect the necessary grain, Lenin said that collecting grain meant that socialism had emerged in Soviet Russia, that it had produced living socialism, and that the struggle for it was a struggle “for living socialism.” The meaning of these concepts or expressions deserves in-depth study and comprehension. According to the thinking that socialist society is a society of “three absences,” the Soviet government’s collection of grain was not socialism. The reason Lenin called it socialism, and even living socialism, lies in his recognition of the extreme importance of this work and this struggle—that is, its bearing on the life or death of the Soviet government and the entire cause of the RCP(b). In other words, he linked and unified the current measures and facts of grain collection with the future and destiny of socialism, and only then called the current measures and facts “living socialism.”

固然苏维埃政权收集到必需的粮食确实至关重要，但列宁说收集到粮食就意味着苏俄产生了社会主义，意味着它产生了活生生的社会主义，为此而进行的斗争是“为了活生生的社会主义”所进行的斗争。他的这些概念或话语的含义，值得深入研究和领会。按照社会主义社会是“三个没有”社会的思想，苏维埃政权收集到粮食不是社会主义。列宁之所以说它是社会主义，并且说它是活生生的社会主义，在于他认识到这项工作以及这场斗争的极端重要性，即它关系到苏维埃政权以及俄共（布）全部事业的生死存亡。也就是说，他将当前收集到粮食的措施和事实与社会主义的前途命运联系起来和统一起来考量，才称当前的措施和事实是“活生生的社会主义”。

IV. Conclusion

四、结语

The concepts Lenin proposed and elaborated link and unify the current practice of Soviet Russia with its future, calling the current practice “socialist revolution,” reflecting its future perspective. They link and unify the Russian revolution with the revolution across Europe and the world revolution, calling the Russian revolution a “socialist revolution,” reflecting its world perspective. Lenin placed “accounting and supervision,” grain collection, and rational grain distribution—things that were not inherently “socialism”—in a position bearing on the future and destiny of Soviet power, greatly elevating the level of understanding of them, calling them “socialism” or “living socialism.” This reflects Lenin’s praise for the heroic struggle spirit of the RCP(b) and the people, and demonstrates Lenin’s strong determination and firm confidence that the cause of the RCP(b) and the people must advance forever. The aforementioned future perspective, world perspective, and the heroic struggle spirit of the RCP(b) and the people, as well as the determination and confidence in the eternal advance of the cause, were formed in the long process of revolutionary struggle, especially in the practical process of exploring ways to build a new system after the victory of the October Revolution. They are a correct summation and reflection of the experience of the world proletarian revolutionary struggle, and a correct summation and reflection of the experience of the Russian people’s revolutionary struggle, particularly the experience of building the new system.

列宁提出和阐释的这些概念把苏俄当下的实践与实践的未来联系起来和统一起来，称当下的实践是“社会主义革命”，体现了它的未来视野。它把俄国革命与全欧洲的革命以及世界革命联系起来和统一起来，称俄国的革命是“社会主义革命”，体现了它的世界视野。列宁把“计算和监督”、收集粮食和合理地分配粮食这些本不是“社会主义”的事物置于关系到苏维埃政权前途命运的地位来认识，大大提升对其的认识高度，称它就是“社会主义”或“活生生的社会主义”，体现出列宁对俄共（布）和人民英勇斗争精神的褒扬，展示出列宁关于必须使俄共（布）和人民的事业永续前进的坚强决心和坚定信心。上述未来的视野、世界的视野以及俄共（布）和人民英勇斗争的精神和事业永续前进的决心和信心，是在长期的革命斗争过程中特别是在十月革命胜利后探索建设新制度途径的实践过程中形成的，是对世界无产阶级革命斗争经验的正确总结和反映，是对俄国人民革命斗争的经验特别是新制度建设经验的正确总结和反映。

