An Analysis of the Roots of the Transformation of Karl Kautsky’s View of Marxism

The late 19th and early 20th centuries were a period of peaceful development for capitalism, as well as a transitional period from the stage of free competition to the stage of monopoly capitalism. During this period, imperialist countries, in order to redivide the world market and to contend for and redivide colonies, all expanded their armaments and prepared for war, with contradictions and conflicts intensifying day by day. The historical context was undergoing a profound transformation from peaceful development to revolutionary war. As a major leader and thinker of the Second International and the German Social Democratic Party, Kautsky once made important contributions to the development of Marxist theory. However, with changes in the historical context, Kautsky’s ideological views continuously evolved, gradually moving from being a Marxist to ultimately becoming an opponent of Marxism. An in-depth exploration of Kautsky’s understanding of the essential attributes of Marxism and its existing problems, and a clear recognition of the reasons for the transformation of his view of Marxism amid the changing currents of the times, are of great significance for us in the New Era to better uphold and develop Marxism, continuously advance the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times, effectively open up new prospects amid changes, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through Chinese-path modernization.

19世纪末20世纪初，是资本主义和平发展时期，也是资本主义从自由竞争阶段到垄断资本主义阶段的过渡时期。这一时期，帝国主义国家为了重新划分世界市场、争夺和重新瓜分殖民地，纷纷扩军备战，矛盾和冲突日益加剧，时代背景正经历从和平发展向革命战争的深刻转变。考茨基作为第二国际和德国社会民主党的主要领导人和思想家，曾对马克思主义理论的发展作出了重要贡献。然而随着时代背景的变化，考茨基的思想观点在不断地演变，逐步从马克思主义者最终走向了马克思主义的对立面。深入探讨考茨基对马克思主义本质属性的认识及其存在的问题，认清其马克思主义观在时代风云变幻中蜕变的原因，对我们在新时代更好坚持和发展马克思主义，不断推进马克思主义中国化时代化，切实于变局中开新局、以中国式现代化实现中华民族伟大复兴具有重要意义。

I. The Theoretical Roots of the Transformation of Karl Kautsky’s View of Marxism

一、卡尔·考茨基马克思主义观蜕变的理论根源

(A) Positivizing the Scientific Nature of Marxism

（一）把马克思主义的科学性实证化

Throughout his life, Kautsky wrote many works that explained and defended Marxism, criticizing bourgeois scholars and revisionists for their questioning of the scientific nature of Marxism. However, while defending and disseminating the scientific nature of Marxism, he also positivized the scientific nature of Marxism, equating Marxism with ordinary empirical science, positive science, and concrete science, believing this to be a sign of Marxism’s development from philosophy to science. This was mainly manifested in two aspects: First, he removed the core soul of the Marxist dialectic, simplifying philosophy to positivism, and then held that Marxism only had economics and a conception of history. In a letter replying to the Russian worker Bendiani, Kautsky pointed out: “I do not consider Marxism to be a philosophy, but an empirical science, a special view of society,” and “Marx did not proclaim a philosophy, but proclaimed the end of all philosophy.” [1]1 Karl Kautsky, “Letter to Bendiani,” in *Selected Correspondence of Kautsky*, People’s Publishing House, 1963, p. 74. In his view, philosophy “strives to establish the unity of thought in the world process, a unity that science cannot confirm.” [2]2 Karl Kautsky, *The Materialist Conception of History*, Vol. 1, Sanlian Bookstore, 1958, p. 134. The root of Kautsky’s one-sided understanding lies in his failure to correctly comprehend the relationship between the dialectical materialism founded by Marx and Engels and the old philosophy they criticized, that is, his failure to correctly understand the true meaning of Marx and Engels’ statements about “abolishing philosophy,” “the end of classical philosophy,” and “proclaiming the end of all philosophy.” The philosophy criticized by Marx and Engels refers to idealist philosophy and dualistic philosophy, which represent bourgeois ideology. What Marx and Engels meant by “abolishing philosophy” refers to the practical activity of criticizing and transforming capitalist reality; the critique of old philosophy is also a process of constructing new philosophy, an indispensable link in criticizing the old world and building a new one. Second, he understood the materialist conception of history merely as a method, denying its significance as a worldview. In his book *The Materialist Conception of History*, Kautsky discussed the materialist conception of history as a method, while its significance as a worldview was basically excluded from his exposition, holding that in Marx and Engels, materialism was embedded in their method. [3]3 See Karl Kautsky, *The Materialist Conception of History*, Vol. 1, Sanlian Bookstore, 1958, p. 30. At the same time, Kautsky also gave a positivist interpretation of the materialist method, pointing out that the materialist method is “a method based on experience, based on the study of the necessary causal relationships in our experience.” [4]4 Karl Kautsky, *The Materialist Conception of History*, Vol. 1, Sanlian Bookstore, 1958, p. 30.

考茨基一生写过很多阐释和捍卫马克思主义的著作，批判资产阶级学者和修正主义者对马克思主义科学性的质疑。但他在捍卫和传播马克思主义科学性的同时，也把马克思主义的科学性实证化了，把马克思主义等同于一般的经验科学、实证科学、具体科学，认为这是马克思主义从哲学向科学发展的标志。主要表现在两方面：一是抽掉了马克思主义辩证法的核心灵魂，把哲学简化为实证主义，进而认为马克思主义只有经济学和历史观。考茨基在答复俄国工人本迪阿尼泽的信中指出：“我认为马克思主义不是哲学，而是一门经验科学，一种特殊的社会观”，“马克思没有宣布一种哲学，而是宣告一切哲学的终结” 。在他看来，哲学“努力确立思维在世界进程中的统一，这是科学所不能证实的统一” 。而考茨基的这一片面认识的根源在于他没有正确理解马克思恩格斯创立的辩证唯物主义与其所批判的旧哲学之间的关系，也就是没有正确理解马克思恩格斯关于“消灭哲学”“古典哲学的终结”“宣告一切哲学的终结”的真正含义。马克思恩格斯所批判的哲学是指唯心主义哲学和二元论的哲学，这种哲学代表的是资产阶级的意识形态。而马克思恩格斯所讲的“消灭哲学”指的是批判和改造资本主义的现实活动，对旧哲学的批判也是建构新哲学的过程，是批判旧世界建立新世界的一个不可或缺的环节。二是把唯物史观仅仅理解为一种方法，否定了其世界观意义。在《唯物主义历史观》一书中，考茨基把唯物史观当作方法来谈，而作为世界观意义的唯物史观基本上被排除在他的论述之外，认为在马克思和恩格斯那里，唯物主义是嵌在他们的方法之中的 。与此同时，考茨基还对唯物主义方法作了实证主义的解释，指出唯物主义方法是“以经验为根据、以研究我们的经验中各种必然的因果关系为根据的方法” 。

Philosophy is a systematized and theorized worldview and methodology, as well as the spiritual quality, mode of thinking, and habit of thought formed by people in practical activities and daily life. Different philosophies have different guiding significance for people’s understanding and transformation of the world. By denying the worldview significance of philosophy, Kautsky turned Marxism into an empirical science, a positive science. This is not affirming the scientific nature of Marxism, but rather opposing the scientific nature of Marxism to its revolutionary nature (or ideological nature), and opposing its class character to its people-centered character. This effectively equates Marxism with concrete science and denies the universal guiding significance of Marxism.

哲学是系统化、理论化的世界观和方法论，是人们在实践活动和日常生活中形成的精神品质、思想方法和思维习惯，不同的哲学对人们认识世界和改造世界具有不同的指导意义。考茨基通过否定哲学的世界观意义，把马克思主义变成一门经验科学、实证科学。这不是肯定马克思主义的科学性，而是把马克思主义的科学性与革命性（或者意识形态性）对立起来、把阶级性与人民性相对立起来。这就在事实上把马克思主义等同于具体科学，否定了马克思主义的普遍指导意义。

(B) Abstracting the Revolutionary Nature of Marxism

（二）把马克思主义的革命性抽象化

The dialectical unity of revolutionary nature and scientific nature is the fundamental characteristic of Marxism. Kautsky did not verbally oppose this. He once pointed out: “The influence of Marxist doctrine is increasingly growing because the profound scientific nature and revolutionary nature in this doctrine are integrated into one.” [5]5 Karl Kautsky, *The Materialist Conception of History*, Vol. 1, Sanlian Bookstore, 1958, p. 3. However, Kautsky distorted the revolutionary concept of Marxism. In the process of attempting to scientize Marxism, he also made the revolutionary character of Marxism abstract, effectively denying the revolutionary nature of Marxism.

革命性和科学性的辩证统一是马克思主义的根本特征，考茨基口头上并不反对这一点。他曾指出：“马克思主义学说的影响之所以日益增大，是因为这一学说中深刻的科学性和革命性结为一体。” 但考茨基曲解了马克思主义的革命理念，在尝试将马克思主义科学化的过程中，也将马克思主义的革命性特征变得抽象化，事实上否定了马克思主义的革命性。

Kautsky’s ideological views throughout his life presented a parabolic trajectory. When Kautsky moved toward Marxism, his revolutionary nature could also develop in a concrete direction (not absolutizing or making parliamentary struggle and democracy the only path). From the 1905 Russian Revolution to the publication of *The Road to Power* in 1909, this was the period in Kautsky’s life when his revolutionary views were relatively clear and concrete. When his ideological views began to waver, and even move toward the opposite of Marxism, he successively entered stages of delaying revolution (before the outbreak of World War I), obstructing revolution (during World War I), opposing revolution (after the end of World War I), attacking revolution (after the victory of the October Revolution in Russia), and slandering revolution (in Kautsky’s later period). Interestingly, during the “peaceful” development stage of capitalism, Kautsky proposed revolutionary strategies that corresponded to it and embodied the characteristics of the proletarian revolution; however, in the process of the continuous development of imperialist war and revolutionary situations, Kautsky’s thoughts and views gradually pushed parliamentary struggle and “pure democracy” to an extreme.

考茨基一生的思想观点呈现出一种抛物线式的轨迹。当考茨基走向马克思主义时，他的革命性也能朝着具体化的方向发展（不把议会斗争和民主绝对化、唯一化）。从1905年俄国革命到1909年发表《取得政权的道路》，是考茨基一生中革命观点比较鲜明具体的时期。当他的思想观点开始摇摆，甚至走向马克思主义对立面时，他也相继走向拖延革命（一战爆发前）、阻挠革命（一战期间）、反对革命（一战结束后）、攻击革命（俄国十月革命胜利后）和污蔑革命（考茨基晚期）的阶段。有趣的是，在资本主义的“和平”发展阶段，考茨基提出了与之相适应的、体现了无产阶级革命特征的革命策略；然而，在帝国主义战争和革命形势不断发展的过程中，考茨基的思想和观点却逐渐将议会斗争和“纯粹民主”推向了极端。

When Kautsky was still a Marxist, he set strict “scientific” obstacles for the proletarian revolution, upholding a passive and pessimistic revolutionary attitude. During this period, whenever Kautsky discussed the possibility and necessity of proletarian revolution and strikes, he would list several extremely “scientific” and “rigorous” conditions, effectively denying the subjective initiative of the proletarian party. When Kautsky developed toward the opposite of Marxism, he set “democratic” and “humanitarian” obstacles for the proletarian revolution, upholding concepts basically identical to democratic socialism, and in fact became a fellow traveler of capitalism. Before the outbreak of World War I, Kautsky began to elaborate his concept of “ultra-imperialism,” propagating the illusion of peace to deceive the masses and delay the proletarian revolution. After the outbreak of World War I, Kautsky ignored the imperialist nature of the war, actively defended “defending the fatherland,” and vigorously advocated conditional cooperation with the bourgeois government, completely abandoning the strategy of proletarian revolution, believing that the task of the Second International was “to strive for peace, to carry out class struggle in peace.” [6]6 Karl Kautsky, “The International and the Peace,” *Die Neue Zeit*, Vol. 33, No. 1, 1914, p. 5. After the end of World War I, driven by the October Revolution, Germany welcomed a good opportunity for socialist revolution. However, at this time, Kautsky showed his side of opposing socialist revolution, proposing a “transitional economy” theory of peaceful transition, attempting to obstruct the process of the proletarian revolution. After the establishment of Soviet power in Russia, Kautsky turned to openly opposing and attacking socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. He vigorously advocated “pure democracy,” denying the class essence of democracy. In Lenin’s view, at this time Kautsky “is in fact no different from the counter-revolutionary bourgeois.” [7]7 V. I. Lenin, *The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky*, in *Collected Works of Lenin*, Vol. 35, People’s Publishing House, 1985, p. 109. In his later years, Kautsky even used terms like “terrorism” and “counter-revolution” to slander the proletarian revolution and Soviet power, believing that world revolution “will not be achieved by eliminating one’s political and social enemies, but through democracy and humanity,” [8]8 Karl Kautsky, *Terrorism and Communism*, Sanlian Bookstore, 1963, p. 150. and even called on counter-revolutionary elements like the Mensheviks within the Soviet Union to overthrow Soviet power, completely moving to the opposite of Marxism.