The future-oriented vision, global vision, spirit of heroic struggle, and determination and confidence to ensure the perpetual advancement of the cause contained in the above-mentioned Leninist concepts possess significant practical value. In the New Era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Communist Party of China, in advancing its undertakings, has demonstrated a profound future-oriented vision. For instance, in his report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping, building on the Party’s earlier thinking on the “two centenary goals,”[17]17 The “two centenary goals” refer to the goals of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects by the centenary of the Communist Party of China in 2021 and building China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the centenary of the People’s Republic of China in 2049. proposed that by the centenary of the Party’s founding, a moderately prosperous society would be built, and then, after another thirty years of struggle, by the centenary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China would be built into a modern socialist country. This reflects the future-oriented vision of the Communist Party of China. In advancing its undertakings, the Communist Party of China has also displayed a broad global vision. In his report to the 20th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that building a community with a shared future for mankind is where the future of the peoples of all countries lies. Only when all countries follow the great path of the world, live together in harmony, and pursue win-win cooperation can prosperity be lasting and security be guaranteed. This exposition embodies the broad global vision of the Communist Party of China. In advancing its undertakings, the Communist Party of China has demonstrated the spirit of heroic struggle and the determination and confidence to ensure the perpetual advancement of the Party’s cause. For example, in the New Era, the battle against poverty led by the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core was a heroic and tenacious struggle. In his speech at the National Conference on Summarizing and Commending the Fight against Poverty, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that the Party and the people had hacked their way through thorns and braved wind and rain, daring to gnaw on hard bones, and had achieved major historic accomplishments in the fight against poverty. This exposition is a eulogy to the spirit of heroic and tenacious struggle of the Communist Party of China, a revelation of the source of strength for the perpetual advancement of the Party’s cause, and a proclamation of the trend of the Party’s cause overcoming all difficulties and dangers to advance perpetually. It can be seen that the vision, spirit, determination, and confidence of the Communist Party of China in the New Era are in the same lineage as those in the relevant Leninist concepts. The report of the 20th National Congress of the CPC pointed out that the Communist Party of China in the New Era has enriched and innovated Marxism, opening up a “new realm” of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times. It is entirely appropriate to use this judgment to illustrate how the Communist Party of China in the New Era has enriched and innovated the relevant ideas of the classical Marxist writers on the above issue.

上述列宁概念中的未来视野、世界视野以及英勇斗争的精神和使事业永续前进的决心和信心，具有重要的现实价值。在中国特色社会主义新时代，中国共产党在推进事业发展时，展现出深远的未来视野。譬如，习近平总书记在党的十九大报告中以此前党关于“两个一百年”奋斗目标思想为基础进而提出，到建党一百年时建成小康社会，然后再奋斗三十年，到新中国成立一百年时，把我国建成社会主义现代化国家。这体现出中国共产党的未来视野。中国共产党在推进事业发展时，呈现出宽广的世界视野。习近平总书记在党的二十大报告中指出，构建人类命运共同体是世界各国人民前途所在。只有各国行天下之大道，和睦相处、合作共赢，繁荣才能持久，安全才有保障。这一论述体现了中国共产党的宽广的世界视野。中国共产党在推进事业发展时，体现出英勇斗争的精神和使党的事业永续前进的决心和信心。例如，在新时代，以习近平同志为核心的党中央领导的脱贫攻坚战，是一场英勇的、顽强的战斗。习近平总书记在全国脱贫攻坚总结表彰大会上的讲话中指出，党和人民披荆斩棘、栉风沐雨，敢于啃硬骨头，脱贫攻坚取得了重大历史性成就。这一论述是对中国共产党英勇斗争、顽强斗争精神的颂扬，是对中国共产党的事业永续前进的力量源泉的揭示，也是对党的事业克服千难万险、永续前进的趋势的昭告。可以看出，新时代中国共产党的视野、精神、决心和信心与列宁相关概念中的视野、精神、决心和信心是一脉相承的。党的二十大报告指出，新时代中国共产党丰富和创新了马克思主义，开辟了马克思主义中国化时代化的“新境界”。用此论断来说明在上述问题上新时代中国共产党对马克思主义经典作家相关思想的丰富和创新是十分恰当的。

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