当考茨基还是一名马克思主义者的时候，他给无产阶级革命设置了严格的“科学”障碍，秉持的是一种消极的、悲观的革命态度。在这一时期，考茨基在谈无产阶级革命、罢工的可能性和必要性时，都要列出几条极其“科学”“严密”的条件，实际上否定无产阶级政党的主观能动作用。当考茨基朝着马克思主义的对立面发展的时候，他给无产阶级革命设置了“民主”和“人道”的障碍，秉持的是与民主社会主义基本相同的理念，事实上成了资本主义的同路人。第一次世界大战爆发前，考茨基开始阐释他的“超帝国主义”概念，宣传和平假象以哄骗群众，拖延无产阶级革命。第一次世界大战爆发后，考茨基忽视了战争的帝国主义本质，积极为“保卫祖国”进行辩护，并大力倡导与资产阶级政府有条件的合作，完全放弃了无产阶级革命的策略，认为第二国际的任务是“为和平而奋斗，在和平中进行阶级斗争” 。第一次世界大战结束后，在十月革命的推动下，德国迎来了社会主义革命的良机。然而，此时的考茨基却展现了其反对社会主义革命的一面，提出了和平过渡的“过渡经济”理论，试图阻碍无产阶级革命的进程。在俄国苏维埃政权建立之后，考茨基转而公开反对和抨击社会主义革命以及无产阶级专政，他极力倡导“纯粹的民主”，否定了民主的阶级本质。在列宁看来，此时考茨基“和反革命资产者实际上绝无差别” 。晚年的考茨基，更是以“恐怖主义”“反革命”等词汇来污蔑无产阶级革命和苏维埃政权，认为世界革命“不会通过消灭自己的政治的和社会的敌人来实现，而是要通过民主和人道来实现” ，甚至号召苏联内部的孟什维克等反革命分子推翻苏维埃政权，彻底走向马克思主义的对立面。

(C) Vulgarizing the Marxist View of Development

（三）把马克思主义的发展观庸俗化

From the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century, capitalism was in a stage of peaceful development. In a relatively peaceful and stable environment, Darwin’s theory of evolution had a profound impact on people’s everyday thinking. Kautsky’s view of development also bore the imprint of this era. Before he turned to Marxism, he had already been a follower of Darwinism. Viewed from the entirety of Kautsky’s theoretical activities throughout his life, he never truly shook off the influence of Darwinism. This view of development, tinged with Darwinian evolutionism, was the root cause of his falling behind the times on the issue of development. At the 1899 Hanover Party Congress, the revisionist Conrad Schmidt’s remarks resonated with Kautsky: “In our agitation work, we would rather replace ‘dialectics’ with the much more precise and much richer concept of ‘evolution.’ For the workers, the concept of ‘evolution’ is easier to understand. Bebel appeals to the spirit of the great Darwin; we are closer to Darwin than to Hegel.” [9]9 The Hanover Party Congress of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1899 debated revisionism, with Eduard Bernstein’s evolutionary socialist views a central topic. Conrad Schmidt was a German economist and journalist associated with revisionist currents.

在19世纪末至20世纪初，资本主义正处于和平发展的阶段。在相对和平稳定的环境中，达尔文的进化论对人们的日常思维产生了深远的影响。考茨基的发展观也带有这种时代烙印。他在转向马克思主义之前，就曾经是一个达尔文主义信奉者。从考茨基一生的理论活动来看，他并没有真正摆脱达尔文主义的影响。这种带有达尔文进化论色彩的发展观，是他在发展观问题上落后于时代的根源。在1899年的在汉诺威代表大会上，修正主义者康·施米特的言论引发了考茨基的共鸣：“在鼓动工作中，我们宁愿用准确得多、也丰富得多的‘进化’概念取代‘辩证法’。对工人们来说，‘进化’概念是更明白易懂的。倍倍尔诉求于伟大的达尔文的精神，我们离达尔文比黑格尔更近。”

Under the influence of this vulgar view of development affected by evolutionism, Kautsky failed to truly grasp the essence of the unity of opposites in the process of the movement of things, and failed to comprehend the “internal contradictions” of things and the mechanism of their “self-movement,” thus simplifying development into a process of adaptation to the environment. Therefore, it is not difficult to understand why the phrase “naturally” (ziran er ran) appears so frequently in Kautsky’s writings. This frequently used catchphrase actually reveals the passive attitude he held in the face of laws. Kautsky wrote: “The starting point of every process among the various processes of adaptation is an organism, the ‘self.’ This is affirmation, the ‘thesis.’ The surrounding world comes out to oppose the self; this is the ‘non-self,’ the negation of the organism, the ‘antithesis.’ The final result … is the reaffirmation of the organism through adaptation, the ‘synthesis.’” [10]10 Kautsky’s formulation here mimics the Hegelian triad (thesis-antithesis-synthesis) but substitutes “adaptation” (Anpassung) for dialectical sublation (Aufhebung), revealing his Darwinian inflection. Although Kautsky saw the movement of internal contradictions within things on the issue of development, he regarded the process of sublating the “thesis” and “antithesis” to achieve “synthesis” as a process of “adaptation,” simplistically viewing development as merely quantitative growth and gradual evolution, without seeing that in the course of development, along with the accumulation of quantity, there inevitably occurs qualitative leaps and the interruption of gradualness.

在这种受进化论影响的庸俗发展观的影响下，考茨基未能真正把握事物运动过程中对立统一的本质，未能领会事物的“内在矛盾”及其“自我运动”的机制，因此将发展简化为对环境的适应过程。因此，我们就不难理解，为什么在考茨基的文章中频繁出现“自然而然”的话语。这种频繁出现的口头禅，实际上揭示了他在规律面前所持有的消极态度。考茨基写道：“顺应的各种过程中的每一个过程的出发点都是一个有机体，即‘自我’。这就是肯定，就是‘正题’。自我的周围世界出来与自我对立，这就是‘非我’，就是有机体的否定，就是‘反题’。最后的结果……就是通过顺应而对有机体重新肯定，就是‘合题’。” 虽然考茨基在发展的问题上看到了事物内部的矛盾运动，但他认为扬弃“正题”“反题”而达成“合题”的过程是一种“顺应”的过程，把发展简单地看成是数量的增长和循序渐进的进化，而没有看到发展过程中随着量的积累必然发生的质的飞跃和渐进性中断。

Kautsky’s conception of the development of democracy and social progress was filled with this tendency toward vulgar evolutionism. He tended to understand social progress from a techno-economic perspective, believing that with the enhancement of productive forces, advanced technology would inevitably replace backward technology, thereby raising production efficiency and promoting economic development, and believing that this process would inevitably promote the democratization of social life and the comprehensive progress of social relations. This understanding of the development of human society was filled with a fatalistic and techno-deterministic character. Kautsky believed that in a society with class antagonisms, the development of democracy was not a process of qualitative leap in which proletarian democracy replaced bourgeois democracy, but rather a further expansion of the number and scope of participants within the existing democratic system, enabling more people to participate in the democratic life of the state.

考茨基对民主发展和社会进步的设想，充满着这种庸俗进化论的倾向。他倾向于从技术经济的角度理解社会进步，认为随着生产力的提升，先进的技术必将取代落后的技术，从而提升生产效率、促进经济的发展，并认为这一过程不可避免地会促进社会生活的民主化以及社会关系的全面进步。这种对人类社会发展的理解，充满着一种宿命论和技术决定论的色彩。考茨基认为，在阶级对立的社会中，民主的发展并不是一种无产阶级民主取代资产阶级民主的质的飞跃过程，而是在现有的民主体系之上进一步扩大其参与人数和范围，使更多的人能够参与国家的民主生活。

(4) Dissolving the Class Character of Marxism

（四）消解马克思主义的阶级性

When Kautsky was still a Marxist, although he had some deficiencies on the issue of dialectics, he could still adhere to the Marxist class viewpoint and class analysis method. Mao Zedong, after reading Kautsky’s book *Class Struggle*, also began to actually study class struggle. [11]11 Mao Zedong stated in his 1941 essay “Reform Our Study” that reading Kautsky’s *Class Struggle* (a Chinese translation of *The Class Struggle [Erfurt Program]*) was one of the works that helped him establish a Marxist worldview. However, after the divergence between the right wing and the left wing within the Second International and the German Social Democratic Party emerged, Kautsky’s ideological views began to waver, and he played the role of a mediator between the right and the left. After the outbreak of the First World War, although Kautsky still paid lip service to Marxism and declared his belief in the ultimate realization of socialism, these had long since degenerated into empty slogans used to conceal his true stance. In his actual propositions and concrete actions, he deliberately whitewashed the inherent class antagonisms of capitalist society, evaded the essential conflicts of class contradictions, and instead elevated “pacifism” and “pure democracy” as the criteria for theoretical judgment. He trumpeted the supra-class “universal interest,” blurred the distinct class stance of Marxism, and his doctrine ultimately completely degenerated into a sermon divorced from social reality and utterly meaningless for the development of human society, fully betraying the revolutionary essence and practical character of Marxism.

考茨基在他还是一个马克思主义者的时候，虽然在辩证法的问题上存在一些不足，但还能坚持马克思主义的阶级观点和阶级分析方法，毛泽东也是阅读了考茨基的《阶级斗争》一书后，才开始实际地研究阶级斗争的。但是在第二国际和德国社会民主党内右派与左派的分歧产生以后，考茨基的思想观点就开始摇摆不定，在右派与左派之间充当和事佬的角色。第一次世界大战爆发后，考茨基虽仍在口头上标榜马克思主义，宣称坚信社会主义的最终实现，但这些早已沦为他掩饰真实立场的空洞口号。在实际主张与具体行动中，他刻意粉饰资本主义社会固有的阶级对立，回避阶级矛盾的本质性冲突，转而将“和平主义”与“纯粹民主”奉为理论评判的标准。他鼓吹超阶级的“普遍利益”，模糊马克思主义鲜明的阶级立场，其学说最终彻底堕落为脱离社会现实、对人类社会发展毫无实际意义的说教，完全背离了马克思主义的革命本质与实践品格。

After the outbreak of the First World War, Kautsky comprehensively elaborated his theory of “ultra-imperialism,” whitewashed the imperialist nature of the war, and called on the Social Democratic Party and the working class to lay down their “weapon of criticism,” cooperate with bourgeois governments, and participate in the imperialist war, completely betraying the proletarian revolution and the principle of internationalism. Kautsky believed that all countries participating in the First World War “were dragged into it reluctantly.” [12]12 [13] [14] These quotations are from Kautsky’s wartime writings, particularly his 1914 articles and pamphlets justifying the SPD’s support for the German war effort under the “Burgfrieden” (civil peace) policy. Therefore, no one should be held responsible for this war; “every country is merely fighting to preserve its own integrity.” [13] He also claimed that international workers’ organizations were merely instruments for peacetime and could hardly function under wartime conditions, so “the Social Democrats of all countries have equal rights or equal duties to participate in this defense, and no Social Democrat of any country can therefore reproach the Social Democrats of other countries.” [14] The essence of this argument was to deliberately distort the contradiction between the bourgeoisies of different countries over the division of the world and the struggle for hegemony into a conflict for survival between nations. These words and deeds of Kautsky, filled with class conciliation, confused the simple working class, transformed the class contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie into antagonism and war between different countries and nations, caused the proletariats of various countries to weaken each other’s strength in wars among themselves, and seriously hindered the development of the proletarian revolution.

第一次世界大战爆发后，考茨基全面阐发他的“超帝国主义”论，粉饰战争的帝国主义性质，号召社会民主党和工人阶级放下“批判的武器”，与资产阶级政府合作参与帝国主义战争，彻底背叛了无产阶级革命和国际主义的宗旨。考茨基认为，参与第一次世界大战的所有国家“都是勉勉强强地被拉进去的” 。因此，没有人应该为这场战争负责，“每一个国家都仅仅是为了保持自己的完整而战” 。他还声称，国际工人组织只是和平时期的工具，在战争状态下难以发挥作用，因此“一切国家的社会民主党人都有同等的权利或者同等的义务参加这种保卫，任何一国的社会民主党人也不能因此责备别国的社会民主党人” 。这种论调的实质，是将不同国家资产阶级之间瓜分世界、争夺霸权的矛盾，刻意歪曲为民族间的生存冲突。考茨基的这些充满着阶级调和色彩的言行，迷惑了朴素的工人阶级，把无产阶级与资产阶级之间的阶级矛盾转化为不同国家、民族之间的对抗与战争，让各国无产阶级在彼此之间的战争中相互削弱力量，严重阻碍无产阶级革命发展。

As the First World War was drawing to a close, Kautsky vigorously obstructed the proletariat’s revolutionary movement against imperialism. He hoped that Germany could end the war under the rule of the Junker-bourgeois government, fantasizing about transitioning through this means to the “peaceful state” of capitalism, completely ignoring the historical inevitability of the proletarian revolution. After the victory of the October Revolution, Kautsky trumpeted the “supra-class” “pure democracy,” obliterated the class character of democracy, absolutely opposed democracy to dictatorship, slandered dictatorship as “personal autocracy” and “the elimination of democracy,” while “democracy means the rule of the majority, but democracy equally means the protection of the minority.” [15]15 Kautsky’s arguments against the Bolshevik dictatorship appear in his 1918 pamphlet *The Dictatorship of the Proletariat*. The essence of this argument was to use the superficial phenomenon of the number of people to conceal the class attribute of democracy, deliberately evading the fact that under the capitalist “democratic” system, power has always been controlled by a small number of exploiters. As Lenin profoundly pointed out: “We would be grateful to any Marxist in Western Europe who, after reading the most important documents, criticizes our policy, because this would be a great help to us and to the revolution that is maturing throughout the world. But Kautsky does not criticize; he creates enormous theoretical confusion, turns Marxism into liberalism, and in practice launches unfounded, malicious, and vulgar attacks on the Bolsheviks.” [16]16 Lenin’s critique is from his 1918 work *The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky*. In his later years, Kautsky completely abandoned the Marxist class analysis method, replacing it with the abstract standard of “peace,” and became increasingly fanatical in advocating supra-class democracy, ultimately degenerating completely into a renegade of Marxism and an apologist for the bourgeoisie.

第一次世界大战即将结束之际，考茨基极力阻挠无产阶级反对帝国主义的革命运动。他希望德国能在容克资产阶级政府的统治下结束战争，幻想通过这种方式过渡到资本主义的“和平状态”，完全无视无产阶级革命的历史必然性。十月革命胜利后，考茨基鼓吹“超阶级”的“纯粹民主”，抹杀民主的阶级性，将民主与专政绝对对立，污蔑专政就是“个人独裁”“消灭民主”，而“民主意味着多数派的统治，但是民主同样也意味着保护少数派” 。这种论调的实质，是用人数多寡的表面现象掩盖民主的阶级属性，刻意回避在资本主义“民主”制度下权力始终被少数剥削者掌控的事实。正如列宁深刻指出的：“西欧任何一个马克思主义者，只要是在看了最重要的文件之后对我们的政策提出批评，我们是感激不尽的，因为这样做，是对我们极大的帮助，也是对全世界正在成熟的革命的帮助。但考茨基不是进行批评，而是制造极大的理论混乱，把马克思主义变成自由主义，在实践方面则对布尔什维克进行毫无根据的、恶毒的、庸俗的攻击。” 在其晚年，考茨基更是彻底背弃了马克思主义的阶级分析方法，用抽象的“和平”标准取而代之，愈发狂热地鼓吹超阶级民主，彻底沦为马克思主义的叛徒与资产阶级的辩护士。

2. Subjective Factors in Karl Kautsky’s Transformation of His View of Marxism

二、卡尔·考茨基马克思主义观蜕变的主观因素

The formation of Kautsky’s opportunist thought had a certain objectivity; it was an inevitable product of the transition from capitalism to imperialism. However, some of his personal character traits and political weaknesses were also important factors driving the formation of his opportunist thought.

考茨基机会主义思想的形成具有一定客观性，是资本主义向帝国主义过渡时期的必然产物。但他个人的某些性格因素与政治弱点，也是推动其机会主义思想形成的重要因素。

(1) Weak Theoretical Independence

（一）理论上的独立自主性不强

The intellectual trajectory of Kautsky’s life was always marked by a strong imprint of external influences, evolving continuously under the impact of external forces and other people. His father, Johann Kautsky, “always harbored Czech nationalist ideas”;[17]17 Johann Kautsky (1817–1895) was a Czech-born painter and set designer; his Czech nationalist sympathies influenced his son’s early political views. influenced by his father, the young Kautsky became a nationalist and a democrat. A series of major historical events and various schools of thought that emerged in the latter half of the 19th century continually reshaped his theoretical stance. The outbreak of the Paris Commune in 1871 ignited his enthusiasm for the socialist movement, prompting him to join the Social Democratic Party of Austria in 1875; Darwin’s theory of evolution and the mechanical materialism of Ludwig Büchner and Ernst Haeckel shifted his thinking toward a scientific framework, making him a Darwinist; after meeting Marx and Engels in London in 1881, he formally embarked on the path of studying and propagating Marxism, once becoming the recognized “orthodox” theorist of the Second International. From 1883 onward, he served for a long time as editor-in-chief of *Die Neue Zeit*, the central theoretical journal of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. With his extensive erudition and prolific writings, he became a core theorist of the Second International, and his theoretical interpretations were once regarded as the authoritative exposition of Marxism. However, in the process of interpreting and disseminating the ideas of Marx and Engels, Kautsky himself did not construct an independent theoretical system with a distinct stance, firm convictions, and a unique style; he lacked the theoretical courage and judgment to adhere to principles in complex situations. Therefore, when the opposition between revisionism and the revolutionary faction within the Second International grew increasingly acute, Kautsky was unable to make an independent judgment based on the theoretical stance of Marxism. Instead, he chose a “middle road” in the struggle between the two factions, and ultimately, under the influence of his close friend Bernstein (whom he called his “teacher and guide”), he slid into the abyss of opportunism, colluding with revisionism.

考茨基一生的思想轨迹，始终带着浓厚的外部影响印记，在外界和他人的影响下而不断演变。他的父亲约翰·考茨基“始终抱有捷克民族思想” ，受其父亲的影响，青年时期的考茨基成了民族主义者和民主主义者。19世纪后半期发生的一系列重大历史事件与产生的各种思想流派，持续重塑着他的理论立场。1871年巴黎公社革命的爆发，点燃了他对社会主义运动的热情，促使其在1875年加入奥地利社会民主党；达尔文的进化论、路德维希·毕希纳（Ludwig Büchner）与恩斯特·海克尔（Ernst Haeckel）的机械唯物论，使其思想转向科学主义框架，成为达尔文主义者；1881年在伦敦与马克思恩格斯结识后，他正式踏上马克思主义的研究与宣传道路，一度成为第二国际公认的“正统”理论家。1883年起，他长期担任德国社会民主党中央理论刊物《新时代》主编，凭借渊博的学识与高产的著述，成为第二国际的核心理论家，其理论阐释一度被视为马克思主义的权威解读。然而，在阐释与传播马克思恩格斯思想的过程中，考茨基自身并未构建起具有鲜明立场、坚定信仰与独特风格的自主理论体系，缺乏在复杂局势中坚守原则的理论勇气与判断能力。因此，在第二国际内部修正主义与革命派的对立日趋尖锐时，考茨基未能基于马克思主义的理论立场作出独立判断，反而在两派博弈中选择“中间道路”，并最终在其好友伯恩施坦（他称作“导师和引路人”）的影响下，滑向与修正主义同流合污的机会主义深渊。

(2) Failing to keep pace with the changes and developments of the times

（二）跟不上时代变化发展的步伐

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, capitalism transitioned from the stage of free competition to monopoly capitalism, and imperialism became the most distinctive feature of the era. At the same time, the monopoly bourgeoisie in the imperialist stage, through colonial rule and plunder, extracted high profits and obtained the material basis for buying off a labor aristocracy and dividing the working class. Consequently, the revisionism that sprouted among this labor aristocracy also developed into an international phenomenon.

19世纪末20世纪初，资本主义从自由竞争阶段向垄断资本主义过渡，帝国主义成为最鲜明的时代特征。与此同时，帝国主义阶段的垄断资产阶级通过殖民统治与掠夺攫取高额利润，获得了收买工人贵族、分化工人阶级的物质基础，由此在工人贵族中滋生的修正主义，也随之发展为一种国际现象。

Kautsky failed to correctly understand these two major new products of the era. On the issue of imperialism, he failed to perceive its essence, regarding it merely as an accidental policy that industrial capital “willingly adopted” and that was related to power, and he proposed that the relevant problems could be overcome through “ultra-imperialism.” He overlooked the core fact that imperialism is the highest stage of capitalist development, which left him unprepared ideologically as imperialist wars drew near and prevented him from becoming a pioneer and leader on a new path. On the issue of revisionism, although Kautsky played a decisive role in the struggle to criticize Bernstein, he did not recognize that revisionism was an inevitable product of the imperialist stage. He treated it merely as a general infiltration of bourgeois ideology, believing it to be “transient” and without substantial impact. This insufficient awareness of the harmfulness of revisionism meant he could not overcome this obstacle and failed to become a thorough Marxist. His one-sided understanding of imperialism and revisionism determined that Kautsky could not stand at the height of the new era, ultimately leaving him passive, powerless, and overwhelmed in the tide of history.

考茨基未能正确认识这两大新的时代产物。在帝国主义问题上，他未能洞察帝国主义的本质，仅将其视为工业资本“情愿采取”的、与实力相关的偶然政策，还提出通过“超帝国主义”就能克服相关问题。他忽视了帝国主义是资本主义发展的最高阶段这一核心事实，导致在帝国主义战争日益逼近时缺乏思想准备，无法成为新道路的开辟者与引领者。在修正主义问题上，尽管考茨基在批判伯恩施坦的斗争中发挥了决定性作用，但他未认识到修正主义是帝国主义阶段的必然产物，仅将其当作资产阶级思想的一般渗透，认为其“转瞬即逝”且无实质影响。这种对修正主义危害性的认知不足，使他无法跨越这一障碍，未能成为彻底的马克思主义者。对帝国主义和修正主义的片面认知，决定了考茨基无法站在新的时代高度，最终在历史浪潮中显得消极被动、力不从心。

(3) Insufficient ability to apply theory to practice

（三）理论运用于实践的能力不足

The historical conditions Kautsky faced were certainly difficult and complex, but as a major leader and theoretical authority of the Second International, his failure to open up new paths for the development of Marxism in adversity exposed the limitations of his practical ability. In a social environment of acute class antagonism, the doctrinal system composed of eclecticism and evolutionism inherently bore a character of submissive compromise. Kautsky’s doctrinal system was consistently permeated by a core logic of reconciling left and right. The primary goal of the policies and propositions he put forward was to maintain the superficial unity of the Second International and the Social Democratic Party of Germany. This unprincipled “unity above all” meant that, although he formally claimed to represent the interests of the proletariat and styled himself as an orthodox Marxist, in reality, during a historical phase when capital was strong and socialism weak, he facilitated the spread of revisionist trends. He possessed neither the theoretical courage to speak frankly like Marx and Engels, nor the practical boldness to directly struggle against the bourgeoisie, and even less the decisiveness to seize state power when the revolutionary moment arrived. The series of principles and policies he proposed were mostly abstract ideas divorced from reality, lacking both specific pertinence and the ability to be transformed into effective practical plans. They could only degenerate into empty preaching that obscured class contradictions and paralyzed the fighting spirit of the proletariat.

考茨基所处的历史条件固然艰难复杂，但作为第二国际的主要领导人和理论权威，其未能在困境中开辟马克思主义发展新路径，暴露了其实践能力的局限。在阶级对立尖锐的社会环境下，折中主义与进化主义构成的学说体系，本身带有唯唯诺诺的妥协特质。考茨基的学说体系始终贯穿着左右调和的核心逻辑。他提出的政策主张，首要目标是维护第二国际与德国社会民主党的表面团结。这种无原则的“团结至上”，使其虽在形式上标榜代表无产阶级利益、自封为马克思主义正统派，实则在资强社弱的历史阶段助长了修正主义思潮的蔓延。他既没有马克思恩格斯那般直言不讳的理论勇气，也不具备与资产阶级直接斗争的实践魄力，更缺乏在革命时机来临的情况下夺取政权的决断力。他所提出的一系列原则与政策，多为脱离现实的抽象设想，既缺乏具体针对性，又难以转化为切实有效的实践方案，只能沦为掩盖阶级矛盾、麻痹无产阶级斗志的空洞说教。

III. Advancing the Party’s theoretical innovation must take adhering to the basic principles of Marxism as its fundamental prerequisite

三、推进党的理论创新应以坚持马克思主义基本原理为根本前提

The root of the degeneration of Kautsky’s view of Marxism lies in his incomplete and unsteady cognition of the basic principles of Marxism. This holds profound theoretical value and important practical significance for us in better upholding and developing Marxism in the New Era, deepening our scientific understanding of the laws of Marxist development, and thereby opening up new frontiers in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times.

考茨基马克思主义观蜕变的根源，在于其对马克思主义基本原理的认知不彻底、不坚定。这对于我们在新时代更好地坚持和发展马克思主义、深化对马克思主义发展规律的科学认识，进而开辟马克思主义中国化时代化新境界，具有深刻的理论价值和重要的现实意义。

(1) Always unswervingly uphold dialectical materialism and historical materialism

（一）始终坚持辩证唯物主义与历史唯物主义不动摇

Dialectical materialism and historical materialism are the core content of Marxist philosophy and the worldview and methodology of Marxism. In the critical period of the great development and flourishing of Marxism, it is all the more necessary to consolidate the philosophical foundation and always unswervingly uphold dialectical materialism and historical materialism, so as to ensure that theoretical innovation and practical innovation proceed steadily and far along the correct direction and path. General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: “The scientific nature and revolutionary character of Marxist theory originate from the scientific worldview and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, which provide us with a powerful ideological weapon for understanding and transforming the world and point out the correct forward direction for world socialism.”[18]18 Xi Only by truly understanding and applying the basic principles and methods of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, by unifying the scientific and revolutionary character of Marxism, its class character and people-centered character, its classical character and contemporary character, its truth view and value view, and its theory and practice, can we accurately grasp the pulse of the times, recognize the essence of problems and contradictions, and, in response to the themes of the times, principal contradictions, main tasks, and challenges of different historical periods, continuously formulate new measures and adopt new methods, thereby summarizing new experiences, generalizing new viewpoints, and refining new discourses, better explaining the characteristics of the era, the spiritual outlook, the main tasks, and the goals of struggle in the new period, solving the problems of the times, answering the confusions of the times, and further enriching and developing Marxism.

辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义是马克思主义哲学的核心内容，是马克思主义的世界观和方法论。在马克思主义大发展大繁荣的关键时期，更应该筑牢哲学根基，始终坚持辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义不动摇，才能保证理论创新与实践创新沿着正确的方向和道路行稳致远。习近平总书记指出：“马克思主义理论的科学性和革命性源于辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的科学世界观和方法论，为我们认识世界、改造世界提供了强大思想武器，为世界社会主义指明了正确前进方向。” 只有真正懂得并运用辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的基本原理和方法，把马克思主义科学性与革命性统一起来、阶级性与人民性统一起来、经典性与时代性统一起来、真理观与价值观统一起来、理论与实践统一起来，才能准确把握时代脉搏，认清问题和矛盾的本质，针对不同历史时期的时代主题、主要矛盾、主要任务和面临的挑战，不断制定出新举措、采取新办法，从而总结出新经验、概括出新观点、提炼出新论述，更好地阐释新时期的时代特征、精神面貌、主要任务和奋斗目标，解决时代难题、解答时代困惑，进一步丰富和发展马克思主义。

(2) Always unswervingly uphold the unity of scientific character and revolutionary character

（二）始终坚持科学性与革命性相统一不动摇

The unity of scientific character and revolutionary character is the essential feature of Marxism. Marxism reveals the essence and general laws of nature, human society, and human thought; it is the science concerning the liberation of human society and the realization of socialism and communism. This scientific character is premised on critique. The critical character of Marxism is manifested not only in its critique of idealist philosophy and the old materialist worldview but also in the spiritual essence of Marxist philosophy itself. “Dialectics, however, is nothing but the science of the general laws of motion and development of nature, human society, and thought. … For dialectics, there is nothing final, absolute, sacred. It reveals the transitory character of everything and in everything; nothing can endure before it except the uninterrupted process of becoming and of passing away, of endless ascendancy from the lower to the higher. And dialectics itself is nothing more than the reflection of this process in the thinking brain. It has, therefore, a critical and revolutionary character.”[19]19 V. I. Lenin, “Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism” (1913).

科学性与革命性的统一是马克思主义的本质特征。马克思主义揭示了自然界、人类社会和人的思维的本质和一般规律，是关于人类社会解放、实现社会主义和共产主义的科学。这一科学性以批判性为前提。马克思主义的批判性不仅表现在对唯心主义哲学和旧唯物主义世界观的批判上，也表现在马克思主义哲学自身的精神实质上。“辩证法不崇拜任何东西，按其本质来说，它是批判的和革命的” 。

To uphold and develop Marxism in the New Era, it is essential to firmly adhere to the essential requirement of the unity of scientificity and revolutionary character. We must both preserve the scientific core of Marxism, deeply study and master its basic principles and methodology, and accurately grasp the objective laws of the development of the times; and forever maintain a revolutionary spirit, dare to face the new changes and new contradictions of capitalism, courageously criticize various erroneous trends of thought, and in the practice of advancing Chinese-path modernization, firmly establish a stance of struggle and innovate methods of struggle. Only in this way can Marxism forever maintain its scientific theoretical character and distinct revolutionary essence, continuously opening up new realms and radiating new vitality in the great practice of the New Era.

新时代坚持和发展马克思主义，必须牢牢守住科学性与革命性相统一的本质要求。既要坚守马克思主义的科学内核，深入学习掌握其基本原理与方法论，准确把握时代发展的客观规律；又要永葆革命精神，敢于直面资本主义的新变化与新矛盾，勇于批判各类错误思潮，在推进中国式现代化的实践中坚定斗争立场、创新斗争方法。唯有如此，才能让马克思主义始终保持科学的理论品格与鲜明的革命底色，在新时代的伟大实践中不断开辟新境界、焕发新活力。

(III) Always Uphold the Unity of Thorough Theory and Conscious Practice Without Vacillation

（三）始终坚持彻底的理论与自觉的实践相统一不动摇

Thorough theory and conscious practice are products of the development of human society to a certain historical stage. Without the guidance of thorough theory, practice will degenerate into vulgarity due to the expansion of spontaneity; conversely, even the most thorough theory, if it leaves the testing, enrichment, and development of conscious practice, will become rigid dogma. Marxism is a thorough theoretical system. Conscious proletarian practice is the highest form of human social practice. The two are unified in the communist movement, jointly advancing the realization of the cause of the liberation of all humanity.

彻底的理论与自觉的实践是人类社会发展到一定历史阶段的产物，没有彻底的理论作为指导，实践就会因自发性的膨胀而走向庸俗堕落；而理论即使再彻底，如果离开自觉实践的检验、丰富和发展，也会变成僵化的教条。马克思主义是彻底的理论体系，自觉的无产阶级实践是人类社会实践的最高形式，两者统一于共产主义运动，共同推动全人类解放事业的实现。

Marxism is a thorough theoretical system. The emergence of Marxism is the greatest and most profound transformation in the history of human thought; it is thorough materialism. Lenin considered it “complete philosophical materialism” and “the greatest achievement of scientific thought.” [19]19 V. I. Lenin, “Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism” (1913). In terms of breadth, Marxism depicts the scientific picture of the entire material world, covering all fields of nature, human society, and human thought, and organically linking them together. In terms of depth, Marxism grasps the root of things, the essence and laws of the material world, providing answers to the fundamental questions of what the essence of the world is, how the world exists, how to correctly understand the world, and how to correctly transform the world. In terms of process, Marxism focuses on the movement, change, and development of reality and practice, deepening the understanding of laws from people’s practical activities, continuously opening up new paths, and reasonably explaining the relationships between ideal and reality, tradition and modernity, interpreting the world and changing the world. In terms of subject, Marxism represents the fundamental interests of the proletariat and the broad masses of the people. Its standpoint is not civil society, which represents the interests of a part, but “human society or socialized humanity,” which represents the interests of all humanity. [20]20 Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach” (1845), Thesis X.

马克思主义是彻底的理论体系。马克思主义的产生是人类思想史上的最伟大、最深刻的变革，是彻底的唯物主义。列宁认为它是“完备的哲学唯物主义”、是“科学思想中最伟大的成果” 。从广度上看，马克思主义描绘了整个物质世界的科学图景，涵盖了自然界、人类社会和人类思维的所有领域，并把它们有机联系在一起。从深度上看，马克思主义抓住了事物的根本，抓住了物质世界的本质和规律，为人们解答了世界的本质是什么、世界是怎样存在的、如何正确认识世界、如何正确改造世界这一根本性问题。从过程上看，马克思主义聚焦于现实和实践的运动变化发展，从人们的实践活动中深化规律认识，不断地开辟新道路，合理解释了理想与现实、传统与现代、解释世界和改造世界之间的关系。从主体上看。马克思主义代表了无产阶级和广大人民群众的根本利益，它的立足点不是代表部分人利益的市民社会，而是代表全人类利益的“人类社会或社会的人类” 。

The practice of Marxism is conscious proletarian practice. Different from speculative and intuitive views of practice, the Marxist view of practice is not individual-centered, spontaneous practice, but human social practice—objective, common, and universal practice. This practice “contains a demand for theory, and is therefore conscious, aiming at lofty ideals; contains the value orientation of universal interests in reality, i.e., the interests of the people, and is therefore revolutionary and critical; contains a life orientation of investing the finiteness of the individual into the infinite cause of human liberation and thereby obtaining the eternal value of life, and is therefore positive and uplifting.” [21]21 Author’s paraphrase of a standard Chinese Marxist formulation; no single source identified. Because the proletariat owns no means of production, is a class “bound by total chains,” [22]22 Karl Marx, “A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: Introduction” (1844). and is a class that can only liberate itself by liberating all humanity, only practice based on the interests of the proletariat can represent the future of human society, can closely integrate individual practice with the practice of human society, and can find common goals of struggle in trivial, scattered, and concrete daily life practices, finding the core soul for gathering strength and converging consensus.

马克思主义的实践是自觉的无产阶级实践。与思辨的实践观和直观的实践观不同，马克思主义实践观不是个人本位的、自发的实践，而是人类社会实践，是客观的、共同的、普遍的实践，这种实践“内含着对于理论的需求，因而是自觉的，以崇高的理想追求为目标的；内含着现实普遍利益即人民大众利益的价值导向，因而是革命的，批判的；内含着把个人有限性投入无限的人类解放事业并从中获得生命永恒价值的人生导向，因而是积极的、向上的” 。由于无产阶级没有任何生产资料，是一个“被彻底的锁链束缚着的阶级” ，是一个只有解放全人类才能解放自身的阶级，所以只有立足无产阶级利益的实践，才能代表人类社会的未来，才能把个人的实践与人类社会实践紧密结合起来，才能在琐碎的、零散的、具体的日常生活实践中找到共同的奋斗目标，找到凝聚力量、汇聚共识的核心灵魂。

The thoroughness of theory cannot do without the nourishment and testing of practice, and the consciousness of practice cannot do without the guidance and regulation of theory. This dialectical unity requires that the Party’s theoretical innovation must both adhere to the fundamental stance, basic principles, and scientific methods of Marxism, ensuring that innovation does not deviate or go astray, and, with a pioneering spirit of daring to be the first, continuously enrich and develop theory according to the changes and developments in practice, discarding outdated individual theses and breaking through rigid ideological barriers. We must uphold the organic unity of upholding fundamental principles and breaking new ground: uphold the “fundamental principles” of Marxism, uphold the “fundamental principles” of the Party’s original aspiration and founding mission, uphold the “fundamental principles” of the people’s fundamental interests; and create the “new” of practical development, create the “new” of problem-solving, create the “new” of civilizational progress. This allows theoretical innovation to both carry forward the tradition and keep pace with the times, thereby forever maintaining strong vitality and guiding power, providing solid theoretical support for the development of the Party and the state’s undertakings in the New Era.

理论的彻底性离不开实践的滋养与检验，实践的自觉性也离不开理论的引领与规范，这种辩证统一关系要求党的理论创新既要坚守马克思主义的根本立场、基本原理和科学方法，确保创新不偏向、不走样，又要以敢为人先的创新精神，根据实践的发展变化不断丰富和发展理论，摒弃过时的个别论断，突破思想的固化藩篱。要坚持守正与创新的有机统一，守马克思主义之“正”，守党的初心使命之“正”，守人民根本利益之“正”，创实践发展之“新”，创问题解决之“新”，创文明进步之“新”，让理论创新既一脉相承又与时俱进，从而始终保持强大的生命力与引领力，为新时代党和国家事业发展提供坚实的理论支撑。

(IV) Always Uphold the Unity of the Proletariat’s Class Character and People’s Character Without Vacillation

（四）始终坚持无产阶级的阶级性与人民性相统一不动摇

The inherent unity of class character and people’s character is an important feature of Marxism. On the one hand, Marxism is the world outlook and methodology of the proletariat, scientifically explaining the nature, purpose, and conditions of liberation of the proletarian struggle, possessing a distinct class character. The class essence and class stance of Marxism must never be discarded. It is wrong to negate the class character of Marxism and understand Marxism from a supra-class perspective. On the other hand, Marxism takes the complete liberation of all humanity as its value pursuit, possessing a broad people’s character. All theories of Marxism take the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people as their starting point and goal, regarding the realization, safeguarding, and development of the fundamental interests of the broadest masses of the people, and the realization of the liberation of all humanity and the free and comprehensive development of each individual, as the highest value pursuit. Marx and Engels clearly pointed out: “All previous movements were movements of minorities or in the interests of minorities. The proletarian movement is the independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.” [23]23 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, *The Communist Manifesto* (1848), Chapter II. Always standing on the side of the masses of the people and serving the people is the political stance and value pursuit of Marxism.

阶级性与人民性的内在统一是马克思主义的重要特征。一方面，马克思主义是无产阶级的世界观和方法论，科学阐释了无产阶级斗争的性质、目的和解放条件，具有鲜明的阶级性。马克思主义的阶级本质和阶级立场，任何时候都不能丢掉。否定马克思主义阶级性，用超阶级的观点理解马克思主义是错误的。另一方面，马克思主义以实现全人类的彻底解放为价值追求，具有广泛的人民性。马克思主义的全部理论都是以广大人民群众的根本利益为出发点和落脚点，把实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民群众的根本利益，把实现全人类的解放和每个人自由而全面的发展作为最高的价值追求。马克思恩格斯明确指出：“过去的一切运动都是少数人的或者为少数人谋利益的运动。无产阶级的运动是绝大多数人的、为绝大多数人谋利益的独立的运动。” 始终站在人民群众的立场，为人民服务，是马克思主义的政治立场和价值追求。

The inherent unity of class character and people’s character is the distinct hallmark of the century-long struggle of the Communist Party of China. As a Marxist ruling party, the CPC has deeply engraved this principle on its banner since its birth. In the different historical periods of revolution, construction, and reform and opening up, it has always safeguarded the people’s interests with a firm class stance and practiced its class mission with profound people’s sentiment, never wavering in the slightest. Entering the New Era, the unity of class character and people’s character has been endowed with richer contemporary connotations and distinct practical characteristics. From a theoretical dimension, it both inherits the core concepts of the Marxist political party regarding its nature and purpose, adhering to the proletarian stance; and, based on the reality of the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, deeply integrates the value concept of putting the people first into the entire process of theoretical innovation, ensuring that the results of adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times always possess both a clear class stance and profound people’s sentiment. From a practical dimension, this unity is concretized in all the Party’s work and actions. Upholding the unity of class character and people’s character in the New Era provides us with a fundamental stance and clear value orientation for solving the development challenges of the New Era and steering the course of national rejuvenation, ensuring that the Party’s theoretical innovation never deviates from the correct direction, laying a solid foundation for continuously opening up new horizons in adapting Marxism to the Chinese context and the needs of the times and realizing the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

阶级性与人民性的内在统一是中国共产党百年奋斗的鲜明底色。中国共产党作为马克思主义执政党，自诞生之日起就将这一原则深深镌刻在自己的旗帜上，在革命、建设、改革的不同历史时期，始终以坚定的阶级立场守护人民利益，以深厚的人民情怀践行阶级使命，从未有过丝毫动摇。进入新时代，阶级性与人民性的统一被赋予了更为丰富的时代内涵和鲜明的实践特质。从理论维度看，它既传承了马克思主义关于无产阶级政党性质和宗旨的核心理念，坚守无产阶级立场；又立足中国特色社会主义发展现实，将人民至上的价值理念深度融入理论创新的全过程，确保马克思主义中国化时代化的成果始终兼具明确的阶级立场和深厚的人民情怀。从实践维度看，这种统一具象化于党的各项工作与行动之中。新时代坚持阶级性与人民性的统一，为我们破解新时代发展难题、引领民族复兴航向提供了根本立场和清晰的价值导向，确保党的理论创新始终不偏离正确方向，为不断开辟马克思主义中国化时代化新境界、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦奠定坚实基础。

Conclusion

结 语

The key reason Marxism can traverse the vicissitudes of the times and remain vibrant lies in its constant alignment with the times and resonance with practice. The transformation of Kautsky’s thought warns us that once theoretical innovation deviates from the essential attributes and basic principles of Marxism and departs from the practical needs of the times, it will lose its vitality. Currently, as world changes unseen in a century accelerate and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation enters a critical period, theoretical innovation faces new challenges from the transformation of the times, and the task of theoretical innovation is more arduous and urgent than ever before. We must always adhere to the basic principles of Marxism without wavering, always adhere to the Two Integrations without wavering, consolidate the foundation of theoretical innovation, enable Marxism to radiate even more brilliant truth in the China of the New Era, and provide solid theoretical support for comprehensively building a modern socialist country and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

马克思主义之所以能够穿越时代风云而永葆生机，关键在于其始终与时代同行、与实践同频。考茨基思想的蜕变警示我们，理论创新一旦偏离马克思主义的本质属性与基本原则、脱离时代的实践需求，就会丧失生命力。当前，世界百年变局加速演进，中华民族伟大复兴进入关键时期，理论创新面临时代变革的新挑战，理论创新的任务比以往任何时候都更加艰巨迫切。我们要始终坚持马克思主义基本原理不动摇，始终坚持“两个结合”不动摇，筑牢理论创新之基，让马克思主义在新时代中国不断焕发出更加璀璨的真理光芒，为全面建设社会主义现代化国家、实现中华民族伟大复兴提供坚实理论支撑。